Thursday, March 5, 2020

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Saudi Arabia: Specialized Criminal Court a political tool to muzzle critical voices

A new report published by Amnesty International today exposes how despite all their rhetoric of reforms, the Saudi authorities are using the Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) as a weapon to systematically silence dissent. Alongside the report, the organisation is also launching a campaign calling for the immediate and unconditional release of all human rights defenders detained for their peaceful expression.

In the report titled “Muzzling critical voices: Politicized trials before Saudi Arabia’s Specialized Criminal Court” the organization documents the chilling impact of the SCC’s prosecutions of human rights defenders, writers, economists, journalists, religious clerics, reformists and political activists, including of Saudi Arabia’s Shi’a Muslim minority who have suffered grossly unfair trials before the SCC and received harsh sentences, including the death penalty, under vague counter-terror and anti-cybercrime laws.

The Saudi Arabian government exploits the SCC to create a false aura of legality around its abuse of the counter-terror law to silence its critics. 
Heba Morayef

Extensive examination of court documents, government statements and national legislation, as well as interviews with activists, lawyers and individuals close to the cases documented were included in the report. Amnesty International wrote to the Saudi authorities on 12 December 2019 and received one response from the official Human Rights Commission summarizing relevant laws and procedures but failing to directly address the cases raised in the report.
“The Saudi Arabian government exploits the SCC to create a false aura of legality around its abuse of the counter-terror law to silence its critics. Every stage of the SCC’s judicial process is tainted with human rights abuses, from the denial of access to a lawyer, to incommunicado detention, to convictions based solely on so-called ‘confessions’ extracted through torture,” said Heba Morayef, Amnesty International’s Middle East and North Africa Regional Director.
“Our research gives lie to the shiny new reformist image Saudi Arabia is trying to cultivate, exposing how the government uses a court like the SCC in the ruthless suppression of those who are courageous enough to voice opposition, defend human rights or call for meaningful reforms.”
The government’s rhetoric about reforms, which increased after the appointment of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, stands in stark contrast to the reality of the human rights situation in the country. At the same time as they brought in a set of positive women’s rights reforms, the authorities unleashed an intense crackdown on some of the highest profile women human rights defenders who had for years fought for those reforms as well as other citizens promoting change.
very stage of the SCC’s judicial process is tainted with human rights abuses, from the denial of access to a lawyer, to incommunicado detention, to convictions based solely on so-called ‘confessions’ extracted through torture 
Heba Morayef
The SCC was established in October 2008 to try individuals accused of terror-related crimes. Since 2011, it has been systematically used to prosecute individuals on vague charges which often equate peaceful political activities with terrorism-related crimes. The counter-terror law, which has overly broad and vague definitions of “terrorism” and of a “terrorist crime”, contains provisions which criminalize peaceful expression of views.
Amnesty International’s report documents the cases of 95 individuals, mostly men, who were tried, sentenced or remain on trial before the SCC between 2011 and 2019. The trials of at least 11 individuals detained for their peaceful expression and association continue before the SCC until this day. Some 52 are now serving lengthy prison sentences of between five and 30 years.
Several Saudi Arabian Shi’a Muslims, including young men tried for “crimes” they were accused of having committed when they were under the age of 18 are at imminent risk of execution following grossly unfair trials before the SCC. At least 28 Saudi Arabians from the Shi’a minority have been executed since 2016, many of whom were sentenced to death by the SCC based solely on torture-tainted ‘confessions.’
Grossly unfair trials
Amnesty International closely reviewed eight SCC trials of 68 Shi’a defendants, the majority of whom were prosecuted for their participation in anti-government protests, and of 27 individuals prosecuted for their peaceful expression and human rights activism. In all cases of the 95 individuals, the organization concluded that the trials were grossly unfair. Defendants were convicted and, in many cases sentenced to death, on vague charges that criminalize peaceful opposition or in relation to charges of violence.
The most common charges used in proceedings analyzed by Amnesty International include “disobeying the ruler”; “questioning the integrity of officials and the judicial system”; “inciting disorder by calling for demonstrations” and “forming an unlicensed organization” – all of which describe acts protected by the right to freedom of expression, assembly and association.
Every single defendant in the SCC trials reviewed by Amnesty International was denied access to a lawyer from their arrest and throughout their interrogation. Appeals against SCC judgements are conducted behind closed doors without the presence or participation of defendants or their lawyers.
Our research gives lie to the shiny new reformist image Saudi Arabia is trying to cultivate, exposing how the government uses a court like the SCC in the ruthless suppression of those who are courageous enough to voice opposition, defend human rights or call for meaningful reforms 
Heba Morayef
One of the most striking failings of the SCC in the trials reviewed by Amnesty International is its unquestioning reliance on torture-tainted “confessions”. At least 20 Shi’a men tried by the SCC have been sentenced to death on the basis of such “confessions,” with 17 of them already executed.
Muzzling peaceful voices
Virtually all Saudi Arabian independent voices, including human rights defenders, writers and religious clerics are behind bars serving lengthy sentences handed down by the SCC and other courts since 2011 or remain on trial on charges related to their peaceful expression or activism.
Among those prosecuted by the SCC are founding members of independent human rights groups that the authorities shut down in 2013. For example, all 11 founding members of the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association (ACPRA) have been tried and sentenced in recent years for their human rights work. Others include human rights defenders such as Mohammad al-Otaibi, a founding member of the Union for Human Rights, who was sentenced to 14 years in prison on charges related to his efforts to form an independent human rights organization. He is currently facing new charges for his communication with international organizations and his attempt to seek political asylum.
Others who remain on trial before the SCC include Salman al-Awda, a reformist religious cleric arrested in September 2017, who faces the death penalty for peacefully exercising his rights to freedom expression and of association. Amnesty International has documented the trials and sentencing of 27 such individuals by the SCC. It considers 22 of the 27 still unlawfully detained to be prisoners of conscience and calls for their immediate and unconditional release.
Crushing dissent in the Eastern Province
Since 2011, over 100 Saudi Arabian Shi’a Muslims have been brought before the SCC in relation to both peaceful criticism of the government in speeches or on social media and participation in anti-government protests. They have been tried on vague and varied charges ranging from organization or support for protests, to alleged involvement in violent attacks and espionage for Iran.
On 2 January 2016, the authorities announced that a Shi’a cleric, Nimr al-Nimr, known for his critical stance towards the government had been executed, sparking renewed protests in Eastern Province. In July 2017, Youssuf al-Muhsikhass, who was sentenced to death following a grossly unfair trial was executed with three other Shi’a men, and in April 2019 a mass execution of 37 men, the majority of them Shi’a, was carried out.

