Sunday, September 9, 2018
د پاکستان وزيراعظم عمران خان په مشرۍ د تحريک انصاف
حکومت په هېواد کې د ډېم جوړولو لپاره پر خلکو د چندو ورکولو غږ کړی دی او د دې لپاره يې وزيراعظم فنډ جوړولو اعلان کړی دی.
د سپريم کورټ ميا ثاقب نثار وار له مخه له خلکو د چندو راټولو لپاره يو فنډ جوړ کړی دی. د وزيراعظم او چيف جسټس له خوا د ډېمونو جوړولو لپاره د چندو اعلان په پاکستان کې يو تود بحث رامنځ ته کړی. ايا په چندو ډېم جوړېدای شي او که څنګه؟
د پاکستان نوی حکومت د يو شمېر نورو ستونزو ترڅنګ په سمدستي توګه له اقتصادي بحران او د اوبو او انرژۍ له کړکېچ سره مخامخ دی.
د اقتصادي ستونزې د حل لپاره حکومت د پیسو نړيوال صندوق یا ای اېم ايف څخه د پورونو اخېستو خبره کړې ده خو د اوبو د کمښت د مخنيوي لپاره يې د ډېم جوړولو چېلنج په غاړه اخېستی دی.
د کارپوهانو په وينا، د يوه ډیم پر جوړلو د اندازو له مخې له ۱۲ څخه ۱۶ اربه امريکايي ډالر لګښت راځي چې پاکستان يې نلري.
حکومت د دې حل دا سنجولی چې د جمعې په شپه وزيراعظم عمران خان قام ته په خپله وينا کې پر ولس غږ وکړ چې د ډېم جوړولو لپاره ورته چندې ورکړي.
خو د انرژۍ او اقتصادي چارو پوهان فکر کوي چې په چندو دومره لويه منصوبه سر ته نشي رسېدلای.
په دوی کې يو هم په پېښور انجيرنګ يونيورسټۍ کې د انرژۍ لپاره د امريکا او پاکستان د ګډ مرکز استاذ پروفيسر ډاکټر عبدالباسط دی.
نوموړي د سېپټمبر پر نهمه مشال راډیو ته وويل چې چندې خلک هڅولی شي خو د ډیم لګښت نشي پوره کولای.
هغه زياته کړه، حکومت به اړ وي چې د بند جوړولو لپاره له نړيوالو بانکونو لکه ورلډ بانک يا ايي اېم اېف څخه پور وغواړي.
عمران خان په خپله وينا کې په بهرنيو هېوادونو کې مېشت پاکستانيانو باندې غږ وکړ چې هرکس دې زر زر ډالره د ډېم فنډ ته ورکړي.
خو د اقتصادي چارو خبريال اکرام هوتي بيا په دې نظر دی چې په کومه اندازه چې پر بند خرڅ راځي هغه د چندو له لارې نشي پوره کېدلای. دده په خبره، په دې لاره کې دويمه ستونزه د چندو راټولولو پروسه کې شفافيت دی.
د نوموړي په وینا داسې يو طریقه کار نه دی جوړ شوی چې له مخې یې خلک ډاډه شي چې دا پیسې به نه غلا کېږي.
د اقتصادي چارو ځينې کارپوهان دا هم وايي چې حکومت بايد له خلکو د چندو راغونډولو پر ځای حکومتي خرڅې کمې کړي.
د اقتصادي چارو پوه ډاکټر قيصر بنګالي مشال راډیو ته وويل، حکومت له پکار دي چې غيرترقياتي خرڅونه کم کړي او هغه پر پرمختيايي کارونو ولګوي چې پکې ډیم هم راځي.
عمران خان په خپله وينا کې دا وېره ښودلې وه چې که بند جوړ نه شو نو ښايې تر ۲۰۲۵ م کاله پورې پاکستان له وچکالۍ سره مخامخ شي.
هم دې ستونزې ته په کتو سره د پاکستان سپريم کورټ چيف جسټس شاوخوا شپږ مياشتې وړاندې د دیامير بهاشا او مومندو ډېمونو جوړولو لپاره له خلکو چندې غوښتې وې چې د عمران خان په خبره تر اوسه پکې يو ارب اتيا کروړه روپۍ جمع شوې دي.
