


M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
http://www.ocregister.comThe conflicts at the heart of the Saudi Arabian judicial system came to light this week over attempts to release a controversial cleric convicted of torturing, raping and killing his 5-year-old daughter. The ensuing public debate reveals deep schisms in Saudi society, particularly where women and children are concerned. Fayhan al-Ghamdi was arrested after his daughter, Lama al-Ghamdi, arrived at a hospital with severe head and body injuries. It was determined that she had been repeatedly raped. When asked how he could treat his own daughter is such a cruel fashion, al-Ghamdi said that he beat her after he began to doubt that Lama was still a virgin.Lama's mother, who is divorced from the father, is campaigning to have her ex-husband executed, which she argues is the proper Islamic punishment for his crime. Unfortunately, Fayhan al-Ghamdi has a significant following in the kingdom due to his frequent appearances on television, where he holds himself out as an expert of religious law and practices. Reports began circulating this month that al-Ghamdi was being released after paying so-called "blood money" to Lama's mother, amounting to approximately $50,000. The judge overseeing the case was reported as saying that such payment was adequate to see the cleric released from jail. This news quickly generated anger among many Saudis. Surprisingly, given the traditional close coordination between the religious establishment and the civil government, the Justice Ministry quickly intervened, stressing that al-Ghamdi was still in custody. Widespread outrage over Lama's brutal death has been building, and the Saudi royal family is clearly not entirely deaf to public opinion. Indeed, other reports claimed that the case against the cleric is actually still open and that his ex-wife intends to testify against him, in order to push for a more stringent penalty. Even if it is unlikely that al-Ghamdi will be given the death penalty, public sentiment is demanding much harsher treatment. The rights of women continue to be a hot-button issue in the kingdom. While King Abdullah is making some measureable progress on women's rights, through increased educational, employment and travel opportunities, the extremely conservative religious institutions in his country regularly impede his progress. Critics contend that Lama's fate was a direct result of Saudi Arabia's lack of meaningful laws to protect women and children from abuse, as well as the unwillingness of officials to conduct investigations and prosecute cases that are controversial and embarrassing to the clerical establishment. However, the mere fact that this emotional debate has broken through to the international media is a powerful sign of how these issues generate intense interest and concern among Saudis. Dissent in Saudi Arabia has always been a very tricky business. Much press has been given to King Abdullah's recent appointment of 30 women to the Shura Council, the top advisory body in this absolute monarchy. Of course, as has been seen in many countries many times before, the daily realities of working-class women, who must fight their battles for equality and personal safety from a position of grinding poverty, is in many ways largely unrelated to the advancement of a handful of elites into limited positions of influence and affluence. It is important to understand clearly Saudi Arabia's unique position regarding women's rights. No other country, arguably, restricts women to quite the same degree. Not Iran, not North Korea. In fact, no other Muslim country places the same comprehensive and systematic legal limitations on women as does Saudi Arabia. Whatever religious ideas purport to motivate the prohibition on women driving, or doing everyday tasks, like working or traveling without a man's consent, such notions do not hold sway for hundreds of millions of Muslims around the world. They are unique to Saudi Arabia. Importantly, al-Ghamdi's brutalization of Lama was not the result of a religious decision. He acted out of anger, which the law is duty-bound to punish. Watching the Saudi government respond, and the upwelling of public anger against this atrocity, may be an encouraging sign that the country is progressing towards a level of public discourse that will allow it to better adapt to the modern world. Saudi Arabia faces many challenges, and its poorest citizens suffer disproportionately from the rigid rules enforced by conservative clerics. Lama's tragic fate is just one example of the heart-wrenching consequences of the status quo. Hopefully, as the country struggles to address this crime, and the circumstances that allowed it to happen, Lama's suffering may ultimately have some positive consequence after all. Of course, this would be of little consolation to her grieving mother. Hopefully, Saudi officials will take the necessary steps to ensure that there are no more Lamas, and that women, young and old, are protected, not by isolating them from society, but by empowering them within their society.
