Sunday, September 29, 2019

#Pakistan - The horrific chronicles from #Kasur

The recent rape and murder of four boys suggests paedophilia remains a social problem in Kasur and its outskirts.

Amtal Salam, 38, is the mother of eight-year-old Muhammad Faizan, who was raped and strangulated by an unknown paedophile. She wants an exemplary punishment for the killer of her son. “I want him to be hanged publicly. Then his body should be chopped into small pieces and be kept in a box. When his flesh starts to rot with worms, it should be burnt and his ashes should be scattered in the air,” says Salam while wailing.
When asked if she is willing to do this with her own hands, she replies, “Yes, though it will still not satisfy me.”
While the law will not allow her to punish the paedophile who killed her son, her sentiments speak of the state of paedophilia and killings of minors in Kasur district.
Four children – Muhammad Imran, Ali Hasnain and Suleman aged 12, 9 and 8 respectively – went missing in August. Muhammad Faizan, 8, was kidnapped on September 16. On September 17, Faizan’s body was found lying in a ditch near Chunian Bypass, along with remnants of two other corpses.
So far 21 people, mostly with a history of paedophilia and sodomy, have been arrested. DNA samples from the bodies and the suspects have been sent to the forensic lab. The Punjab chief minister has announced a reward worth Rs 5 million for information regarding the killer. The entire police administration of Kasur district has been replaced and a joint investigation team (JIT) has been formed. Yet, the investigators are still clueless.
Speaking to The News on Sunday, Kasur Assistant Commissioner, Shabbir Ahmed on Wednesday said, “The fourth missing boy’s clothes were discovered at the same spot and have been identified by Imran’s parents and the tailor who stitched them. Police and experts believe that the remains belong to three boys not two because Faizan’s body was still intact. However, the DNA report will clear the ambiguity surrounding Imran’s body.”
“Police have arrested 21 suspects. They have taken DNA samples of 500 people from Chunian and sent them to a forensic lab,” he added.
Kasur has been notorious following the events of 2015, when a sodomy-related pornography scandal was unearthed. Most of the victims in that case were under sixteen. Later, Zainab Ansari and seven other girls’ rapes and killings by Imran Ali, who was hanged last year, jolted the entire country. Now the rape and murder of four boys suggests that paedophilia is still rampant in Kasur and its outskirts.
Faizan’s father, Muhammad Ramzan is a prayer leader at Janazgah Wali Masjid in Pir Jehanian Chowk of Chunian. TNS interviewed Ramzan and his wife Salam at their house – the upper portion of the same mosque – where they were sitting with their three daughters and a son, Rehman.
“Faizan and Rehman went to the market to buy some candy and potato chips. However, Rehman returned alone. When asked about Faizan, he replied that he was following him but lost him somewhere along the way,” says Ramzan.
Ramzan says that he immediately informed the authorities about the incident. However, they failed to find any clues regarding Faizan’s whereabouts. “I was sitting in the mosque when two neighbours informed me that a body and some remains had been found from a deserted place near Chunian Bypass road. Police did not let me see the body initially but a couple of neighbours identified him.  The body was given to us two hours later. We buried him the same night.”
“Faizan and Rehman went to the market to buy some candy and potato chips. However, Rehman returned alone. When asked about Faizan, he replied that he was following him but lost him somewhere along the way,” says Ramzan.
Faizan was buried in the graveyard opposite the mosque. The grave is visible from a window of the house.
In the room where the family was interviewed, Rehman was reading his brother’s school books. However, he was unable to say anything about his brother.
DIG Zulfiqar Hameed, who initially supervised the investigations in the absence of his counterpart, Suhail Tajik, who is now back from Iran, says: “Finding the three bodies or remains from the same spot indicates that there might be a serial killer involved.” “Faizan’s autopsy report revealed that he was raped and strangulated to death but was not tortured separately.”
But investigators suspect that there might be more to the harrowing incidents of abduction, rape and murder of minors in Kasur. “People who are committing such heinous and inhuman crimes might be suffering from serious disorders. Zainab’s killer, Imran Ali, was monitored by several crime psychiatrists and psychologists. During investigations, he revealed that he himself had been a victim of sodomy, which had resulted in him having a dissociative identity disorder,” says Hameed. Imran was hanged in a Lahore jail last year.
“It is not the police’s job to teach people morality. It is the responsibility of the society and the state. Changing people’s behaviour towards children requires a comprehensive plan through a public- private partnership. An awareness campaign for children and their parents is also vital,” adds Hameed.
People from various areas of Kasur have been arriving at Ramzan’s residence to offer condolences over the brutal murder of his son.
Shehnaz Bibi, 40, a housewife from another village of Chunian also came for condolence. “I am not related to the family. I heard about this gruesome incident and came here. Believe me there are plenty of perverts roaming around in Kasur city and Chunian. The police protects them.” “You talk of minors, and yet the influential people of the area kidnap even women in broad daylight and rape them. There is no justice for the victims or punishment for the rapists, as the police support them.”
Muhammad Waseem, 16, a student in a local college says: “If police had taken action when the first child, Ali Hasnain, went missing the situation would not have gotten this far. Hasnain was my neighbour. When his parents went to the police station to register an FIR, the police told them to go back and wait as their child might have left home under some fear, and would return.”
“Kasur is in the spotlight right now. Some gangs may be operating here in order to defame the country,” says chairperson of Child Protection and Welfare Bureau (CPWB) Sarah Ahmad. “In Punjab, 247 rape cases have been reported over the past 6 months alone. The CPWB is handling 50 of them in eight districts.”
“For the first time, we are working closely with the police. We are sensitising them about the nature and gravity of such incidents. At the same time, we are working on awareness among children, parents, teachers and other organisations.”
“Let me assure you that you will see a tangible difference in the coming months,” she claims. The culprits, whether they are depraved sociopaths or serial killers, will be given exemplary punishment.”
Sahil, an organisation working on child abuse cases in Pakistan, has outlined some facts in its recent report on the first six months of 2019. It revealed that 24 children including boys and girls, ranging from 6 to 15 years, were victims of sexual crimes in Kasur. “Another common factor in such cases is that the age of the rapists ranges between 14 and 25 years,” reads the report.