د چندو راغونډولو دې رفتار ته په کتو، اکرام هوتي فکر کوي چې که حکومت تر راتلونکيو شپږو کلونو پورې د چندو مهم ته دوام ورکړي نو دده په اندازه ممکن ده زيات څخه زيات ۵۰ اربه روپۍ راغونډې کړي چې دده په خبره د ډېم يا بند جوړولو لپاره کافي نه دي.
By ROD NORDLAND, ASH NGU and FAHIM ABED
Seventeen years into the war in Afghanistan, American officials routinely issue inflated assessments of progress that contradict what is actually happening there.
What U.S. Government Says
What Military Analysts Say
The Taliban controls or
contests 61% of districts.
The Taliban controls or
contests 44% of districts.
By The New York Times | Sources: Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction (U.S. government data); FDD’s The Long War Journal (analysts’ data)
Notes: U.S. government data is as of May 15, 2018, and analysts’ data is as of May 16, 2018. District boundaries are as of 2014.
More than 2,200 Americans have been killed in the Afghan conflict, and the United States has spent more than $840 billion fighting the Taliban insurgency and paying for relief and reconstruction. The war has become more expensive, in current dollars, than the Marshall Plan, which helped to rebuild Europe after World War II. That investment has created intense pressure for Americans to show the Taliban are losing and the country is improving.
But since 2017, the Taliban have held more Afghan territory than at any time since the American invasion. In just one week last month, the insurgents killed 200 Afghan police officers and soldiers, overrunning two major Afghan bases and the city of Ghazni.
The American military says the Afghan government effectively “controls or influences” 56 percent of the country. But that assessment relies on statistical sleight of hand. In many districts, the Afghan government controls only the district headquarters and military barracks, while the Taliban control the rest.
On paper, Afghan security forces outnumber the Taliban by 10 to 1, or even more. But some Afghan officials estimate that a third of their soldiers and police officers are “ghosts” who have left or deserted without being removed from payrolls. Many others are poorly trained and unqualified.
What U.S. Government Says
What Afghan Officals Say
314,000 Afghan forces
By The New York Times | Sources: Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations; SIGAR; Fatiullah Qaisari and Shayestabaz Nasiri, members of the Defense Committee of the Afghan Parliament
The Afghan government says it killed 13,600 insurgents and arrested 2,000 more last year — nearly half the estimated 25,000 to 35,000 Taliban fighters an official United States report said were active in the country in 2017. But in January, United States officials said insurgents numbered at least 60,000, and Afghan officials recently estimated the Taliban’s strength at more than 77,000.
With the status of the battlefield looking grim, American officials say that at least the coalition has improved Afghan living standards — although often they use exaggerated claims there, too.
The most blatant example may be maternal mortality, one of the most important indicators of a society’s health. In 2002, American officials reported that 1,600 Afghan mothers died for every 100,000 live births, a rate comparable to Europe during the Middle Ages. By 2010, the United States Agency for International Development said the rate had improved drastically, falling to 327.
What U.S. Government Says
What Health Researchers Say
1,575 women die for every 100,000 live births
327 women die for
every 100,000 live births
By The New York Times | Sources: USAID; British and Irish Agencies Afghanistan Group
Researchers noted that not since the world discovered antibiotics has any nation seen such a big improvement in maternal health. The long-running security and development challenges Afghanistan faces are factored into health researchers’ estimates of maternal mortality. The British and Irish Agencies Afghanistan Group cited a study indicating that 1,575 women died out of 100,000 births in 2010. Other estimates cited by the group put the figure at 885 to 1,600 of 100,000 — meaning that nearly one in a hundred Afghan women will die giving birth. The rate in the United States is 24 in 100,000.
USAID points to a similarly drastic improvement in life expectancy, to 63 years in 2010, up from 41 years in 2002. But the figures were adjusted to ignore a high death rate in early childhood, which skewed results.
63 yearsAfghan life expectancy
48 yearsAfghan life expectancy
The World Health Organization, meanwhile, estimated in 2009 that Afghan life expectancy was 48 years. Even the C.I.A. does not agree with USAID’s number, estimating in 2017 that Afghans typically live to age 51.
The strategic city of Ghazni in southeastern Afghanistan was overrun last month by the Taliban, who took everything but a few government facilities. The local authorities denied there was any problem, telling President Ashraf Ghani only late on the third day how serious it was, officials said. They did regain control from the insurgents, but only after six days, and at the cost of nearly 200 police officers and soldiers killed. Throughout, the American military led the chorus of denial.