http://allafrica.comSaudi Arabia and several countries in the Middle East have every now and then hit the headlines for wrong reasons. It has either been a house-maid thrown off the balcony by his irate employer or a worker being returned to Kenya in a coffin. What many Kenyans do not know is that Saudi Arabia, and several of the Middle Eastern countries, are very conservative. We are in the 21st century yet even a female university graduate is not allowed to drive a car. She also has to be accompanied by a chaperon even when she goes shopping. Generally, the females there appear very submissive. However, there is one exception to this - Dr Nawal el Saadawi. The intrepid Egyptian women rights fighter, who combines medicine with writing to get her points across. But the Middle East needs another 100 of such female warriors - Saadawii is but one drop in the ocean. Saudi Arabia has gained the notoriety of administering brutal punishment to its alleged offenders. For instance, it was recently reported in a British paper that up to "45 foreign house-maids were to be beheaded". The same source quotes a human rights group insinuating horrendous slaughters where up to 69 were executed last year, 75 the year before. These include five women, one of whom was beheaded for witchcraft and sorcery. The typical Kenyan teenager would consider this as intrusive authority and chant "Haki yetu, Haki yetu". Not so in the Middle East! This explains why the typical employer there, with the mindset of a slave master, flies into an uncontrollable rage and pushes a "rebellious" Kenyan house-maid off the balcony. But why do Kenyans travel overseas to seek employment? Jobs are difficult to come by here at home and the salaries are generally miserable except for a lucky few. Hence Kenyans will go anywhere to seek their fortunes. They are all over the world - we are told that Kenyans top the list of sub-Saharan Africans in the US. The truth is that the USA with all its short-comings is a modern democratic state. Saudi Arabia is not. I had a sojourn in Lesotho. The pay there was much better than in Kenya. However, the black Southern Africans have their own problems. They tend to look down on other Africans, especially those from the north of the Limpopo River whom they call Makoerekoere - those whose languages we do not understand. Back to Saudi Arabia. She has had a chequered history with East Africa. In the late 18th century, the Sultan of Oman helped drive out the Portuguese from East Africa, pushing them all the way to Mozambique , which remained their stronghold. The reigning Sultan, then known as Seyyid Said, was attracted to the Zanzibar island and the coastal littoral. He however encountered resistance from the Mazrui family of Mombasa The subsequent heavy-handedness of the Omanis was greatly resented by the Mazrui and their Swahili supporters. The well-known scholar, Professor R.W. Beachey in his book, The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa , surmises "that the local Swahili were restive under Omani rule is evident from their exodus to Mafia, and from letters to Goa from the Sultan and notables of Kilwa, pleading for the return of the Portuguese as preferable to the Omani". Indeed, the Mazrui had every now and then successfully defied the pretensions of Seyyid Said. But in the 1830s, Seyyid Said became more wily. We are told that he enticed the prominent members of the Mazrui clan into the Fort Jesus stronghold for a feast. The moment they were inside, the gates were locked up and the feast became a nightmare as the hapless guests were bound hand and foot. They were loaded onto boats heading for the Persian Gulf. We are also told that several were tossed overboard into the shark-infested waters and the remnants languished in Omani dungeons. Thereafter, Seyyid Said made Zanzibar his capital and turned East Africa into his commercial hegemony based on the odious ivory and slave trade. This explains why several employers in the Middle East maintain a mindset of a slave master, especially when dealing with Africans. And in Africa itself, countries such as the Sudan, Mauritania, Northern Mali and Niger still practise a form of slavery on the dark-skinned segments of their populations. A dark-skinned African in the Arab world is still regarded as a slave unless proven otherwise. Yes the African diplomats are feted with cosmetic dignity in the Arab world but the ordinary African is treated with contempt. This, in many ways, explains why the Kenyan workers there are generally treated as lesser humans. The government did the right thing to suspend travel arrangements to the Middle East. This should be supported by all patriotic Kenyans.
VOA.COMThousands of opposition supporters held demonstrations in Bahrain's capital Friday, leading to clashes for a second day. Anti-government protesters jammed a major highway that links several Shi'ite-populated areas to the capital, Manama, to mark the second anniversary of an uprising against the country's Sunni rulers. The march along the main highway was largely peaceful, however breakaway groups clashed with riot police in nearby neighborhoods. Witnesses say demonstrators threw stones and police fired tear gas. Friday's demonstrations began early in the morning and lasted almost all day. During protests on Thursday, a teenage boy was killed by police gunfire on the outskirts of the capital. And overnight Thursday to Friday, a policeman in Manama died after being hit by a homemade explosive. The majority Shi'ite opposition called for the nationwide demonstrations to mark the anniversary of the 2011 uprising amid the wave of pro-democracy movements in other Arab countries. Protesters are demanding democratic reforms in Bahrain and an end to the Sunni monarchy's perceived discrimination against Shi'ites. Bahrain's government crushed the demonstrations in March 2011, sending security forces to clear a protest encampment in Manama and bringing in troops from neighboring Sunni-led Gulf states to restore order. Street battles between Bahraini security forces and Shi'ite demonstrators have continued, mostly outside of Manama. At least 55 people have been killed since the uprising began.