If the King and Crown Prince want to show they are serious about reforms, they should as a first step immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience, ensure their convictions and sentences are quashed, and declare an official moratorium on all executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty 
Heba Morayef

The SCC has also sentenced to death and executed several young men for crimes committed when they were below 18 years of age following “confessions” extracted through torture or coercion. Three juveniles – Ali al-Nimr, Abdullah al-Zaher and Dawood al-Marhoon – were arrested separately in 2012 aged 17, 16 and 17 respectively in relation to their participation in anti-government protests. The three are at imminent risk of execution after they were sentenced to death following grossly unfair trials before the SCC.
Urgent reform required
Amnesty International calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience as well as fundamental reform to the SCC to ensure it can conduct fair trials and protect defendants from arbitrary detention, torture and other ill-treatment. There must also be independent investigations into allegations of torture or other ill-treatment in custody and full reparation for all victims of torture and other human rights violations by state officials or those acting on their behalf.
“If the King and Crown Prince want to show they are serious about reforms, they should as a first step immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience, ensure their convictions and sentences are quashed, and declare an official moratorium on all executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty,” said Heba Morayef.
In March and September 2019, the UN Human Rights Council adopted unprecedented joint statements on Saudi Arabia setting out a number of benchmarks for urgent human rights reforms. None of these have been met and Council members must ensure sustained scrutiny at the Council by supporting the establishment of a monitoring and reporting mechanism over the human rights situation.

