Thursday, January 3, 2019

Music Video - Michael Jackson - Beat It

Video Report - #China #Moon China Moon Landing: Spacecraft makes first landing on dark side

Video Report - #Pelosi: 'Open discussion' whether a sitting president can be indicted

Video Report - #pelosi - Nancy Pelosi takes House speaker oath with children at her side

Video Report - #Pelosi - Nancy Pelosi elected House speaker, lays out agenda

Music Video - DILBAR DILBAR

Imran Khan Points Fingers at India, but Can Pakistan Reassure Its Minorities?


Vivek Katju
Even if questions over Khan's commitment to improve the situation for minorities are kept aside, he cannot take on the army and the ulema to address institutionalised discrimination.
Twice in the past fortnight, Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan criticised the current treatment of minorities in India. Naseeruddin Shah’s comments, which captured the anguish of many Indians, on the December 3 Bulandshahr mob violence during which inspector Subodh Kumar Singh was murdered provided him the opportunity to do so.
On December 22, Khan said, “We will show the Modi government how to treat minorities. Even in India, people are saying that minorities are not being treated as equal citizens”. Three days later, on Pakistan’s founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s birthday, Khan tweeted, “Quaid envisaged Pakistan as a democratic, just and compassionate nation. Most importantly he wanted our minorities to be equal citizens. It should be remembered that his early political career was as an ambassador for Hindu-Muslim unity”.
These have not been the only instances where Khan has felt impelled to point fingers at India for ‘mistreating’ its minorities, while urging his own people to treat Pakistan’s minorities fairly and with dignity.
In a video of his speeches on minorities put out by the Pakistan Tehreek -e-Insaf (PTI) before the 2018 national elections, he urged equal rights and opportunities for the minorities in keeping with the system established by Prophet Mohammad in Medina and in accordance with Jinnah’s vision as mentioned in his August 11 speech to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.
Delving into history, Khan made the same claim as he did now in his December 25 tweets that Jinnah left the Congress and joined the Muslim League for the creation of Pakistan only when he realised that Muslims would not get their rights and remain equal citizens in a united India. In this context he went on to state, “As I look at Narendra Modi’s India, truly Quaid-e-Azam’s apprehensions were justified in view of the condition of the Muslims, minorities and the Christian community there”.
India and Pakistan have traded accusations on the treatment of minorities in the past. In a reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha in July last year, external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj said, “The issue of the continued poor condition and mistreatment of minority communities in Pakistan has been highlighted by India at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC)”.
Pakistan and minority issues
The main question before Khan, however, is not how India treats its minorities, but if he can move Pakistan in a positive direction on minority issues. For this purpose, he will have to undertake a ruthless examination of the compatibility of the Medina example based on a theological model with the nature of Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan, which was rooted in a liberal secular approach. He will also have to take into account the Pakistan army’s ideological vision and its determination to uphold it. Finally, there is the question of the depth and clarity of Khan’s own convictions and of his political stamina. In her book on Pakistan’s religious minorities, Purifying the Land of the Pure, Farahnaz Ispahani notes the country’s “foundational dilemma”: is it a “Muslim homeland” or an “Islamic state”? The Medina example calls for the latter while Jinnah’s address is based on the former idea. Jinnah’s August 11 speech envisions a country in which all men are equal “no matter what is his colour, caste, or creed is first, second, and last a citizen of the State with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end of progress you will make”. He elaborated this further in the same speech: You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State.
Prima facie, there is no doubt that these words reflected the views of Jinnah, the liberal-moderate who was immersed in British constitutionalism and had, till he turned his back on the Congress, a horror for mixing religion and politics. Clearly, his inspiration derived from classic secularism.The problem was that in destroying the prospects of a united secular India through his advocacy of Pakistan on the basis of the two-nation theory, Jinnah had also effectively thwarted the chance of Pakistan becoming a secular, democratic and liberal homeland where Muslims would be in a majority. Another problem with Jinnah’s position was the implication that liberal and democratic values were safe in a Muslim majority country but not in one with a Hindu majority.
The communal genie had been effectively let out by the formation of the Muslim League in 1906 and Jinnah relentlessly used it to achieve Pakistan. At the time of the creation of Pakistan, it was simply too late for him to ask his people to become secular and treat the minorities as equal.
Jinnah’s speech ignored
Thus, Jinnah’s August 11 address embarrassed his Muslim League colleagues who, in any case, had no commitment to liberal principles; his words were therefore ignored. Jinnah passed away in September 1948 and the question of the fundamental orientation of Pakistan’s polity remained unresolved.
The ulema (a body of Islamic scholars), including Maulana Maududi the founder of the Jamaat-e- Islami, pressed for a clear declaration that Pakistan will be an Islamic country where primacy would be given to the Islamic sharia in the legal structure of the country. Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan tried to bridge the irreconcilable chasm between an Islamic state and a secular homeland for Muslims by a compromise in the shape of an Objectives Resolution adopted in 1949. It has since then been part of every Pakistani constitution.
The Objectives Resolution’s first assertion itself made Pakistan a theocratic state: “Sovereignty belongs to Allah alone,” it declared. Having done so, it tried to impart a critical role for the people by creating the fudge of its delegation to the “people” who could only exercise it within the bounds prescribed by Allah himself.
The resolution further clarified that Muslims would be “enabled to lead their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teaching of Islam as set out in the holy Quran and Sunnah”. And as for non-Muslims, it merely provided the assurance that, “Adequate provision shall be made for the minorities to freely profess and practice their religions and develop their cultures.”
Thus, within months of Jinnah’s death, the notion of Pakistan as a Muslim homeland based on secular, liberal principles was formally set aside in favour of an Islamic state. Since then, no Pakistani leader has ever sought to go back to Jinnah’s August speech. Certainly, Imran Khan has no intention to do so despite his invoking his name. Naya Pakistan will never be the Pakistan Jinnah envisioned in his August 11 speech. In fact, Khan, like all his predecessors, will continue to paint Jinnah in Islamic, if not Islamist, colours.
Once the direction of the country as an Islamic state was set, it was inevitable that the ulema would gradually gain ideological ascendancy. Initially, the Pakistani political class and the army sought to constrain their role in policy making. Thus, they resisted the declaration of the Ahmadis as non-Muslims, though they allowed full play to popular prejudice against the Hindus. Tall talk, but no sympathy For all his tall talk, Imran Khan also has no time or sympathy for the Ahmadis. This was demonstrated after he rescinded the inclusion of Atif Mian, an outstanding economist, from the Prime Ministers Economic Advisory Council only because the ulema protested that an Ahmadi should not be given an important office.
President General Zia-ul-Haq took Pakistan towards austere and rigid Islam. He sought to mainstream the sharia through the country’s legal system and made the death penalty mandatory under the country’s blasphemy laws. The burden of these laws and the way they are implemented has been borne by the minorities. The Pakistani courts have seldom shown the courage to stand against popular opinion and provide justice. It was therefore creditable that the Supreme Court recently acquitted Asia Bibi, but the Imran Khan government has not had the courage to let her travel abroad because of fear of the ulema, who have sought a revision of the decision.
The Pakistan army also has a view on the ideological orientation of the country. It conceives the country as an Islamic state and as a body corporate, is comfortable with Zia’s austere vision of Islam, though lip-service is paid to moderate Islam. The army looks upon the minorities with suspicion, though it has positively treated the Sikhs to dilute their commitment to India. This is a vain hope, but Pakistan persists pursuing it nevertheless. Lahore based lawyer Latif Hamdani summed up the situation of the non-Muslims in Pakistan in an article carried on the Jinnah institute website a few years ago. He wrote:
While the constitution of Pakistan 1973 guarantees equality of citizenship, it creates far too many bars against Non-Muslims for this to mean anything concrete. A Non-Muslim Pakistani today is not allowed to hold the highest offices in the state. A Non-Muslim member of parliament has to protect the undefined Islamic ideology.
Even if Imran Khan’s oft repeated desire to improve the situation of Pakistani minorities is true, he simply cannot take on the army or the ulema to address the institutionalised discrimination against the minorities, nor their general exploitation and maltreatment. All he can do is to make rhetorical statements and try to put India in the dock while Pakistan remains in the grip of communalism and sectarianism.