Myths about polio still rampant in Pakistan

Administration of polio drops is viewed with suspicion as conspiracies continue to abound on social media. No wonder polio workers remain vulnerable and relevant departments struggle to meet targets in Rawalpindi.
Sajid Khan* refuses to allow administration of polio drops to his children. One of his children is paralysed, and another – who died a few years back – had lived with the same disability. Khan claims that his son was born with the disability and that he had tested negative for polio. He holds firmly to the view that polio drives, “backed by foreign powers and anti-state elements” are geared towards making Muslim children sterile.
“This is an anti-Islam and anti-Pakistan agenda,” he says.
When asked how he had arrived at this conclusion, he raises doubts over the “concern” that “foreign powers” had for Pakistani lives.
A resident of Dhok Hasu area of Rawalpindi and a native of KP, Khan also advises people in his circle to refuse administration of polio drops to their children.
A family that refuses administration of polio vaccine is liable to legal action. But the situation on ground is complicated. Recalling an armed attack on polio workers in Dhok Hasu area, District Superintendent Vaccination (DSV) Muhammad Hussain says that they had registered a case against a family for refusing polio drops and inciting violence against polio workers, but “eventually had to make an out-of-court settlement as the environment had become too hostile for polio workers.
He says people had started hiding their children during polio campaigns. “As a result, we stopped taking the legal recourse when families refused,” he adds.
Jahangir Ali*, a resident of PWD Colony in Islamabad, shares Khan’s views. Whenever someone tries to convince him of the utility of the vaccine, he brings up the Abbottabad incident, where American forces killed Osama Bin Laden following a similar campaign. Ali has five children. He claims that he has never administrated polio drops to them.
DSV Hussain notes that about “80 percent” of refusal cases are from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa families that have settled here, adding that they have strong misconceptions about these drives being the “nefarious agenda of foreign powers”. Other health officials avoid commenting on the percentages but concede that a majority of residents in these areas are native of KP. “Some local residents also refuse drops on account of similar misinformation about these drives,” he adds.
Officials maintain that the sample to test existence of poliovirus is drawn on a regular basis, and most of the samples come out negative. Talking about future vaccination drives, Islam says a polio drive was due this month but had to be postponed because of staff shortages.
Hussain says that misinformation through social media is a new challenge. “Since last year, when a series of fake news videos went viral on social media from KP, claiming that polio vaccine was toxic, the number of refusal cases has jumped up to 30,000 from about 4,000 to 5,000.”
Muhammad Kamran, in-charge for polio eradication in Ratta Amral, says: “Refusal cases in this area were hardly 15 to 20 earlier, but after these fake news videos, refusal cases suddenly jumped to more than 200.”
The superintendent of vaccination in Rawalpindi, Mohammad Islam says, “People who refuse polio vaccine often ask why global superpowers want to assist Pakistan in polio eradication when they have never supported Pakistan otherwise. They ask, why only Muslim countries are the target of polio eradication efforts?”
These statements represent what all those involved in polio eradication efforts are up against. Even frequent drives, says Kamran, increase people’s doubts in his area. “People ask, earlier there were one or two anti-polio drives in a year. Why are six or more drives being undertaken now? They think that this is due to foreign interests”.
The concerned departments, however, maintain that frequent polio drives are not only helpful in sensitising people about the danger of virus but the approach is effective in eradicating polio virus in the city.
Farzana Bibi has been a polio worker for two years. “Many refusing families eventually get convinced. As for those who resist despite our efforts, we note their objections in our registers. Once we conclude the polio drive, we visit them again and if the families are still not ready, we report the issue to the authorities.”
Bibi notes that repeat visits to the refusing family sometimes backfire. “They get aggressive. In such situations, we prefer reporting to the department to avoid any untoward situation.”
The Health Department has special committees who keep visiting the refusing families until they agree to allow polio drops. In these efforts, they enlist support of prayer leaders, seminary teachers, and local influential people.
Hafiz Muhammad Iqbal, a religious scholar, was among those who once had similar misconceptions against polio drops. Now he is not only administrating polio drops to his children but also helping the Health Department in persuading others.