Authoritarianism and corruption in Saudi Arabia

Recent social and economic reforms that helped improve Saudi Arabia’s business environment and attract foreign investment came with a heavy human rights price tag.
With a score of 53, Saudi Arabia improved by four points on the Corruption Perceptions Index since last year. However, its score does not reflect the myriad problems in the country, including a dismal human rights record and severe restrictions on journalists, political activists and other citizens, which is one of the many reasons it’s a “country to watch” on this year’s CPI.Over the past years, Saudi Arabia has spent millions of dollars to polish its reputation and suppress criticism from international media. With the help of Western PR agencies, the government is pushing the image of a modern country attractive for foreign investors. At home, however, the regime’s actions paint a very different picture — one of ruthless repression and flagrant disregard of human rights.
Corrupt “anti-corruption” purge
In 2017, the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS) carried out an ”anti-corruption” purge as part of his reform of the country. This was seen by many as a move to consolidate his position of power to which he rose through plotting and nepotism. A self-styled (anti-corruption) reformer on the one hand, the Crown Prince lives a luxurious lifestyle that eats up billions of dollars of unclear origin on the other. His recent lavish purchases include a yacht, a French chateau and a da Vinci painting, adding up to over US$1 billion. Despite government claims of recovering approximately US$106 billion of stolen assets in the crackdown, there was no due process, transparent investigation or fair and free trial for suspects.Even if it was a sincere attempt to clamp down on corruption, this top-down approach will likely prove to be unsustainable, as it does not draw on the full range of anti-corruption measures, many of which rely on the participation of non-state actors.
Crushing dissent
The absence of civil society points toward a much wider problem in Saudi Arabia. Over recent years, the country’s regime has been escalating its clampdown on dissenters, detaining people for peaceful activism or political opposition. In November 2019, the Kingdom even categorised feminism and homosexuality as crimes. While the government ultimately retracted its announcement , Saudi Arabia’s leading women human rights defenders are still behind bars for their human rights work. A free media is also practically non-existent in Saudi Arabia, and any form of dissent bears the risk of grave consequences, from corporal punishment to prison or even death sentences. Corruption in the judiciary
A lack of accountability in the Saudi judiciary enables corruption. With a legal system that follows Sharia law, individual judges determine what constitutes a crime, which comes with increased corruption risks. Judicial corruption is common, in cases of both land registration and when it comes to politically sensitive decisions. Judges reportedly receive “implicit instructions” and pressure to issue harsh sentences. A special court set up to try cases of terrorism is particularly known for a lack of transparency and severe rulings against human rights defenders.
Opaque state finances
A lack of transparency and oversight in state finances are also major problems. Some experts suggest that countries with rich natural resources that depend on the sale of those resources rather than tax revenue are less likely to act in an accountable way towards citizens.This seems to apply to Saudi Arabia, where its general auditing bureau is not answerable to any elected body, leaving outsiders and citizens wondering how much of the state budget ends up in the pockets of the ruling family.
https://voices.transparency.org/authoritarianism-and-corruption-in-saudi-arabia-b51f261607eb

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میرا جسم، میری مرضی پر اعتراض کیوں؟

شاد بیگم 

کچھ مرد حضرات نے یہ بھی کہا کہ یہ عورتیں اپنا جسم اور اپنی مرضی کا یہ مطلب لیتی ہیں کہ یہ طوائف بن جائیں۔ میرا جسم، میری مرضی کا ہرگز یہ مطلب نہیں لیکن آپ نے کبھی یہ سوچا ہے کہ عورت طوائف کیوں بنتی ہے؟