The Baloch Hal
By Fazal Baloch
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Both work hard to surprise each other on Valentine's Day, which they've celebrated for the three years they've been together. “I don’t let him know, he doesn’t let me know," said Farzana, a university student who heads up an Islamic NGO that runs orphanages throughout the country. "Like a month before Valentine’s day we act that we don’t know it is Valentine’s Day. So, we normally surprise each other.”This isn’t just a game – the couple believe that love is simply more powerful than hate, and it could be a weapon in ending the insurgency. “When love comes even the Taliban can’t stop anybody,” Farzana adds. But can love really stop Taliban fighters in other parts of the war-torn country? An American charity put money on it. Getting married in Afghanistan, one of the world’s poorest countries, is very expensive. Women’s families can demand dowries of up to $10,000 from prospective husbands, Qasimi said. With the average Afghan earning less than $500 a year, these demands make marriage and family unachievable for many.With the help of local NGOs, Texas-based Comfort Aid International helped organize a mass wedding of 38 couples last year. “We did this to prevent our youth from joining the Taliban side. They often join the Taliban because they are single and poor,” local organizer Sayeed Saleh Qasimi said. That’s were Comfort Aid steps in – it has helped arrange the weddings for more than 1,000 couples already. Local organizations it works with have negotiated with local families to agree to more reasonable dowry prices. One young husband, Sayeed Hussaini, says he simply wouldn’t have been able to get married without the charity’s help. “Everyone wants things in life, like getting married,” the unemployed construction worker said. “But a lot of people are doing bad things for money like joining the Taliban.” He added: “I am jobless but I will not join them.” Hussaini's new wife Fatima is the reason he won’t risk his life. She says she’s grateful for the charity’s help in easing their financial woes, which allowed the couple to marry. So perhaps Farzana is right to hope that love can conquer war. “I think love can change anything,” she said, turning to her husband Suliman. “Yeah, yeah it changed you, it changed me.”Editorial:Daily TimesSt Valentine’s Day on February 14, the day marked for the celebration of love, was greeted with mixed emotions in Pakistan, a country in the throes of an ever-increasing environment of intolerance. Valentine’s Day originated in the commemoration of the Roman priest, St Valentine, who in 270 AD, suffered harrowing tortures for his tremendous contribution to the cause of the Christians who were being persecuted by the Roman Empire. The legend underwent different permatutions, but the basic premise of love remained consistent. The day is celebrated in many countries, and the exuberance of the sentiment proudly displayed is marked by the colour red, which has taken on the connotation of passion. This connotation further underlines the importance attached to the day, whose following is huge and not limited to any age, race or gender. Innumerable written messages, known as valentines — which went from handwritten to printed cards to e-cards over time — are given and received worldwide; an estimated (mindboggling) number of one billion such printed/electronic/handmade cards are exchanged in the US alone. The colour red is also the dominant hue for the balloons, candy, stuffed animals, gifts and even outfits worn on Valentine’s Day, thus setting a uniform tone for the day of love globally. In a country like Pakistan, where even the celebration of the most sublime of emotions is being categorised into the ‘good’ and the ‘bad, ‘Islamic’ or ‘western’, the alarming overtones of the radical Islamists and the orthodox communities seem to be gaining an unwanted resonance. Other than PEMRA issuing notices to all TV channels not to promote the ‘un-Islamic’ tradition of Valentine’s Day by showing any related content, there is also condemnation on social websites like twitter and facebook, bringing into ugly focus the growing narrow-mindedness of those who are hell bent on demarcating even the innocuous with a line of what is right and wrong, according to their own warped interpretation of what Islam stands for. How any festival that celebrates love affects anyone’s religious or cultural faith is the question put forth by the sane and tolerant voices of society. The entertainment-starved youth of a country that is witnessing a growing level of intolerance for all discourse that does not meet certain rigid criteria celebrate Valentine’s Day as an occasion where the cards/candy/gifts exchanged are symbols of the importance of their friendships and relationships. The Tanzeem-e-Islami organised an anti-Valentine’s Day campaign in Karachi, with banners touting it as a sign of behayai (shamelessness). This bears testimony to the simmering rigidity masquerading as religious piety in mainstream discourse. It is a matter of great concern to see a government organisation — PEMRA — and the cultural wing of a religious organisation acting as moral vigilantes of a nation that is already smarting under the effects of increasing extremism.