#Pakistan's Shia Genocide - 52 SHIA MUSLIMS EMBRACE MARTYRDOM DUE TO TERROR ATTACKS IN 2018

At least 52 Shia Muslims were killed in targeted terrorist attacks across Pakistan where Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province remained the most-hit province of Pakistan so far as Shia genocide is concerned.

At least 41 Shia Muslims were reportedly killed in various terror attacks in 2018 in different areas of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. The notorious takfiri terrorists of outlawed Deobandi outfits such as Sipah-e-Sahaba (ASWJ) or its subsidiary Lashkar-e-Jhangvi have remained involved in the pogrom against the Shia Muslims.
In Balochistan province, at least 7 Shia Muslims were killed due to terrorist attacks in 2018. 

Sindh province saw 4 martyrdoms of Shia Muslims whereas reports from Punjab had it although no killing was reported, Shia Muslims suffer from government-sponsored restrictions of their religious and cultural rituals.

http://www.shiitenews.org/index.php/pakistan/item/36319-52-shia-muslims-embrace-martyrdom-due-to-terror-attacks-in-2018

سندھ حکومت کی تبدیلی: سپریم کورٹ نے آگ پر پانی پھینک دیا

تحریک انصاف کی جانب سے سندھ حکومت کی تبدیلی سے متعلق چائے کی پیالی میں اٹھائے جانے والے طوفان کو سپریم کورٹ کے ایک ہی ہلے نے ٹھنڈا کردیا سپریم کورٹ نے جعلی اکاؤنٹس کیس میں جے آئی ٹی کے خط پر 172 افرادکے نام ای سی ایل میں ڈالنے پر سخت برہمی کا اظہار کرتے ہوئے وفاقی حکومت کو ای سی ایل لسٹ پر نظرثانی کے احکامات جاری کئے، سپریم کورٹ نے کہاکہ اگر گورنرراج لگا تو اسے ایک ہی منٹ میں اڑادیں گےاورگورنر راج کس آئین کے تحت لگے گا مسٹروزیرداخلہ اپنے بڑوں کو بتادیں ملک آئین کے تحت چلے گاجے آئی ٹی کی رپورٹ آسمانی صحیفہ نہیںہے جمہوریت کو پٹری سے اترنے نہیں دیں گے جے آئی ٹی کی رپورٹ کی بنیاد پر حکومت گرانے کی اجازت نہیں دے سکتے سپریم کورٹ نے وزیراعلیٰ سندھ سیدمرادعلی شاہ کا نام ای سی ایل میں شامل کرنے پر کہاکہ دوسرے بڑے صوبے کے چیف ایگزیکیٹو کا نام ای سی ایل میں کیسے ڈال سکتے ہیں؟ سپریم کورٹ کی جانب سےجعلی اکاؤنٹس کے ازخود نوٹس کی سماعت سے قبل خبر گرم تھی کہ "پی پی پی کے سندھ میں اڑیں گے پرزے" تاہم سپریم کورٹ کے ریمارکس کے بعد پی ٹی آئی کے وہ رہنما جو سندھ میں پی پی پی کی حکومت گرانے کے لیے سرگرم ہوگئے تھے ٹھنڈے ہوگئے اس سے قبل پی ٹی آئی کے رہنماوں خرم شیرزماں اور حلیم عادل شیخ نے دعویٰ کیا تھا کہ انہیں سندھ میں مطلوبہ اکثریت تقریباً حاصل ہوچکی ہے اور پی پی پی کی حکومت پل بھر کی بات ہےاس ضمن میں وفاقی وزیراطلاعات فواد چوہدری نے کراچی کے دورے کا شیڈول بھی دے دیا تاکہ وہ اپوزیشن جماعتوں سے رابطے کرسکیں دوسری جانب پی ٹی آئی کے رہنما حلیم عادل شیخ اور فردوس شمیم نقوی اپوزیشن جماعتوں سے رابطے کررہے تھے دوسری جانب وفاقی وزیراطلاعات فوادچوہدری نے کنگری ہاؤس سے ٹائم لیے بغیر پیرپگاڑا سے ملاقات کرنے کا اعلان کردیا تھا تاہم کہاجارہا ہے کہ پیرپگاڑا نے فواد چوہدری سے ملنے سے انکار کردیا یہ بھی کہاجارہا ہے کہ سپریم کورٹ کے ریمارکس کے بعدوفاقی وزیر نے کراچی کا دورہ ملتوی کردیا سیاسی حلقوں کے مطابق پی ٹی آئی نے جے آئی ٹی رپورٹ آنے کے بعد سیاسی بلوغت کا مظاہرہ نہیں کیا اور سندھ حکومت کی تبدیلی سے متعلق متعدد بیانات داغ کر یہ تاثر دینے کی کوشش کہ ادارے ان کی پشت۔پر ہیں جے آئی ٹی کی رپورٹ کے بعدعدالتی فیصلے تک انتظار کیا جاتا تو پی ٹی آئی کے لیے بہتر ہوتا اس معاملے پر پی ٹی آئی کو سیاسی سبکی کا سامنا کرنا پڑا سندھ حکومت کی تبدیلی پرپسپائی کے بعد پی پی پی کی قیادت نے جارحانہ انداز اختیار کرلیا پیپلزپارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو نے کہاکہ اگر آصف زرداری اشارہ کریں تو پی ٹی آئی حکومت ختم کردیں گے ہمیں وفاقی حکومت گرانے کے لیے چھ ووٹوںکی ضرورت ہے پی ٹی آئی اور پی پی پی کے درمیان سیاسی چپقلش عروج پر پہنچ چکی ہے پی ٹی آئی مفادعامہ کے کاموںکے بجائے سیاسی محاذ آرائیوں میں الجھ گئی ہے جس کی وجہ سے ان کی کارکردگی پر منفی اثرات مرتب ہورہے ہیں یہ بھی کہاجارہا ہے کہ سندھ حکومت کی تبدیلی سے متعلق پی ٹی آئی کی سرگرمیوں کے بعد پی پی پی نے سینیٹ کے چیئرمین کی تبدیلی کی دھمکی دی تھی جس کے بعد پی ٹی آئی کو اپنی حکمت عملی تبدیل کرنی پڑی تھی سندھ کے موجودہ سیاسی منظر نامے میں صورتحال انتہائی تیزی سے تبدیل ہوتی نظرآرہی ہے جعلی وبے نامی اکاؤنٹس، بیرون ملک مبینہ جائیدادیں ظاہرنہ کرنے کے معاملے پرپی پی پی کی قیادت انتہائی مشکلات کا شکار ہے۔