میرا جسم، میری مرضی کا نعرہ جو کہ پچھلے سال ہونے والے عورت مارچ کے بعد سے ہر طرف زیر بحث ہے۔ جتنے بحث مباحثے اس حوالے سے ہوئے اس کا لبِ لباب نکالنے سے معلوم ہوتا ہے جیسے اعتراض میرے جسم پر نہیں، میری مرضی پر ہے۔ یہی تو ہمیشہ ہوتا آیا ہے، مسئلہ سارا اس مرضی کا ہے اور ہمارا معاشرہ آج بھی یہ چاہتا ہے کہ چاہے عورت کا جسم ہو، تعلیم کا حق ہو، نوکری کا حق ہو، پسند کی شادی کرنے کا حق ہو، کسی بات سے انکار کا حق ہو، اس سب میں مرضی مرد کی چلنی ہے۔ جہاں عورت نے اپنی مرضی چاہی، اس عورت کو نافرمان، بدچلن اور بری عورت قرار دیا۔ 
آخر اتنا خوف کیوں ہماری مرضی سے؟ یا شاید اس خوف کی وجہ یہ تو نہیں کہ آپ کو مرضی کا مطلب سمجھ میں نہیں آتا؟ اس مرضی کا مطلب ہرگز وہ نہیں جو آپ سمجھتے ہیں، کہ اگر کسی لڑکی کو شادی کے لیے پوچھا اور اس نے انکار کر دیا تو آپ کی مرضی ہے کہ آپ اس پر تیزاب پھینکیں۔ اگر کو ئی لڑکی پڑھنا لکھنا چاہے یا نوکری کرنا چاہے  تو آپ نے اسے مار دیا اور اسے اپنا گھریلو ذاتی  معاملہ قرار دے کر صاف بچ گئے۔ کیونکہ مرضی تو صرف آپ کی چلتی ہے۔ بیوی نے کھانا صحیح نہیں بنایا اور آپ نے تشدد کیا۔ بیٹیاں پیدا کرنے پر عورت کا جینا حرام کر دیا کیونکہ قدر تو صرف اولاد نرینہ کی ہے۔  
بھائی یا باپ تیش میں آیا اور کسی کو مار دیا۔ اب اسے بچانے کے لیے خاندان سر توڑ کوشسشیں کرے گی کہ اس کی زندگی بچ جائے لہذا یہاں پھر مرد حضرات کی مرضی کام آئے گی اور وہ یہ فیصلہ کریں گے کہ گھر میں موجود کسی بچی یا خاتون کو ’سورہ‘ میں دے دیا جائے اور دشمنی ختم کر دی جائے کیونکہ اس بچی یا خاتون کی کوئی مرضی تو ہے نہیں۔ اس کے بعد چاہے اس کی زندگی کا ہر دن قیامت کا دن ہو کیونکہ اس کی شادی نہیں کی جاتی اسے ایک نعم البدل کے طور پر پیش کیا جاتا ہے۔ پھر اسے کے شوہر اور اس کے گھر والوں کی مرضی کہ اس دشمنی کے پاداش میں روز اسے پھانسی سنائیں یا اس کا گلہ گھونٹے، مرضی اس کی نہیں چلے گی۔ 
دنیا جہان میں جہاں جہاں جنگ ہوئی، ہم سب کو اس امر کا بخوبی پتہ ہے کہ مرد صرف قتل ہوتے ہیں لیکن عورت قتل سے زیادہ ریپ ہوتی ہے۔ ریپ کو جنگوں میں ایک ہتھیار کے طور پر استعمال کیا جاتا رہا ہے، کیونکہ عورت کے جسم پر اس کی مرضی نہیں، لہذا مرد آپس میں دشمنیاں اور جنگوں میں ایک دوسرے کو نیچا دیکھانے اور بے عزت کرنے کے لیے ایک دوسرے کی عورتوں کے جسموں کو ظلم کا نشانے بناتے رہتے ہے اور دشمنی کی آگ بجھائی جاتی ہے