Day 1, Aug. 10, 2018
“Initial reports indicate minimal Afghan security force casualties. This is yet another failed Taliban attempt to seize terrain.”Col. Martin L. O’Donnell, chief spokesman for the United States military in Afghanistan
More than 1,000 Taliban insurgents launched an offensive against the city of Ghazni shortly after midnight.
Day 2, Aug. 11, 2018
The Afghan government said it was in control of Ghazni. “The city was relatively quiet Friday evening ... clearing operations are ongoing and sporadic clashes are occurring.”Colonel O’Donnell
Taliban were seen in control of every city intersection. Fighting appeared to be spreading to districts bordering Ghazni.
Day 3, Aug. 12, 2018
The Afghan government continued “to hold their ground and maintain control of all government centers. Tactically, operationally and strategically, the Taliban achieved nothing with this failed attack.”Colonel O’Donnell
The Taliban appeared to be in control of most of the city. More than 100 Afghan police officers and soldiers are confirmed dead.
Day 4, Aug. 13, 2018
“Ghazni City remains under Afghan government control, and the isolated and disparate Taliban forces remaining in the city do not pose a threat to its collapse as some have claimed.”Colonel O’Donnell
Taliban insurgents took over most of the rural areas of Ghazni Province, even as they battled over control of the provincial capital.
Day 5, Aug. 14, 2018
“What we observed as these Afghan-led operations drove a large portion of Taliban from the city over the last day or so, was the retreating Taliban attacking the more vulnerable surrounding districts, which Afghan forces are reinforcing.”Colonel O’Donnell
After the Taliban’s brief seizure of the city, the insurgents were reported to be pulling out of Ghazni. Residents said there were large numbers of bodies in the streets and the river.
The end of the siege
“I do not have an updated statement at this time.”Colonel O'Donnell when asked if the United States military had any revised assessment of the situation in Ghazni the previous week
Relying on the support of United States and Afghan special forces, government officials regained control of most areas. At least 165 soldiers and 65 civilians were reported dead.
By Ghazi Salahuddin
Friday, September 7, 2018 was a day of shame. Dr Atif Mian, as PTI leader Faisal Javed Khan tweeted, “was asked to step down from the Advisory Council and he has agreed”. We know that this act of cowardice was prompted by the protest against the nomination of an Ahmadi on the Economic Advisory Council.
Now, imagine the coincidence that September 7 is the anniversary of the passage of the second amendment in the constitution of Pakistan. This happened in 1974, though the dark passions that this issue has aroused are somewhat of a recent origin.
One searing milestone in our journey into the lower depths of humanity was the assassination of Salmaan Taseer on January 4, 2011. There is a touch of a Greek tragedy – and also a certification of our insecurity – in the fact that the murderer was one of his own guards, professionally and morally bound to protect him. Add to this the ignominy of that person who fired the shots becoming a hero or some kind of a saint.
But we need to focus on this week’s saga of Atif Mian and the meaning of what has happened in the context of the decision-making process of Prime Minister Imran Khan’s new government. The message that has been delivered is to be deciphered carefully. The most significant feature of this episode is that only three days before, this government’s official spokesperson, Fawad Chaudhry had valiantly vowed that “we should not bow down to extremists”.
In light of what has happened, we should ask the PTI to remove ‘naya’ from its logo because it has quickly landed into ‘purana’ Pakistan. All that talk about ‘tabdeeli’, at least on this front, has withered away in the first flurry of harsh winds. So, they have not done things any differently from previous regimes.
Ah, but there is a big difference. The PTI should have known what was coming because it was fully aware of Atif Mian’s religious orientation. On the face of it, there was a resolve to confront bigots and socially regressive political elements on the professed grounds of merit and the constitutional edict of minorities being equal citizens of the country.
Yes, the challenge was formidable. The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) of Khadim Hussain Rizvi has demonstrated both its street power and the patronage it receives, if you bear in mind that Faizabad Interchange sit-in in Islamabad. At the same time, Imran Khan has painstakingly cultivated the image of a fighter who can snatch victory from the jaws of defeat.
Here was an opportunity to take on a big band of extremists and win against them, irrespective of the bloody battle that could be necessary. That would change the country’s ideological sense of direction and truly herald a ‘naya’ Pakistan that is modern and enlightened.