کہاجارہا ہے کہ جعلی اکاؤنٹس کیس میں سابق صدر آصف علی زرداری اور فریال تالپورپر ناصرف تاحیات نااہلی کی تلوار لٹک رہی ہے بلکہ بعض حلقے ان کے جیل جانے کی بھی باتیں کررہے ہیں اس ضمن میں پی پی پی کے بعض اہم رہنماؤں کے نام بھی لیے جارہے ہیں۔ جے آئی ٹی رپورٹ میں سابق صدر آصف علی زرداری اور فریال تالپور کے ظاہر نہ کئے گئے اثاثوں سے متعلق اہم انکشافات کئے گئے ہیں جے آئی ٹی کی رپورٹس کے مطابق دونوں نے بیرون ملک جائیدادیں چھپائیں دوسری طرف منی لانڈرنگ کیس میں بھی پی پی پی کے اہم رہنماؤں کے نام سامنے آئے ہیں پی پی پی نے جے آئی ٹی میں نام آنے پر احتجاج نہ کرنے کا فیصلہ کیا ہے۔تاہم یہ سوال اہم ہے کہ پی پی پی کی قیادت مبینہ گرفتاریوں کے بعد بھی احتجاج نہیں کرے گی اور عدالتی جنگ لڑے گی اگر پی پی پی کی قیادت احتجاج کرتی ہے تو انہیں اس کی قیمت چکانی پڑے گی ،کیا پی پی پی کی قیاد ت سندھ حکومت کی قیمت پر احتجاج کی راہ اختیار کرے گی اور کیا اس احتجاج میں مسلم لیگ(ن) ان کا ساتھ دے گی یہ وہ سوالات ہیں جن پر مستقبل کی سیاست کا دارومدار ہے دوسری جانب پی پی پی کی قیادت کو گرفتارکرنا حکومت کے لیے بھی مشکل کام ہوگا کیا صرف چھ ووٹوں کی اکثریت کی بنیاد پر قائم حکومت اپنے لیے تیسرا سیاسی محاذ کھولے گی، حکومت کو فضل الرحمن اور مسلم لیگ(ن) کی صورت میں دو محاذوں پر جنگ لڑناپڑرہی ہے پی پی پی کی قیادت کو گرفتار کرکے وہ تیسرا محاذ بھی کھول دے گی تاہم پی ٹی آئی اس سے صرف نظربھی نہیں کرسکتی کیونکہ پی ٹی آئی کرپشن کے خاتمے کانعرہ لگاکر حکومت میں آئی ہے موجودہ صورتحال میں حکومت اور اپوزیشن دونوں ہی سیاسی مشکلات کا شکار ہے۔یہ بھی کہاجارہا ہے کہ مسلم لیگ(ن) کی قیادت کو جیل یاترا کرانے کے بعد اگر پی پی پی کی قیادت بھی جیل چلی گئی تو ایسی صورتحال میں ملک میں ایک پارٹی نظام نافذ ہو جائے گا شتربے مہار بن جائے گی جس کے بعد حکومتی پارٹی اور سیاسی آمریت ملک میں نافذ ہوجائے گی جمہوریت کے لیے اپوزیشن کاوجودلازمی ہے ادھر بے نظیربھٹو کی برسی کے موقع پر گڑھی خدابخش میں پی پی پی نے عوامی قوت کا مظاہرہ کیا جہاں بلاول بھٹواور آصف علی زرداری نے جارحانہ خطاب کیا بلاول بھٹو نے کہاکہ وفاق کمزور ہوچکا ہے ایک چنگاری سب کو راکھ کرسکتی ہے انہوں نے نام لیے بغیر مخاطب ہوکر کہاکہ شہیدوں کے خون کی قسم تمہاری سازشوں سے لڑوں گا عوام نئی جنگ کی تیاری کرلیں پی پی پی کی قیادت نے گڑھی خدابخش میں جارحانہ تقریریں ضرور کیں تاہم انہوں نے کارکنوں کو مستقبل کا روٹ میپ نہیں دیا اور نا ہی کسی سیاسی حکمت عملی کا اعلان کیا۔ ادھر متحدہ قومی موومنٹ کے سابق رکن قومی اسمبلی علی رضا عابدی کے قتل کی تفتیش میں مزید پیش رفت نہیں ہوسکی اور ناہی دس روز گزرجانے کے باوجود تفتیشی اہلکارقاتلوں تک پہنچ سکے، علی رضاعابدی کا قتل کراچی کے موجودہ حالات میں ایک بڑا واقعہ ہے، علی رضاعابدی گرچہ ایم کیو ایم چھوڑ چکے تھے تاہم وہ مہاجرسیاست کرنے والی پارٹیوں خصوصاً فاروق ستار اور ڈاکٹرخالدمقبول صدیقی گروپ کو یکجاکرنے کے لیے کوشاں تھے۔ علی رضاعابدی کا نام ملک بھر میں اس وقت سامنے آیا جب انہوں نے پاک سرزمین پارٹی اور ایم کیو ایم پاکستان کے انضمام کو تسلیم نہ کرتے ہوئے قومی اسمبلی سے مستعفی ہونے کا اعلان کیا تھا تاہم بعد میں انضمام ختم ہونے کے بعد انہوں نے یہ فیصلہ واپس لے لیا تھاا نہوں نےکراچی سے وزیراعظم عمران خان کے خلاف الیکشن لڑا تاہم وہ کامیاب نہیں ہوسکے تھے۔ بعدازاں ضمنی الیکشن میں انہیں پارٹی نے نامعلوم وجوہات کی بناپر پارٹی ٹکٹ نہیں دیا جس سے وہ دلبرداشتہ ہوکر ایک طرف ہوگئے تھے۔
https://jang.com.pk/news/594028-supreme-court