کچھ مرد حضرات نے یہ بھی کہا کہ یہ عورتیں اپنا جسم اور اپنی مرضی کا یہ مطلب لیتی ہیں کہ یہ طوائف بن جائیں سب۔ میرا جسم، میری مرضی کا ہرگز یہ مطلب نہیں لیکن آپ نے کبھی یہ سوچا ہے کہ عورت طوائف کیوں بنتی ہے؟
بھائی جس معا شرے میں عورت کی تعلیم پر پابندی ہے۔ عورت کی تعلیم کے لیے ادارے نہ ہونے کے برابر ہوں، مناسب ملازمتیں نہ ہوں، وہاں عورت طوائف نہیں بنے گی تو کیا کرے گی؟ لیکن سوال تو یہ بنتا ہے کہ طوائف کے پاس جاتا کون ہے؟ مرد۔ وہ مرد جس کی مرضی ہے، جہاں جائے، جو کرے، کوئی مائی کا لال مرد کی مرضی پر سوال نہیں اٹھا سکتا۔
اسی مرد کی مرضی میں آتا ہے تو کم سن اور معصوم بچے بچیوں کو اپنی ہوس کا نشانہ بنا کر بےدردی سے مار دے گا کیونکہ اس کی مرضی ہے۔
اپنے ارگرد نظر دوڑائیں اور مرد کی مرضی کی ایسی بہت سی مثالیں آپ کو نظر آئیں گی جو روز انسانیت کا جنازہ نکالتی ہوں گی لیکن چونکہ ہمارے معاشرے میں کبھی مرد کی مرضی پر سوال نہیں اٹھایا گیا اس لیے ہمیں یہ کبھی محسوس ہی نہیں ہوا کہ اس مرضی پر سوال اٹھائیں اور اس کو روکنے کی بات کریں۔ عورت جس مرضی کی بات کر رہی ہے وہ ہرگز وہ مرضی نہیں جو آج تک ایک مرد کرتا اور سمجھتا آ رہا ہے۔
اب وقت آگیا ہے کہ ہم عورتوں  کی مرضی چلے۔ ہم اپنے حق کے لیے آواز اٹھائیں۔ ہمارے جسم ہماری ملکیت ہیں۔ کسی مرد یا کسی انسان کو ہمارے جسم پر کوئی حق اور سروکار نہ ہو۔ ہم بھی ترقی کی منازل طے کریں۔ اپنی مرضی سے اپنی صلاحیتوں کو استعمال کریں۔ 
ہزار مشکلات اور جانفشانی کے بعد آج کی عورت جس طرح سے دنیا کے ہر کونے اور ہر شعبے میں کامیابی کی منازل طے کر رہی ہے، اس سے تو صاف ظاہر ہے کہ عورت کو اپنی مرضی کا مکمل حق حاصل ہونا چاہیے۔ اپنی مرضی اور خوشی سے جینا ہر انسان کا حق ہے لیکن پھر صرف ہم پر اعتراض کیوں؟
ہمارے معاشرے میں کنفرنٹیشن کی وبا ہر طرف پھیلی ہوئی ہے۔ کنفرنٹیشن سے مزید تنازعے اور مسائل پیدا ہوتے ہیں۔ لہذا ہم سب کو تھوڑے توقف سے سوچنے اور سمجھنے کے بعد اپنی بات کو مدلل طریقے سے آگے رکھنا چاہیے اور ترجیح اصلاح ہو۔ نہ کہ اپنی ذاتی انا اور جھوٹے وقار کی پرستش ہو۔
ایک متوازن معاشرے کی بنیاد ہی ایک ترقی یافتہ، پر امن اور خوشحال معاشرے کی ضامن ہے۔ میری یہ تحریر پڑھنے کے بعد گالی کا خیال دل میں آئے تو یہ سوچ لیجیے گا کہ آپ میری بات سمجھے نہیں لہذا توقف سے کام لیں اور سمجھنے کی کوشش کریں کہ میری مرضی سے آپ کو کوئی خطرہ نہیں لہذا مطمئن رہیں۔
خود بھی جییں اور دوسرں کو بھی  جینے دیں۔