After all, Imran Khan draws a lot of his support from the modern, urban sectors and the educated youth, mainly women. But another problem is that the PTI, like many other parties, had cynically played the Khatam-e-Nabuwwat card against the PML-N on the issue of a change in the oath for Muslim members of the National Assembly. Besides, the PTI represents various shades of political and ideological opinion. There is, for instance, the information minister in the Punjab government. He plays the role that Captain Safdar played in the PML-N, meaning that he can be very obnoxious. Be that as it may, Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry’s bravado on Tuesday was short-lived. In contrast to the confidence with which Fawad defended the choice of Atif Mian, the removal of the economist of global recognition from the Economic Advisory Council was revealed in a rather surreptitious manner when Faisal Javed tweeted early Friday morning. Fawad did (sheepishly?) defend it in his tweets but all seemed quiet and no top PTI leader seemed willing to speak his or her mind.
However, this was a bombshell for all forward-looking and progressive Pakistanis everywhere. This, by any measure, is not an ordinary development. It rattles one’s confidence in the intellectual and moral credentials of a party that has no reason to feel vulnerable. On Thursday, Imran Khan was the chief guest in the Defence Day ceremony held on the lawns of the GHQ. This was a veritable show of strength that was not facilitated for any other civilian leader.
So, when I learnt that the prime minister was to speak to the nation in the evening, the only guess I could make was that he would explain the Atif Mian embarrassment. As we know, he did not play ball. Sadly, I do not have the space to comment on what he actually said. This plan to crowd-fund a major dam also bears some evidence of how this government is struggling to find its feet and is not able to understand the complexity of governance.
In the same vein, the speech that Imran Khan made at the GHQ also demands meticulous analysis. It is interesting that he dismissed the civil-military divide as a myth, unmindful of the unfortunate history of Pakistan. In any case, the outcome of all this is that Imran Khan was not able to stand up for an appointment he had himself made.
It goes to Atif Mian’s credit that he has graciously accepted a decision that has unfairly dragged his name into controversy. One of his tweets: “For the sake of the stability of the Government of Pakistan, I have resigned from the Economic Advisory Council as the Government was facing a lot of adverse pressure regarding my appointment from the Mullahs (Muslim clerics) and their supporters”. Asim Ijaz Khwaja, a Harvard economist, was also appointed a member of the council. This was his tweet: “Have resigned from EAC. Painful, deeply sad decision. Grateful for chance to aid analytical reasoning but not when such values compromised. Personally as a Muslim I can’t justify this. May Allah forgive/guide me & us all. Ever ready to help. Pakistan Paindabad”. They were then followed by another member of the council, Imran Rasul.
This is what has happened within the first month of the new PTI government that was ushered into office by unbounded promises. Meanwhile, where do we locate the country that was founded by Jinnah and what has happened to the dream he had dreamt about religion not being the business of the state?
Well, that did not take long. Just two days after the Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry took to the airwaves to demonstrate that the PTI has a spine, defending its decision to appoint Atif Mian to the Economic Advisory Council (EAC), the government showed its true colours by backtracking and declaring that Prof. Mian has been asked to step down from the EAC. For those who have not been following the news, the facts of what happened this week make for incredibly depressing reading; Atif Mian, a world-renowned economist of Pakistani origin currently based at Princeton University, was appointed to the EAC considering his impeccable credentials, only for the decision to be met with a storm of disapproval. The problem with Prof. Mian’s appointment was not his suitability for the post, which is beyond question, but because of his faith. The fact that Prof. Mian is an Ahmadi automatically disqualified him from holding any public office in the eyes of the more reactionary elements of Pakistani society, who wasted in no time in kicking up a fuss on social media. As the controversy spread, sixteen senators belonging to opposition parties, including the MMA, the PML-N, and the PkMAP, signed a resolution condemning Prof. Mian’s appointment, and Khadim Rizvi’s TLP was predictably quick to issue threats of its own.