کاروبار ٹھپ، بیروزگاری عام۔ سب انڈے مرغی بیچو

انصار عباسی

تحریک انصاف حکومت نے وعدہ کیا تھا کہ ایک کروڑ نوکریاں دیں گے اور 
پچاس لاکھ گھر تعمیر کریں گے لیکن عمران خان کی حکومت کے پہلے چار ماہ کے دوران مختلف شعبوں سے تعلق رکھنے والے ہزاروں افراد کو نوکریوں سے نکالا جا چکا ہے اور یہ سلسلہ تاحال جاری ہے۔ کاروباری لوگ شکایت کر رہے ہیں کہ اُن کے کاروبار ٹھپ ہو رہے ہیں۔ پچاس لاکھ گھر تو نجانے کب بننا شروع ہوں گے مگر فی الوقت پراپرٹی، ہائوسنگ سوسائٹیوں اور گھروں کی تعمیر کے کاروبار کو ملک بھر میں شدید مندی کا سامنا ہے اور محض ہائوسنگ سوسائٹیوں نے بڑی تعداد میں اپنے ملازمین کو فارغ کر دیا ہے۔ حکومت نے گزشتہ تین چار ماہ کے دوران روپے کی قدر میں تاریخی کمی کرنے کے ساتھ ساتھ مختلف اقدامات کئے لیکن نہ ملکی معیشت کی بہتری کے اشارے مل رہے ہیں اورنہ ہی سرمایہ کاری، ٹیکس وصولی اور برآمدات میں اضافہ ہو رہا ہے بلکہ اس کے برعکس ٹیکس وصولی میں پہلے چھ ماہ کے دوران 175ارب کی کم وصولیاں ہوئی ہیں۔ سرمایہ کاری میں بھی کوئی بہتری نہیں دیکھی گئی، ترسیلاتِ زر بھی گزشتہ ایک دو ماہ سے پچھلے سال کے مقابلے میں کم ہو رہی ہیں۔ اندرونِ ملک کاروبار کرنے والے انویسٹمنٹ سے گھبرا رہے ہیں۔ آج (بدھ کو) شائع ہونے والی ایک خبر کے مطابق پبلک اکائونٹس کمیٹی کو بتایا گیا کہ سرکلر ڈیٹ مزید بڑھ کر تقریباً چودہ سو ارب تک پہنچ چکا ہے۔ بیرونِ ملک پاکستانیوں‘ جن پر عمران خان کو بہت بھروسہ تھا، بھی پاکستان میں پیسہ لگانے میں ابھی تک دلچسپی نہیں دکھا رہے۔ پاکستان کو سعودی عرب، متحدہ عرب امارات اور چین جیسے دوست ممالک سے کئی ارب ڈالر ملنے کے وعدے کے باوجود ملکی معیشت اور کاروبا ری حالات بہتر نہیں ہو رہے۔ اس کی وجوہات کیا ہیں، اس پر مختلف افراد کی آراءمختلف ہو سکتی ہیں لیکن ایک بات تو طے ہے کہ سیاسی استحکام کے بغیر نہ کوئی باہر سے پیسے پاکستان میں انویسٹ کرے گا اور نہ ہی ہمارے اپنے کاروباری حالات بہتر ہو سکتے ہیں۔ لیکن افسوس کہ عمران خان کی حکومت کو تو جیسے شوق ہے کہ نہ خود سکون سے رہنا ہے اور نہ ہی کسی دوسرے کو سکون سے رہنا دینا ہے۔ کوئی دن نہیں گزرتا کہ جب حکومت کی طرف سے ایک کے بعد ایک نیا تنازع پیدا نہ کیا جائے۔ جب وزیراعظم عمران خان خود کہیں کہ مڈٹرم الیکشن ہو سکتے ہیں، جب تحریک انصاف کے حکومتی وزرا اور تحریک انصاف کے رہنما اپنی حریف جماعت کی صوبائی حکومت کو گرانے کی بات کریں گے، گورنر راج لگانے کا اعلان کریں گے، اپوزیشن کے ساتھ لڑائی کا کوئی موقع ہاتھ سے جانے نہ دیں گے تو کوئی یہاں کیوں انویسٹمنٹ کرے گا؟ پھر یہاں کے کاروباری حالات کیسے بہتر ہوں گے؟ ایف بی آر کی جانب سے نئے ٹیکس دہندگان کو ڈھونڈنے کے بجائے‘ جو لوگ ٹیکس دیتے ہیں، اُنہیں کو نوٹس پر نوٹس دیئے جا رہے ہیں۔ فرنیچر کے کاروبار سے منسلک ایک بڑے کاروباری نے مجھے بتایا کہ وہ ایک ایماندار ٹیکس دہندہ ہے لیکن ٹیکس سے متعلقہ اداروں کے ہاتھوں اتنا تنگ ہے کہ اب سنجیدگی سے سوچ رہا ہے کہ اپنا کاروبار پاکستان میں بند کرکے کسی دوسرے ملک شفٹ ہو جائے۔ عدلیہ، حکومت اور سیاستدان بار بار یہ کہتے نہیں تھکتے کہ پاکستانیوں کے اربوں ڈالر باہر پڑے ہیں، ہزاروں کی تعداد میں پاکستانیوں نے دبئی، برطانیہ اور امریکہ وغیرہ میں جائیدادیں خرید رکھی ہیں۔ کوئی انہیں سمجھائے کہ جناب! پاکستان میں کاروباری افراد اور پیسے والوں کے ساتھ جو سلوک کیا جا رہا ہے، اُس کی وجہ سے جس کو موقع ملتا ہے، اپنا پیسہ ملک سے باہر لے جاتا ہے۔ یہاں تو جس کے پاس پیسہ ہے‘ اُسے چور ہی سمجھا جاتا ہے۔ اگر نیب سے تفصیلات طلب کی جائیں کہ پاکستان کے کن کاروباری افراد کے خلاف اُس نے سالہا سال سے فائلیں کھول رکھی ہیں تو پتا چلے گا کہ شاید ہی کوئی بڑا کاروباری نیب سے بچا ہو۔ ہمارے کتنے ایسے کاروباری افراد ہیں جنہوں نے یہاں کے حالات سے بددل ہو کر اپنا کاروبار بنگلہ دیش، دبئی اور دوسرے ممالک میں شفٹ کر دیا۔ کاروباری افراداور سرمایہ کاری کرنے والوں کے بارے میں کہا جاتا ہے کہ اُن کی مثال اُن پرندوں کی سی ہوتی ہے جو اُس درخت سے اُڑ جاتے ہیں جہاں وہ اپنے آپ کو محفوظ نہیں سمجھتے۔ اگر پاکستان میں سرمایہ کاری کرنا ہے، کاروبار کو بڑھانا ہے تو حکومت کو سرمایہ کاروں اور کاروباری طبقہ کو یقین دلانا ہو گا کہ اُن کا سرمایہ اور کاروبار نہ صرف یہاں محفوظ رہیں گے بلکہ وہ منافع بھی کمائیں گے اور اپنے کاروبار کو وسیع بھی کریں گے۔ اس کے لیے سیاسی استحکام بنیادی شرط ہے۔ جب کاروبار کرنے والوں کو یقین ہی نہ ہو کہ یہ حکومت رہے گی بھی یا نہیں، یا جب وہ حکومت کو ہر روز اپوزیشن سے لڑتے دیکھتے ہوں، جب اُنہیں معلوم ہو کہ حکومت نہ تو کوئی قانون سازی کرنے کے قابل ہے اور ہی کوئی مستقل پالیسی نظر آ رہی ہے تو پھر وہ کیونکر کاروبار اور سرمایہ کاری کریں گے؟ کاروباری طبقہ کے ساتھ زیادتی تو ہو رہی ہے کہ جو کاروبار اُن کا پہلے سے چل رہا تھا اُسے بھی بند کرنے کے حالات پیدا کیے جا رہے ہیں۔بڑھتی ہوئی بیروزگاری کے سبب خدشہ ہے کہ کہیں ایسی صورتحال پیدا نہ ہو جائے کہ تمام کاروبار ٹھپ ہو جائیں اور ہر کسی کو یہاں مرغیاں اور انڈے بیچ کر ہی گزارا کرنا پڑے۔ اگر یہ سلسلہ ایسے ہی چلتا رہا اور حکومت نے اپنا رویہ نہ بدلا تو پاکستان کو جلد ایک ایسے اقتصادی بحران کا سامنا ہو گا جس کا نقصان حکومت کے ساتھ ساتھ ملک کو بھی پہنچ سکتا ہے۔ کاش حکومت کو کوئی یہ بات سمجھائے!!!
https://jang.com.pk/news/594028-supreme-court

Rabeea Collier becomes First ever Pakistani American to become Judge in US


Pakistani American woman Rabeea Collier has become first ever female Judge of Pakistani origin in the United States.


She has become the judge of the 113th District Court in Harris Country in US state of Taxas.
She is married to Robert Collier, an attorney. They have two sons and live in North Houston.
She has served as a board member of the Harris County Democratic Lawyers' Association and Association of Women Attorneys.
Rabeea has also served on the Women in the Profession Committee of the State Bar of Texas.
She is a graduate of Kingwood High School in Houston, Texas. She earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Government from the University of Texas at Austin. She earned a Juris Doctor degree from Texas Southern University, Thurgood Marshall School of Law in Houston, Texas.