پاکستان کی ہرعورت میری ماں جیسی ہے، بلاول

چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ پاکستان کی ہر عورت میری ماں جیسی ہے، جو حقوق ہمارا دین، آئین عورتوں کو دیتا ہے ہم انہی حقوق کا مطالبہ کرتے ہیں۔
چیئرمین پیپلزپارٹی بلاول بھٹوزرداری نےخواتین کنونشن سےخطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ خواتین کوحقوق ملےہیں تو پیپلزپارٹی کے دور میں ملے ہیں۔ ہم اپنے ملک کی خدمت کرنا چاہتے ہیں، عورتوں کےحقوق یا جدوجہد کی بات ہوتی ہے تو شہید بےنظیر بھٹو کا نام ضرور آتا ہے۔
چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی نے کہا کہ آج لوگ کہتے ہیں کہ عورت مارچ نہیں کرسکتی،میں ان لوگوں کو کہتا ہوں آپ کی سوچ پرانی ہے، آج پاکستان کی عورت مارچ بھی کرےگی، عورت اگر چاہتی ہے تو وہ وزیر اعظم بھی بنے گی۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ ہم کسی کواجازت نہیں دیں گے کہ وہ عورتوں کو بتائیں کہ کس طرح سیاست کرنی ہے، ہم کسی کواجازت نہیں دیں گے کہ وہ عورتوں کو بتائیں کس طرح احتجاج کرنا ہے، ریاست کی ذمہ داری ہے کہ خواتین کو تحفظ فراہم  کرے، نوجوان پاکستان کے لیے نوجوان قیادت کی ضرورت ہے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ عورتوں کےحقوق کی جدوجہد میں پیپلزپارٹی کا کردار سب سے آگے ہے، پاکستان کے کونے کونے میں لیڈی ہیلتھ ورکرز کام کرتی ہیں۔ پوری دنیا میں بے نظیر انکم سپورٹ پروگرام کو سراہا گیا، منہگائی بڑھ رہی ہے لیکن ریاست کی جانب سےکوئی مدد نہیں مل رہی۔
بلاول بھٹوزرداری نے کہا کہ پیپلزپارٹی نے ہر دور میں عورتوں کے لیےکام کیاہے، جہاں بھی ہمیں موقع ملتا ہے اس ملک کی عورتوں کے لیے جدوجہد کر رہے ہیں۔
چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی نے کہا کہ عورتوں کےمسائل حل کرنے کی کوشش کر رہے ہیں، پیپلزپارٹی وہ جماعت ہے جو آپ کےحقوق کے لیے لڑ رہی ہے۔

Pakistan can play leading role in South Asia: Bilawal Bhutto

Chairman Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has highlighted sacrifices of media workers, saying that the PPP will not accept a Naya Pakistan devoid of freedom of expression.
According to the details, He criticised the government for blocking media houses’ dues. The PPP chairman said that the government was using censorship as a tool to stifle criticism on media workers, producers, media houses, cameramen and those who posted on Twitter and other social media websites.
The chairman of PPP claimed that the cases against Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari had not been instituted due to corruption but political victimisation. Bilawal said no one agreed with the ruling party claims that Nawaz Sharif served the jail term because of corruption.

Bilawal Bhutto lashes PTI for targeting the spirit of democracy

He said This government had said that they would not go to the IMF, however; they did not keep their promise.
Chairman Pakistan Peoples Party Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said The IMF package should be in the public interest.
He said The People’s Party is the only party that is fighting for the rights of  people
Would like to work with all the allies, he added.
We will do everything the public wants, Bilawal said.

Video - Aaj Ki Aurat March Karegi | Bilawal Bhutto Speech | #AuratMarch