M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Tuesday, October 15, 2013
Hot photoshoot: Veena Malik shows off her legs and cleavage again

http://daily.bhaskar.com/article/ENT-hot-photoshoot-veena-malik-shows-off-her-legs-and-cleavage-again-4402951-PHO.html?seq=3
Pakistan's mysterious menace
Afghanistan: Not a pleasant prospect
LEADERS of the NATO-led alliance known as ISAF that is fighting in Afghanistan might be expected to be glad to see the back of President Hamid Karzai. The man whose government they have supported since 2001 is ineligible to stand in the election next April. Fickle and moody, Mr Karzai this week showed again just how ungrateful he can be. “The entire NATO exercise”, he told the BBC, “was one that caused Afghanistan a lot of suffering, a lot of loss of life, and no gains because the country is not secure.” Nearly 3,400 ISAF soldiers have been killed defending Mr Karzai’s government from its enemies. Western commanders were understandably indignant. Two factors, however, tempered their outrage. First, they know that when the West installed Mr Karzai, it saddled him with all the forms of democracy. Their man has therefore had to show that he is serving Afghans, not foreign generals. Second, after a frantic scramble for presidential candidates to register by October 6th, they know that in a year’s time they may be looking wistfully back on the Karzai era. Whoever succeeds him may be even harder to deal with, have a more dubious background and have achieved power by even murkier means than those that saw Mr Karzai “re-elected” in 2009. Mr Karzai will stand down in the year when ISAF is to withdraw its combat troops, leaving the Afghan army to carry on the fight against Taliban insurgents. The West is naturally anxious to leave behind a government that is capable of surviving and that has a semblance of democratic legitimacy. A president respected at home and abroad would certainly help. Some 27 candidates have registered, each with two vice-presidential running-mates in tow. Not all these men are warlords, and many will drop out. But enough are tribal strongmen with tainted records to cast a dark shadow over the entire field. Tickets often bridge ethnic divides, with at least one member of the largest group, the Pushtuns. One prominent candidate, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, is credited with having invited al-Qaeda’s leadership to set up shop in Afghanistan. Another, Gul Agha Sherzai, is a warlord from Kandahar, once the stronghold of the (largely Pushtun) Taliban. He is nicknamed the “Bulldozer”—a tribute to his personal style as much as to his track record in seeing projects completed as governor of the province of Nangarhar. One vice-presidential candidate, Abdul Rashid Dostum, is a leader of the Uzbek minority and hence an important vote-winner, a role he performed for Mr Karzai in 2009. He was a military commander in the days of the Soviet-backed government that fell to the Taliban in 1994 and a warlord with a fearsome reputation. He is said by Western diplomats who have spent time with him recently to have mellowed. This is just as well, since he is on the ticket of one of the more cerebral candidates, Ashraf Ghani, who once called him a “known killer”. Mr Ghani is a former finance minister and World Bank official, and co-author of books, appropriately enough, on “fixing failed states” and “strategies for state-building”. Another of the more cosmopolitan candidates, Abdullah Abdullah, has similarly teamed up with two rougher diamonds. Mohammad Khan is a leader of the Hezb-i-Islami party, whose military wing is part of the insurgency fighting the government. Mohammad Mohaqiq, from the Hazara minority, has survived four recent attempts on his life. Like Mr Dostum, he was accused in a report last year by a human-rights watchdog of war crimes before 2001. Dr Abdullah, an ethnic Tajik (though with Pushtun blood), was foreign minister for the Northern Alliance, which, with American air and special-forces support, toppled the Taliban in 2001. He then emerged as an opposition leader and was runner-up in the fraudulent