Pakistan - Destabilising the #PPP


Zahid Hussain
THE JIT report in the money-laundering case implicating top PPP leaders has generated a political storm. An attempt to bring about regime change in Sindh has exacerbated matters. The federal government’s clumsy move to impose a travel ban on all those named in the inquiry report, including Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah, and the PTI’s campaign for Mr Shah’s ouster have brought the swords out. The chief justice’s admonition may have dampened the PTI charge, but the game is not over yet.
Although the veracity of the JIT report has yet to be substantiated, the financial scandal involving the Zardari family has found the PPP and Sindh government in deep water. Most troubling for the party is that it is not only the fate of the former president that hangs in the balance, but also the political future of his son Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari. The young scion is seen by PPP supporters as their last hope of keeping alive the Bhutto legacy.
Despite being politically handicapped because of living under the shadow of his wily father, Bilawal has made significant impact on parliamentary politics. Being implicated in the financial scandal could affect his politics. The charges are indeed damning and could see the PPP leadership engaged in a prolonged legal and political battle that would constrain the party and the Sindh government.
Political engineering by the PTI in Sindh is not likely to work.
There seems to be little possibility of the provincial government being overthrown or governor rule being imposed in the province. But the crisis may well have revived the old project of political engineering in Sindh that could see defections being encouraged from the PPP. We have witnessed such a move in the province in the past too. The ‘successful’ political engineering of Karachi seems to have given impetus to the implementation of the plan at the provincial level.
Bad governance and allegations of widespread corruption have not helped the PPP’s cause. Still, it will not be easy to manipulate the recently elected provincial assembly. There is no Jam Sadiq to coerce into submission its members or buy them over. Any such step could fuel an ethnic divide and strengthen extremist sub-nationalist forces.
Any move to destabilise the provincial government would be disastrous for the entire system, particularly at a time when the country faces multiple economic and political challenges. The politics of confrontation will not benefit either side. The PTI’s move is reminiscent of the politics of the 1990s when governments were installed or removed overnight, an exercise that involved forcing or bribing legislators to switch sides.Ironically, the PTI, which came to power on the slogan of the rule of law and the sanctity of the vote, is becoming a key player in this sordid game. The reason behind the move against the PPP government is not the provincial government’s incompetence or the widespread allegations of corruption against party leaders; it is the desire for complete political control that is driving the campaign towards what some analysts describe as the establishment of a one-party system. That may never happen, but such moves could widen the political fault lines and have serious consequences for the integrity of the country.While the fears of the PPP of the country’s being pushed towards a unitary form of government and of an attempt to abolish the 18th Amendment may be exaggerated, there is little doubt regarding the PTI government’s intention to take control of the country’s second-largest province.
Its electoral victory in Karachi, the country’s largest city and its financial and industrial lifeline, has put the party on a strong footing in provincial politics. The PTI’s rise to becoming the second-largest party in Sindh with its control in the urban areas has completely changed the political dynamics of the troubled province. That has given the party a heady sense of power. The statements from the federal ministers and the PTI’s provincial leadership are a clear manifestation of the power syndrome at play.
Moreover, a strong centre has always been an issue close to the heart of the security establishment. The passage of the 18th Amendment through consensus among political parties across the board is seen with scepticism by the security establishment. The generals believe that greater financial and administrative autonomy for the provinces is detrimental to national integration and security. The top brass has expressed its reservations over the amendment publicly.The military’s main concern is that a greater share of finances going to the provinces not only weakens the federal government’s control but is also one of the causes of the country’s growing fiscal problems. The military’s reservation over the 18th Amendment came out strongly in remarks attributed to the army chief last year. That has also evoked a strong reaction from all the political parties signatory to the most critical changes in the country’s Constitution. The PTI, which had no representation in parliament in that period, is obviously not that keen about the amendment.
Surely there are some questions about devolving power and the capacity of the provinces to handle the situation emanating from the transfer of responsibilities, but those issues can be gradually overcome. For sure, there is also a need for reviewing the NFC award to address the serious fiscal problems faced by the federal government. But comments against the amendment naturally raise questions about the establishment’s intention and fuel conspiracy theories.
Unsurprisingly, the PPP has tried to connect the action against its leaders with the purported move to abolish the 18th Amendment. There may not be any linkage between them but it is mainly the responsibility of the government to dispel those concerns. The silence of the administration has further complicated the issue.
It is important to separate the accountability process from politics, but unfortunately, it is not happening. The government’s own actions and remarks reinforce apprehensions. Political engineering is not the solution; in fact, it has been the major cause of political instability in the country and the reason for the growing alienation within. Such a move has not worked in the past, nor will it work now.

#Pakistani #Christians faced worst religious freedom issues in year 2018




The Pakistani Christians always expressed their grave concerns on imposed election system which forced them to vote for Muslims in their constituencies and accept their representation selected by Muslim leaders on reserved seats in parliament.

As 2018 was election year in Pakistan and demand of voting right for them to elect their leaders with their vote in parliament on reserved seats became at full swing but unfortunately elections held on July 25, 2018, without due consideration to this due and genuine demand.

The Pakistani Christians enjoyed elections electing their representatives from national elections from 1985-98 but on intimation and pressure of powerful Pakistani establishment some religious leaders and Churches demanded Joint electorate and met military Dictator General Pervez Musharraf in Islamabad in 2000 and after that voting right for minorities were abolished and in 2002 national general elections that right was snatched and Muslim political parties were empowered to pick minority individuals of their choice and select on reserve seats in parliament.

The Churches and Christian clergy argued that Joint electorate system will make a way out to prevent Christians from false accusations of blasphemy laws as Muslims parliamentarians who will be elected by Christian votes will present legislation in parliament to stop misuse of blasphemy laws.



Unfortunately, none of Muslim member parliament member talked about stopping misuse of blasphemy laws but legislated military dictators’ orders of Joint electorate endorsed as part of constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan under 18th Amendment.

The Pakistani Christians witness rising abduction of Christian women and forcibly converting them to Islam, Gang rape of Christian women, murder of innocent Christians on petty issues and dispute covering under blasphemy laws, increasing unemployment of Christian youth in government and semi-government institutions and due share in resources of federation.

The only promising action was seen, the release of blasphemy accused Christian woman Asia Bibi was facing death sentence but again she was taken in protective custody by secret service agencies of Pakistan and moved to undisclosed location from release of jail where she was not even allowed to attend Christmas services; which disappointed all who expected freedom for Asia Bibi.

As conclusion, the year 2018 was not any year of relief for millions of Pakistani Christians but rising violence against them when justice was not ensured in any unjust incident against them.

#Pakistan - Time to honor Salmaan




It has been eight years since Salmaan Taseer was assassinated. The fact that Asia Bibi remains under lockdown even after the highest court in the land exonerated her from all charges of blasphemy indicates who holds the real power here in democratic Pakistan.
For as the previous year drew to a close, Khadim Rizvi emerged as the man of the moment and more. His Tehreek Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) had, after all, successfully reinvented itself as a legitimate political force; with two seats under its belt in the Sindh Assembly, no less. Hardly a poor show for a party that came into being to revere a murderer. Especially one that had all too readily been written off as an oddity; not in it for the long and a threat to none. Yet in an apparent bid to honour just how far Rizvi and the Labbaik boys had come — Prime Minister Imran Khan granted them their heart’s desire. And just like that Asia Bibi — the poor and illiterate Christian farm worker who spent the last nine years behind bars for confessing to blasphemy while a flash-mobbing and violent crowd bayed for her blood — was not released in accordance with the Supreme Court (SC) ruling. As an additional travesty, the ruling PTI caved into the illegitimate demand the latter review its own judgement. Had this been another time or place, the Centre might well have faced contempt of court. Thus the subsequent booking of the TLP big boys and their supporters for terrorism and treason carries reduced significance when incitement to religious hatred and murder are absent from the charge-sheet.
The government has been left considerably weakened and the preachers of bigoted hatred strengthened. And while Rizvi and his gang did not fire a single shot this time around — these turn of events underscore how the religious right have long ended the pretence of relying on faith or scholarly debate to win the fight. On display instead is an open admission of adopting violence towards this end; as these actors persecute their way to power and relevance.
It goes without saying that the aforementioned symmetry of events should have lent itself to haunting remembrance. Of Salmaan Taseer; a man who sacrificed his life in the struggle for Asia Bibi’s release and deliverance of justice. The memory of this ought to now appear before the incumbents as their very own Banquo’s ghost. Looming forever large as they approach international forums to protest western efforts to caricature wounded Muslim sentiment. For the late Governor Punjab and publisher of this newspaper understood better than most that incitement to religious hatred does not cease to be just because it targets a minority faith. And that some blood can never be washed away.
Of course, it would be unfair to blame the PTI alone for what has come to pass. The PPP, too, must shoulder some of the burden. For the party wavered on the question of amending the country’s draconian blasphemy laws. That being said, most progressive voices were and continue to be sitting targets. This includes Shahbaz Bhatti, a sitting federal minister who was also fatally targeted over the shared conviction that legislative reform was urgently needed. For one cannot observe the sacrifice of Governor Taseer without that remembering that of Minister Bhatti. Not least because of the devastation suffered by the entire Christian community here in Pakistan following the assassination of these two remarkable human rights defenders. That no government of the day has demonstrated sufficient courage to ensure that these lives were not lost in vain means that minority communities continue to live in fear. It is thus imperative that lawmakers across the political divide honour Taseer’s legacy and reform legal structures to make Pakistan a safe place for all its citizens.