THE FRONTIER POSTThe Sindh Assembly unanimously adopted on Wednesday a law for making education free and compulsory in the province for all children between the five and 16 years of age. And the lawmakers were jubilantly in a self-congratulatory mould. But have they crucially worked out the nitty-gritty envisaged by the law to achieve the cent per cent education of this age group by the year 2015 as prescribed by this legislation? For, laws often fail to deliver if they have too much of unrealism and idealism about them. And that holds good for this piece of legislation, as well. Obviously, for achieving the stated objective in such a short span of time, an enormously expanded physical schooling infrastructure, a very large number of trained teachers and a huge financial outlay would be necessarily needed. But if the lawmakers are banking on the schooling system existing as today in the province to accomplish the feat, what to talk of 2015, the objective would remain unachieved even by the year 15 of the next century. Unarguably, the main burden of achieving this objective is to be borne by the state-run schooling apparatus. But what actually exists of it on the ground in the province is a big shame on a schooling system. Not only it is starkly inadequate; it is malfunctioning woefully, too. If the state-run schooling in urban Sindh could generously be labelled as barely passable, in the interior it is just in rot. Rural schools without even a building are no rarity. They are a common sight. Holding classes under the shades of tree in summer and under the open sky in winter is a norm over there, as is sitting on the bare ground without even a mat. But then even quite very many urban schools have no furniture worth the name. Not even toilets; in cases, no drinking water facility either. Schools with science laboratories are routine all over. And a library in both the urban and rural schools is an unheard-of phenomenon. Worst, the state-run schooling system in the province is virtually a dumping ground of the political appointees. In huge numbers, teachers have been foisted on the system by way of political patronage, not for any qualifications at all to teach. Teacher absenteeism is consequently rampant, with the teachers moonlighting elsewhere as full-time employees, visiting their schools only sporadically to teach and regularly every month to pick up their pay cheques. Numerically, teacher absenteeism in the province, particularly in its countryside, is as phenomenal as are the ghost schools with which it abounds. Politics has indeed dug deep inroads into its state-run schooling system. So much so, instead of expanding the system, the present provincial government shut down hundreds of schools its predecessors had established. Those, it contended, were launched for political considerations, not for their usefulness. But the local populations were sour and angry. They cried that those schools were opened up in response to their deeply-felt needs and demands to educate their children. They protested vehemently. Yet this provincial government didn't listen and dealt the fatal blow to those nearly 1,000 unlucky schools. Expecting that such a dilapidated state-run schooling system would help attain the objective of hundred percent education of school-age children in the next two years could thus only be an idealist's vision, if not an idiot's wild dream. And hoping that the largely unregulated and unmonitored private enterprise in education would share the burden in achieving this otherwise laudable objective could only be a fanciful thought, too. The private enterprise in education has visibly turned into a stark commercial venture in the province as elsewhere in the country. The lawmakers may have fixed quota for enrolment of poor children by private schools and may have even prescribed punishments for violations thereof, their owners are sure to resist it and evade it. Indeed, this stipulation has made only for official corruption, not for any worthwhile help coming forth. The lawmakers have declared it compulsory for the parents, too, to send their children to school. But this is on paper. On the ground, it would be very hard to enforce, given the financial stringencies of disadvantaged poor parents, who make up the bulk of our population, even in Sindh. Punishments won't do. After all, jails are not going to be filled with defaulting parents who won't be able to pay up the lawyer's fees for their own release. Only incentives, monetary or otherwise, would work. But it is unknown if anyone in the provincial administration has thought of it and worked out how much will it cost the provincial treasury until the objective of cent per cent education of the province's school-age children is achieved. In any case, now that the provincial hierarchy has taken the plunge, it must carry it to its logical conclusion. It should set up a task team to work out a comprehensive plan on how to go about this venture so that when the new government comes in it embarks on it forthwith. The objective is very noble, and achieved it must be at any rate.