election in 2009. This election is unlikely to be much fairer. An article by Martine van Bijlert of the Afghan Analysts Network, a respected research group, lists the problems: a defective voter registry; millions of available voter cards not linked to voters; widespread insecurity; and “the collusion of electoral and security staff, whether prompted by loyalty, money or pressure, at all levels”. The sense that the state has the power to sway the election result gives great weight to any endorsement Mr Karzai might make. Yet he is likely to keep his promise not to offer one—at least openly—even though the field includes his older brother and a former foreign minister believed to be a favourite. Endorsement would taint the victory of “his” candidate; or, should the candidate lose, cause grave embarrassment to Mr Karzai. But he is not going away. A grand residence is under construction next to the presidential palace in Kabul. Mr Karzai says he wants to stay in the country and enjoy his “legacy”. Yet his presence may prove unhelpful, and his relations with his successor fraught. Design flaws Looking at the mess the election is likely to be, outsiders may be inclined to conclude that Afghans are not ready for democracy. Yet their political system was subverted from the outset by dubious choices made in 2001. For one, Mr Karzai himself has proved both weak and high-handed, and has tolerated scandalous corruption while always blaming foreigners. The new constitution gave Afghanistan its first-ever highly centralised government. Given the country’s ethnic and regional divides, that was a recipe for instability. In retrospect it was also a mistake to let into government warlords who had fought the Taliban but who were notorious for past abuses. And leaving even moderate elements of the Taliban outside the political process altogether led them to regroup as an insurgency. The steady escalation of the war might have happened anyway. But the exclusion of the Taliban made it inevitable. So the political structure agreed in 2001 never really gave peace, or democracy, a chance.The West will wince at next year’s election in Afghanistan; but it has itself to blame
Afghanistan: Logar governor killed in bomb blast at mosque

"پاکستانی حکومت قصداً زلزله ځپلو ته مرستې نه رسوي"
http://www.mashaalradio.com/
له پاکستانه خپرېدونکې په ډيلي ټايمز کې ليکوال مير محمد علي تالپور ليکي، د پاکستان حکومت په قصده د نړيوالو مرستندويه ادارو پر مخ د بلوچستان زلزله ځپلي ولس ته د مرستو رسولو لارې تړلې دي. ليکوال کاږي، د بلوچستان صوبې بې اختياره اعلی وزير عبدالمالک بلوڅ دوه وارې نړيوالو ادارو ته د مرستو له پاره خواست وکړ، خو له افتونو د ژغورنې د پاکستان قامي اداره يې پر وړاندې د غټ خنډ په توګه ولاړه ده. له ليکنې سره سم، ښاغلي بلوڅ په دغه لړ کې د پاکستان مرکزي حکومت ته رسمي مکتوب هم ولېږه، خو دغه اقدام يې کارګر ثابت نه شو. د ليکنې له مخې، له افتونو سره د مبارزې د پاکستان مرکزي ادارې د روانې مياشتې په ۸ مه نېټه د ملګرو ملتونو د مرستندويه ادارو د ګاډو هغه يوه کاروان په لاره کې ودراوه، چې له کراچۍ څخه د بلوچستان د آواران سيمې پر لور روان شوی وو. په ليکنه کې وړاندې ويل شوي، د پاکستان يادې ادارې منلي چې په بلوچستان کې د زلزلې له راتللو شپاړس ورځې وروسته هم دغه ناورين ځپليو خلکو ته مرستې نه دي رسول شوي. ليکنه کاږي، پاکستانی ايسټيبلشمنټ غواړي، د آواران د خلکو پر مخ د مرستو بندولو له لارې د دوئ مورال کمزوری کړي، او زياتوي چې په دې ترڅ کې د پاکستان حکومت د بشريت پر ضد د جرم مرتکب کيږي. په ليکنه کې راغلي، د پاکستان امنيتي ځواکونه چې کله د صوبې زلزله ځپليو خلکو ته مرستې ورکوي نو ورته وايي چې د (پاکستان زنده باد) شعارونه ورکړي. د ليکوال په اند، د مرستو تر لاسه کولو له پاره دا رقم شرطونو د زلزله ځپليو خلکو عزت نفس مجروح کوي. د ليکنې له مخې، د پاکستان پوځ د آواران خلکو ته باور ورکول غواړي چې که دوئ غواړي د ښې ورځې خاوندان شي نو بايد له پوځ سره يو ځای شي او د بلوڅ بيلتون خوښو وسله والو ډلو له ملاتړ څخه لاس واخلي. د ليکوال په وينا، د پاکستان پوځ ډېره په اسانۍ سره دا خبره هېروي چې د بلوچستان د حالت خرابولو زمه واري پر بيلتون خوښو بلوڅانو نه، بلکې د دې هېواد پر پاليسي جوړونکو ادارو راځي. ليکوال زياتوي، د پاکستان حکومت د تېرو ۶۵ کلونو په موده کې يوازې د بلوچستان وسايل په نظر کې ساتلي او د خلکو يې د ښېګڼې چارې له پامه غورځولې دي.