بلاول، آصفہ کی لیاری میں ظہور زیبی کے گھر آمد


چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے آصفہ بھٹو کے ہمراہ لیاری میں مرحوم ظہور زیبی کے گھر جا کر ان کے لواحقین سے تعزیت کی اور مرحوم کے ایصال ثواب کے لیے فاتحہ خوانی کی۔
ترجمان بلاول ہاؤس کے مطابق چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو نے پیپلز پارٹی کے مشہور ترانہ ’دلا تیر بجا ۔۔‘کے خالق ظہور زیبی کے انتقال پر تعزیت کی۔
بلاول بھٹو نے مرحوم کے ایصال ثواب کے لیے فاتحہ خوانی کی ، اس موقع پر بلاول بھٹو کا کہنا تھا کے مرحوم ظہور زیبی نے دیگر پارٹی ترانوں کے علاوہ مشہور نغمہ ’دلا تیر بجا۔۔‘ کی موسیقی ترتیب دی تھی ۔
اس موقع پر بلاول بھٹو کے ہمراہ صنم بھٹو اور آصفہ بھٹو زرداری موجود تھیں،جبکہ وقار مہدی، راشد ربانی، جاوید ناگوری، اعجاز درانی اور دیگر رہنما بھی اس موقع پر موجود تھے۔
https://jang.com.pk/news/594080-bilawal-asifa-reached-liyari-to-condoled-with-family-of-zahoor-zaibi

Wednesday, January 2, 2019

Music Video - Madonna - La Isla Bonita

Nancy Pelosi, Icon of Female Power, Will Reclaim Role as Speaker and Seal a Place in History



By Sheryl Gay Stolberg

There was a brief moment in Nancy Pelosi’s life when she worried she had too much power. She had so many titles in the California Democratic Party, including chairwoman, that she told Lindy Boggs, a Louisiana congresswoman, that she was thinking of giving some up.
That was in 1984, and Ms. Boggs “said, ‘Darlin’, no man would ever think that. Don’t you give anything up,’” Ms. Pelosi said in a recent interview, leaning forward as she mimicked Ms. Boggs’s Southern accent. “And then she said, ‘Know thy power.’”
More than three decades later, Ms. Pelosi is all but assured on Thursday of reclaiming her former title as speaker of the House, the first lawmaker in more than half a century to hold the office twice. With the gavel in hand, she will cement her status as the highest-ranking and most powerful elected woman in American political history.
The story of her rise, from the well-mannered daughter of a Baltimore mayor to a savvy legislator and prolific fund-raiser who is as much feared within her caucus as she is admired, is, in some ways, the story of the women’s movement itself. It is also a comeback story; after losing the speakership eight years ago, she will now usher in a new era of divided government in Washington.
And in the era of #MeToo, Ms. Pelosi, a mother of five and grandmother of nine, will be the public face of the opposition to a president who won the White House after disparaging women, and paying hush money to a Playboy model and a pornographic film actress who said they had extramarital affairs with him.
But Ms. Pelosi, 78, long a target of Republicans who have demonized her as a San Francisco liberal, is also coming to the speakership with self-imposed constraints. To quell an uprising among Democrats who wanted a younger generation of leaders, she has agreed to limit her term to four years. Some say that could weaken her — a notion she dismissed.
“I’m used to, shall we say, enthusiasms from all elements of the party — I can roll with that,” she said.
Republicans do not underestimate her. “She is a skilled adversary and a master at keeping all Democrats in line,” said Representative Mark Meadows of North Carolina, the chairman of the conservative House Freedom Caucus.
Ms. Pelosi knows that this speakership will be defined by how she handles President Trump. The last time she was speaker, from 2007 to 2011, legislative accomplishments made her reputation. She muscled through bills that bailed out Wall Street and helped arrest an economic free-fall, allowed gays to serve in the military, overhauled the nation’s banking laws and expanded access to health care for an estimated 17 million people. Many say passage of the Affordable Care Act is her signature achievement.
But divided government, an unpopular president and wide-ranging, possibly criminal investigations into Mr. Trump, his presidential campaign and his businesses have changed her role drastically.
“This is legacy-building time,” said Jennifer Lawless, an expert on women in politics at the University of Virginia. “If she can be the person who is remembered for holding Trump accountable, or not letting him put forward facts that are not facts, if she can be the one who just calmly sits there and hold his feet to the fire, in a lot of ways, that’s just as important as anything else she does.”
On a recent Saturday morning, Ms. Pelosi ducked into a closet in her office and retrieved a T-shirt that a colleague had given her, bearing the quote that she used to smack down Mr. Trump during a televised Oval Office meeting on his border wall: “Don’t characterize the strength that I bring.”
“You know, it’s really sad. Nothing he said was true — nothing,” Ms. Pelosi said of that December meeting.
Her power stride out of the White House that day, in dark sunglasses and an orange coat, turned Ms. Pelosi into a fashion trendsetter; ever mindful of the messages she sends, she frets that she needs to retire the coat: “If I show up with that coat, doesn’t it look a little like — hey, look at me?”
Ms. Pelosi has long governed with a touch of gender-consciousness. When she became speaker the first time, she surrounded herself with her grandchildren and the children of other lawmakers on the podium inside the House chamber. A woman was in charge.This time Ms. Pelosi seems to be casting off maternal imagery. “I put on a suit of armor, eat nails for breakfast,” CNN quoted her as saying.
One good friend, former Senator Barbara Boxer of California, said Ms. Pelosi seemed “very liberated” after surviving the challenge to her speakership, and coming off the meeting with Mr. Trump. “They tried to kick her down, and I don’t think she ever got down,” Ms. Boxer said.
A generation of young feminists is taking notice.
“She’s unapologetic about her ambition, she’s insulting Trump’s manhood and storming out of the White House in orange coat and sunglasses,” said Amanda Litman, 28, and a founder of Run for Something, which recruits and supports young liberal candidates. “It’s very authentically her in a way that I’m not sure she was able to do in past decades.”
Most accounts of Ms. Pelosi’s rise begin with her father, Thomas D’Alesandro Jr., an old machine politician who doled out favors from their living room in Baltimore’s Little Italy. But her mother, Annunciata, was an equally powerful role model.Ms. Pelosi, left, during a meeting between President John F. Kennedy and her father, Thomas D’Alesandro Jr., the former mayor of Baltimore, in 1961.
Ms. Pelosi, left, during a meeting between President John F. Kennedy and her father, Thomas D’Alesandro Jr., the former mayor of Baltimore, in 1961.CreditWilliam Allen/Associated Press “Big Nancy,” as she was known, was a strategist, an organizer of Democratic women and the keeper of what the family called “the favor file.” From her, Ms. Pelosi learned the power of social networking and the personal approach to give and take in negotiations.
“Nancy knows how to listen; she learned that from her mother,” said former Senator Barbara A. Mikulski, a Baltimore native who was a few years ahead of Ms. Pelosi in their all-girls Catholic high school. Young Nancy D’Alesandro had dreams of becoming a lawyer, but by the time the women’s liberation movement was in full swing, she was married to her husband, Paul, and raising children.
“We missed the burning bra,” said Rita Meyer, a college roommate and close friend. “We missed the marijuana.”
Even when she was pushing strollers, Ms. Pelosi said, she was active in Democratic politics and pushing her own children to get involved. With her husband growing ever more successful in business, they opened their large home on one of San Francisco’s most exclusive streets for Democratic events.A turning point for Ms. Pelosi came in 1976, when she got behind the presidential campaign of Gov. Jerry Brown of California. She persuaded him to compete in the Maryland Democratic primary, drawing on her ties (her brother Tommy had also been Baltimore mayor) to help engineer his victory, a setback for Jimmy Carter.“I had no direct knowledge of anybody or anything in Maryland,” Mr. Brown, wrapping up his second stint as governor, said in an interview. “It was her idea. Just to think of that is a bold move.”
Ms. Pelosi first ran for her San Francisco congressional seat in 1987. Ms. Pelosi first ran for her San Francisco congressional seat in 1987.CreditPaul Sakuma/Associated Press Ms. Pelosi then was chairwoman of the California Democratic Party and helped organize its 1984 convention. Then, in 1987, Sala Burton, the incumbent congresswoman from San Francisco who was dying of cancer, summoned Ms. Pelosi to her bedside and asked her to run to fill her seat.
There were 23 women in the House — 12 Democrats and 11 Republicans — when Ms. Pelosi arrived. Ms. Boxer, who was then serving in the House, recalled an event where a colleague — she could not recall who — introduced his fellow members.
“He goes through everybody, and then he gets to us and he said, ‘And then there’s Nancy and Barbara,’” Ms. Boxer recalled. “She and I never forgot it.”
Ms. Pelosi carved out a niche as an advocate for human rights, particularly in China, and for AIDS patients, a significant part of her San Francisco constituency. She sought, and eventually landed, a seat on the powerful Appropriations Committee and a national security post on the Intelligence Committee.
She was forceful about her ideas, said George Miller, a retired congressman and close friend, adding, “I don’t know that leadership was all that excited” to hear them. At a Democratic retreat after the party lost the majority in 1994, Ms. Pelosi planned a presentation on how Democrats in California picked up seats. Almost nobody came.
Ms. Pelosi, right, during a House Appropriations Committee meeting in 1995.
Ms. Pelosi, right, during a House Appropriations Committee meeting in 1995.CreditJoe Marquette/Associated Press “She said, ‘These boys just don’t know how to win,’” Mr. Miller remembered.
In 2001, Ms. Pelosi was elected Democratic whip, beating her longtime rival, Representative Steny D. Hoyer of Maryland, to become the first woman to hold that post. The next year she was elected Democratic leader, the first woman to lead a party in Congress. At her swearing in, she distributed buttons that read, “We’ve waited more than 200 years for this day.”Ms. Pelosi was swept into power as speaker in 2007 on a wave of revulsion over President George W. Bush and the war in Iraq. But she proved that she could work with Mr. Bush when needed; as the country faced economic collapse in 2008, she delivered the necessary votes to pass a Wall Street bailout plan — after Mr. Bush’s Treasury secretary, Henry M. Paulson Jr., got down on one knee and begged. (“I didn’t know you were Catholic,” she wryly said to him.)She was relentless in gathering votes, even when it put her members in jeopardy. If her own pressure campaigns and horse-trading did not work, she would call in outsiders. Henry A. Waxman, a former California congressman, recalled Ms. Pelosi’s effort to win over a nervous young member, Zack Space, on a climate change bill that had almost no prospects in the Senate. Mr. Space had Greek roots.“She had a woman, a leader in the national Greek community, talk to him,” Mr. Waxman said, “and then this woman came and sat in the front row while the vote was taking place.” Mr. Space got the message, voted yes, then lost his re-election.
But she is most remembered for passage of the Affordable Care Act, without a single Republican vote. Norman J. Ornstein, who has studied Congress for decades at the American Enterprise Institute, called it “as masterful a piece of legislating as I have ever seen.” It may have been matched only by her remarkable talent for raising money. Ms. Pelosi has raised $728.3 million for Democrats since 2002, her office said.
Now, after an election that ushered a record number of women into Congress, Ms. Pelosi is determined not to let another history-making moment pass. She is marking her return to power with a string of events, including a women’s tea, a dinner at the Italian Embassy featuring the singer Tony Bennett and a town hall-style meeting, televised on MSNBC.
Asked if she considers herself Mr. Trump’s equal, she replied, “The Constitution does.” She frowned at the memory of a dinner at the White House last year when men talked over her, and she asked, “Doesn’t anybody listen to a woman in the room?”
“Hopefully that will become a thing of the past now that we have so many women in Congress — and with the gavel,” Ms. Pelosi said. “The gavel makes a big difference.”