When Fawad Chaudhry first declared that upholding the rights of minorities was the responsibility of any Islamic republic, many ‘liberals’ and PTI supporters rightly congratulated the government on taking a stand against the religious bigotry and hatred that has increasingly become a part of mainstream discourse in Pakistan. Following the ugliness of the past few years, in which the veneration of Salmaan Taseer’s killer Mumtaz Qadri, and the use of the issue of Khatam-e-Nabuwwat to pressurize governments and discredit politicians, Chaudhry’s statement in defence of Atif Mian was an unexpected step in the right direction. However, those surprised by the government’s U-turn on this issue should not be; as has been argued by many observers over the years, Imran Khan and the PTI have long displayed a willingness and, indeed, desire to accommodate and cooperate with the forces of religious extremism in Pakistan. For years, Imran Khan has been accused of nurturing a soft spot for the Taliban, extremists who he has referred to as ‘our estranged brothers’. During the Musharraf years, Khan abstained from a vote on a Women’s Protection Bill that sought to address the loopholes in the notorious Zia-era Hudood Laws, choosing to align himself with the Jamaat-i-Islami and the JUI-F on this issue rather than supporting a combined opposition that worked with the government to have the law passed. More recently, Khan portrayed himself as a champion crusading against blasphemy, joining some of his electoral candidates in falsely accusing the PML-N of questioning the finality of prophethood due to that party’s role in passing an Elections Bill that slightly altered the oath taken by lawmakers that compels them to declare their belief in Khatam-e-Nabuwwat. Just last week, Shah Mehmood Qureshi shared a platform with representatives from the TLP as the government took credit for the cancellation of contest to draw blasphemous cartoons in the Netherlands.
These and other instances indicate a pattern of behaviour that should make one thing very clear; while the PTI may have some ‘liberal’ leaders and supporters, its conduct has always demonstrated a lack of desire to effectively confront or tackle the extremism enveloping Pakistani society. Indeed, it is telling that this most recent capitulation to the forces of religious bigotry was not even prompted by anything near the mass protect and opposition previous governments have endured; where the PML-N, for example, was brought to its knees after a month-long sit-in by the TLP at Faizabad, the PTI has chosen to surrender in the face of a small storm on Twitter!
Perhaps most damning of all, however, is the language used by Fawad Chaudhry to justify Prof. Mian’s removal from the EAC. Citing Imran Khan’s statement that his inspiration for the perfect state comes from early Islamic Medina, Chaudhry claimed that the PTI and the cabinet could not be anything but individuals wholly and completely committed to the defence of the finality of prophethood, thereby sending a very clear and disturbing signal to Pakistan’s minorities: they are not welcome in government, will always be seen as second-class citizens, and will inevitably be judged more on the basis of their faith than their achievements of any contribution they might make to society.
Imran Khans cheerleaders in social media are currently going through the usual mental gymnastics to defend the indefensible. The more honest ones openly admit that they think the PTI did the right thing, while others have taken to saying that this all part of the mythical strategy the Prime Minister has for slowly mainstreaming and then moderating religious extremists. The truth is far simpler and far uglier; the PTI and Imran Khan have never stood for progressive values and have no evident interest in pushing back against the religious bigotry and hate.
The first month of the PTI’s government has so far inspired very little confidence. At present, the government seems to be paralyzed, either incapable or unwilling to sit down and make decisions about anything. From the economy to the reform of the bureaucracy, all that we have seen so far is carefully choreographed statements and gimmicky stunts accompanied by the usual campaign rhetoric of change, with little in the way of actual policy. The only area in which the government has been active is in the advertisement of its ‘Islamic’ credentials, first with the Dutch cartoons and now with the appointment of Prof. Mian to the EAC. These are not good portents for the future, and do not bode well for the fight against extremism. Moreover, the PTI has also demonstrated that its stated commitment to ‘meritocracy’ is little more than empty words. There are few people in the world, let alone in Pakistan, who were as qualified to be on the EAC as Atif Mian, and his removal from this body on grounds that have nothing to do with his expertise is Pakistan’s loss, just as it was when the same sequence of events played out with regards to Prof. Abdus Salaam, Pakistan’s first Nobel laureate. All the PTI has done is tell the world that the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is so insecure about its faith and identity, it will join the ranks of some of the most repressive regimes in history by denying basic rights to some of its citizens just because they happen to believe in the wrong god or profess the wrong faith. The PTI and its enablers are no different from the bigots, racists, and fascists they rightly accuse of committing atrocities against Muslims around the world.
#Pakistan's Ahmadi Muslims - #AtifMian - 'Disappointing': Imran Khan's ex-wife Jemima Goldsmith slams Pakistan govt over Atif Mian's removal
Goldsmith, a leading columnist and campaigner in the UK, went on to re-tweet a second message in reference to this, which quoted Jinnah from 1947 when Pakistan was created as a result of Partition with India.