Malala: ''Pakistan’s (almost) Nobel laureate''
http://afpak.foreignpolicy.com/
By Ziad Haider
On Friday, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, passing over a remarkable top contender: Malala Yousafzai, a 16-year-old girl from Pakistan who was shot in the head by the Taliban last year for speaking out about girls' education. Instead of falling silent, Yousafzai's voice has only grown louder since the attack. She continues to champion her cause for a land to which she cannot return; the Taliban renewed their death threats against her this week. While she is surrounded by well-wishers on her current visit to the United States, perhaps no one can share her sense of acclaim and exclusion as well as Pakistan's (still) only Nobel laureate, Dr. Abdus Salam. Salam was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1979 for his work on characterizing what is now known as the Higgs boson particle. Coincidentally, this year the Nobel Prize in Physics was shared by Peter Higgs, after whom the particle is named. Dubbed the "God particle," the Higgs boson is viewed as a potential building block of the universe. While some of Salam's critics might have cried heresy at his work, they instead chose to do so about his faith. For just as Malala's mistake was being a girl, Salam's was being a member of the Ahmadi sect - a religious group declared to be non-Muslims in a 1974 constitutional amendment. After the amendment passed, Salam resigned from his government post. A Nobel prize five years later engendered no rapturous embrace upon his return home. Pakistan's leaders chose to keep him at arm's length. Even the word "Muslim" in the "first Muslim Nobel laureate" engraved on his tombstone is painted over. His colleagues continue to speak with equal wonder of his work and sadness for his treatment. It is one of the many contradictions of Pakistan that the very town, Jhang, which produced a man of Salam's learning -- one who sought to unlock the secrets of the cosmos -- now produces parochial militancy. A militancy that has metastasized like a cancer in Pakistan and now consumes its children. When she first heard of the Taliban's threats against her, Yousafzai feared not for her own safety but for her father's. In a recent interview on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart she said that she thought the Taliban would never stoop to attacking a young girl. She was wrong. To be sure, many Pakistanis are ambivalent about Yousafzai. In an environment rampant with anti-American sentiment and conspiracy theories, some view praise for her a way of shaming Pakistan. Others question the degree of attention merited to one individual when over 5,000 lives have reportedly been lost to terrorism over the past five years. Weariness with the West's fascination with the latest "victim" from Pakistan has also emerged. A few years ago, for instance, U.S. media outlets were abuzz with stories about another Pakistani woman who had been brutally raped and had similarly channeled her tragedy into championing women's rights. Such cynicism, however, is of less import than the pernicious politics of exclusion in Pakistan -- a politics whereby one segment of society fervently believes it has a monopoly over deen (faith) and duniya (world). At best, the other is inferior; at worst, he or she merits elimination. It's an exclusionary system whereby individuals as different as a physicist and a teenage girl continue to be pushed outside society's bounds - either by force or by law. Nobel laureates, usually feted in other countries, seem strangely destined to be banished in Pakistan. Much ink has been spilt on Pakistan's troubles, which seem to know no end. Yet the same country produced a young girl who is optimistically forging ahead, despite the horror she has experienced. Malala Yousafzai channels Pakistan's remarkable resilience. That she did not win the Nobel Peace Prize is thus ultimately irrelevant. What really matters is when can she go home.For just as Malala's mistake was being a girl, Salam's was being a member of the Ahmadi sect - a religious group declared to be non-Muslims in a 1974 constitutional amendment.
Practical steps: HRCP on Balochistan

HRCP report on Balochistan
How the Tea Party broke the Constitution

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