Video Report - #CNN #News - Democratic Leaders Speak After Meeting With President Donald Trump About Shutdown

Video Report - #CNN #News Mitt Romney details what bothers him about Trump

Video Report - #CNN #News Nancy Pelosi's daughter: 'She'll cut your head off'

Music Video - Dildar Sadqay Lakh'Waar Sadqay - Noor Jehan

Music Video - Noor Jehan : Awaaz De Kahan Hai

Music Video - TAHIRA SYED - Pal Pal Jhoomon Jhoom Ke Gaon -

Music Video - Abi Tu Main Jawan - Malika Pukhraj and Tahira Syed

Music Video - Tahira syed sings Ahmad Faraz - Yeh Aalam Shauq ka dekha na jaaye

Music Video - Tahira Syed - Jhanjhar Pabdi Na Muthyar Bina

74% of blasphemy cases in #Pakistan originate from #Punjab, reveals report



As many as 74% of all cases related to blasphemy in Pakistan are reported from Punjab, according to a report by the Center for Social Justice to the Fides News Agency.
The report by the non-government organisation (NGO) reveals that there has been an “extraordinary increase” in the number of blasphemy cases in Punjab over the last three decades, especially in the district of Lahore.
Stating that 74% of all cases are recorded in Punjab, the Center noted that in Lahore, 173 such cases have been verified. According to the non-profit group, more than 11% of all blasphemy cases in the country originate from Lahore. Out of the 75 people killed in relation to alleged blasphemy until January 2018, 14 murders took place in Lahore, including the murder of retired judge Arif Iqbal Bhatti, the NGO has stated.
In relation to blasphemy cases, at least four murders took place during police custody or in prison, the report added.
“The stories of men and women of different faiths present shocking accounts of brutality and enormous suffering of helpless victims,” the Director of the NGO noted in his assessment.
“Hundreds of people have been tortured, jailed, and imprisoned. Property worth billions of rupees was destroyed by an angry mob on the Lahore Mall Road in 2006 and at Joseph Colony in 2013,” the Center reported, but “the economic loss is only the tip of the iceberg compared to the social, political and cultural consequences in Lahore”.
Religious hostility, vulnerability of minorities and erosion of cultural ethos, according to the report, are in stark contrast to the known cultural openness, hospitality and intellectual wealth of the metropolis.
“Recent studies by Amnesty International have documented that the blasphemy law is widely abused to perpetrate hate crimes based on religion, regulate personal vendettas and perpetrate economic injustice,” says the Center for Social Justice.
Given that the Lahore district is home to many groups promoting a narrative based on religious intolerance, it is not difficult to understand why Lahore has become an epicenter of the abuse of blasphemy laws, the NGO has highlighted.
The Center recalls the recent case of Patras Masih, accused of blasphemy in the suburb of Shahdara, Lahore, is the story that involved his cousin Sajid Masih, and both were subjected to torture and attempted sexual abuse.
The report has concluded that the circumstances involving these cases deserve a deeper thought from a legal standpoint.
“Members of civil society have not given up despite the difficulties. Lawyers have fought for years in a hostile social environment,” says the non-profit group.

#Me Too: a failed movement in Pakistan?



SHABANA MAHFOOZ


Bringing justice to victims of harassment in Pakistan seems further than ever. What's holding up accountability?

It’s been a year since #MeToo. The fact that it progressed beyond accusations and has resulted in arrests, resignations and serious questions over unacceptable behaviour, both past and present, speaks of the volume of change #MeToo has brought and the potential it has for more. 
Change in Pakistan, however, is still evolving. 
Here, #MeToo seemed to be an answer for women suffering in a taboo-stricken and tradition-bound society. The movement began when famous actress Meesha Shafi accused her fellow colleague Ali Zafar of sexual harassment on multiple occasions. Both had their own supporters who stood by them. 
What was missing however was a thorough analysis of unchecked behaviour, often protected under the guise of performance requirements, and the need for measures to ensure the entertainment industry is safer for women. 
As a result, there are ongoing proceedings in court with Zafar and Shafi still performing, with no clear outcome visible. 
In 2018, after a two-year investigation, Professor Sahar Ansari, a famed literary figure in Pakistan, was found guilty of harassing his female colleagues at a top university. 
But far from being shunned by society, Ansari continues to garner accolades and reverence, even attending events at the university from which he was barred following harassment allegations.
Female journalist Urooj Zia, in a series of tweets, accused Faisal Edhi, son and heir to Pakistan’s largest philanthropist, of harassment during her interactions with him regarding a welfare project. 
The allegations, hardly seconded, received deafening silence and no investigation. Comedian Junaid Akram, who unlike Edhi, faces multiple anonymous accusations, continues to provide comic relief to his undeterred audience. 
In local newspaper The Dawn, Xari Jalil, reported on Tanzeela Mazhar, an anchorwoman for state-owned Pakistan Television, writing: “[She] stayed on in PTV for about a decade trying to fight against the sexual harassment she had faced but eventually resigned in 2017. The man [against whom Mazhar had filed a harassment complaint] was still there though, with all his power.”
Jalil cited various incidents in which female journalists –in both print and electronic media– have faced harassment from male colleagues, both young and old, in the form of verbal comments, suggestive messages or even threats. 
Speaking out poses a major challenge, simply due to lack of evidence. In many cases, instead of the work organisation involved beginning an investigation, many question the authenticity of an allegation. 
Women, especially those belonging to the lower middle class, who work to support their families or their own education expenses, prefer to stay quiet for as long as they can bear it, in order to keep their jobs. 
Whether it’s #MeToo or the law -the 'Protection Against Harassment of Women in the Workplace Act' was the first of its kind in South Asia- female employees do not feel confident that their pleas or complaints will be taken seriously and try to maintain their dignity by avoiding troublesome situations or people.
Women who share stories of harassment that happened years ago, are not only snubbed with the question ‘why now?’, but trolled, slut-shamed and accused of attempting to make personal gains, to name a few. 
The women still find it difficult to explain that these cases are genuine, and again, stay quiet fearing backlash, loss of their jobs, family upheaval or even social boycott. 
The dismal response in Pakistan to even high profile allegations points to an entrenched misogyny as well as the fear of isolation among women, even when they are wronged. 
As evident in the cases of Ali Zafar, Professor Ansari, Faisal Edhi and Junaid Akram, in countries like Pakistan, the accused roam free with bared chests and heads held high with impunity due in their knowledge that no serious probe will look into their behaviour.
A lack of camaraderie among women in Pakistan has also put men at an advantage. Women generally either fear lending support to others or deem it wise to stay quiet in order to keep their own jobs or relations intact. Those who suffer believe that it is something shameful and should be hidden from society. 
However, a growing number of working women are seeing harassment as a punishable crime, thanks to the awareness brought about by #MeToo. Courage-building may be slow, but it’s evolving and gaining momentum. Women are lending each other support, and newly-established large-scale organisations are trying to take up sexual harassment cases in accordance with the relevant laws. 
It is when allegations are not taken seriously, such as the case of Edhi, or when professional excellence is given priority, in the case of Ansari, that the movement suffers a blow. 
Moreover, in small-scale companies, where there may be no checks and balances by any authority, men have historically been able to take advantage of the subordination of women, lurking behind ever-newer victims, confident they will never be threatened.
Society in Pakistan, although very receptive to technological and occupational advancements, is still bound by tradition and taboos.
Any change which attempts to shake up the patriarchal structure is almost immediately shunned as a Western or even un-Islamic agenda. 
Change however, eventually does come, particularly when it is a matter of prestige and honour. 
In today’s awakening of Pakistani women, a change, even if it is late, is bound to come. 

IP gas project in limbo: #Pakistan wants #Iran to interpret sanctions

Khalid Hasnain

Pakistan has urged Iran to explain in-writing its interpretation of sanctions that resulted in a massive delay in completion of the mega Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project.
“The government has taken up the issue in a recent meeting with the Iranian petroleum ministry’s advisers held in Islamabad. During the meeting, we have asked them to give us a detailed clarity over their interpretation of the sanctions under which they claim that the restrictions don’t affect completion of the project,” Inter State Gas System (ISGS) Managing Director Mr Mobeen Saulat told Dawn on Tuesday.
For the last four years, the IP gas project, under which Pakistan was reportedly supposed to receive as many as 750MMCF of natural gas from Iran daily through an agreement, is off the table due to international sanctions - both multilateral imposed by the United Nations and the unilateral clamped by the United States, Canada, United Kingdom and the European Union.
The unilateral sanctions imposed by the US were the most severe amongst all international restrictions — Iran Sanctions Act 1996, Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act 2010 and National Defence Authorisation Act-2012. The construction work on the Pakistani section of the pipeline had been inaugurated in March, 2013 and it was planned to be completed within 22 months.
“As far as we understand, we cannot move ahead on the project due to sanctions imposed on Iran. But they (Iranian petroleum ministry advisers) have their own interpretation of the sanctions. So we have engaged them in the process to understand the [sanctions] interpretation of each other,” the ISGS official said.
“That is why we have told them that we need a detailed clarity in writing from them in this regard, as we cannot go ahead with the project with their verbal interpretation. They have agreed to provide us a detailed reply,” the MD added.The official said as soon as the government received explanation from Iran [over sanctions’ regime] it would study and evaluate the same in depth. And if it finds the same justified, it may be in a position to resolve the issue.
“Since it is a very important project in view of 750MMCFD natural gas provision to Pakistan, the government wants to resolve this issue by understanding interpretation of the sanctions,” he said.

It will take a lot of time for Pakistan to mend its ways, says Modi




Prime Minister asserts that India has always been in favour of dialogue, but it cannot be heard amid noise of bombs and guns.
New Delhi: It will be a huge mistake to believe that Pakistan will mend its ways soon, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Tuesday, even as he asserted that his government was open to dialogue with Islamabad but that it cannot be done “amid the noise of bombs and guns”.
“Whatever strategy is to be adopted, how to do, is ongoing at appropriate levels, has been happening (sic). 1965 war, war during partition… Ek ladai se Pakistan sudhar jayega, yeh sochne mein bahut badi galti hogi. Pakistan ko sudharne mein abhi aur samay lagega (It will be a huge mistake to believe that Pakistan will mend its ways after a war. It will take a lot of time for it to do that),” Modi said in an interview to ANI.
The Prime Minister was replying to a question on why cross-border terrorism has not stopped since the surgical strikes, carried out by the Indian Army in September 2016 across the Line of Control.

‘Talks, terror don’t go together’

Asked if India was open to dialogue as sought by Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, Modi said that India had never opposed dialogue, either under the UPA or the NDA government.
“It is our consistent policy that we are in favour of dialogue. It is the consistent policy of the country, not Modi government or Manmohan Singh government. It is our consistent policy that we are ready to talk on all issues, not this issue or that issue,” he said.
Asked if he would go to Pakistan if invited by Khan, Modi replied, “We will cross the bridge when we reach there.”
The Prime Minister added that India has always argued that talks and terror cannot go together.
“We only say one thing, that amid the noise of bombs and guns, the dialogue cannot be heard. Cross-border terrorism must end. And we are persistently maintaining pressure on this,” the PM said.
Modi also criticised the politicisation of the strikes, something which his own government has been accused of by opposition parties.
“I personally believe that surgical strikes should not be politicised… On the surgical strikes, there are some political parties who began to speak the same language as Pakistan. These parties were demeaning our armed forces. They politicised such an issue,” he said.

On China and Doklam

During the interview, Modi also touched upon the issue of China and said India should be judged by what it did in Doklam.
Troops of India and China were locked in a 73-day-long standoff in Doklam from 16 June in 2017 after the Indian side stopped the building of a road in the disputed tri-junction by the Chinese Army.
The faceoff ended on 28 August after hectic diplomatic and back-channel talks. By that time, both India and China had mobilised and deployed large number of men and artillery on their respective sides.
Modi asserted that nothing has happened with India since then that can be considered as deceit.