Iqbal says that there is nothing dangerous for children in this vaccine – “A fatwa by religious scholars and lab test of the vaccine are enough to prove the quality of the vaccine as well as the purity of intentions behind the polio cause”. He adds that religious scholars can play a crucial role in convincing people, as “most of most of the refusing families trust them”.
“We have published special booklets containing fatwas and test reports of polio vaccine. These documents are with polio teams and other stakeholders,” claims DSV Hussain. However, when asked for a copy of the document, both the fatwas and the lab reports of the vaccine were missing from the booklet he had on his table.
Rasheed Ahmed, a member of the Rawalpindi Cantonment Board, says, “The local representatives in Cantt areas have no role in polio campaigns since the matter has been handed over to the district administration. Earlier, the local representatives were involved in these campaigns,” he says, adding that they are ready to cooperate in the best public interest.
As per health officials, the total population of Rawalpindi district is 5.6 million. It is divided into 46 union councils and cantonment regions. As many as 286,200 children are the target population for administration of polio drops. The health management has 2,500 mobile teams, 454 area in-charges, and 226 medical doctors as part of the force to administrate polio drops as well as create awareness among people regarding importance of polio drops.
No polio case has been reported in Rawalpindi district after 2010. Earlier, one case each was reported in 2008 and 2009 respectively. However, health officials say that the potential threat of virus transmission is still there as people in parts of Rawalpindi still refuse administration of polio drops to their children.
According to official sources, most refusal cases come from UC3: Hazara Colony, UC4: Dhok Mangtal, UC5: Dhok Hasu Shumali, UC6: Dhok Hasu Jonobi, UC7: Awan Colony, UC8: Fauji Colony, UC9: Bangash Colony, UC10: Khayaban-e-Sir Syed Awan Market, UC11: Khayaban-e-Sir Syed, Sector 3&4-b, CTR1: Qasimabad, CTR2: Allahabad, CTR3: Sultanabad, CTR4: Westridge, CTR5: Habib Colony and CTR17: Dhok Mustaqeem.
Dhok Mangtal and Fauji Colony area are more vulnerable to poliovirus as a high number of refusals come from these localities. Out of a total 79,629 target children in eight UCs and six CTRs, 6,019 parents refuse administration of polio drops to their children.
Officials maintain that the sample to test existence of poliovirus is drawn on a regular basis, and most of the samples come out negative.
Talking about future vaccination drives, Islam says a polio drive was due this month but had to be postponed because of staff shortages.
“The next polio drive will be undertaken in October,” he says.
Islam says they were planning to advertise jobs and will be hiring new people soon. He says that they are planning to induct people from within the communities, so that the issue of resistance can be solved on permanent basis.
*names changed to protect identities
Countering social media untruths
Director Information Health Hamid Iqbal says social media propaganda against polio drops has emerged as a serious challenge for the department and demands proactive strategies.
When asked whether the department was thinking of a strategy to overcome the problems caused by circulation of videos that hurt the polio cause on social media, he says that he did not know of such a strategy but could check with senior officials.
However, when contacted again for any updates, he says that the department is already working on short-term and long-term strategies but a strategy to counter the social media issue is not on the cards.
Most stakeholders have suggested that senior management’s involvement could potentially play a vital role in removing public misconceptions. When asked about the involvement of senior management, Iqbal says, “Higher authorities are more active and vigilant on the issue.”
Tallies from across Pakistan
At least five polio cases have surfaced in the Punjab this year, including four in Lahore and one in Jhelum. In Punjab, 12 polio cases were reported in 2012, seven in 2013, five in 2014, two in 2015, one in 2017 and five in the first eight months of 2019. Besides, over 60 WPV-1 cases have surfaced in the first eight months of 2019. This number was 12 in 2018.
According to a recent WHO report, Pakistan is one of the only three countries in the world (along with Afghanistan and Nigeria) where polio remains endemic.
No report of polio cases after 2010, and reports about the non-existence of poliovirus in parts of the district are some good developmentsbut the threat of polio transmission still remains and fluctuation in refusal cases due to fake news on social media is an additional point of concern.

Loose Nukes: Pakistan's Nuclear Weapons Are A Nightmare for 1 Reason

What can be done?
Key point: An unstable country in a dangerous neighborhood.

Sandwiched between Iran, China, India and Afghanistan, Pakistan lives in a complicated neighborhood with a variety of security issues. One of the nine known states known to have nuclear weapons, Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal and doctrine are continually evolving to match perceived threats. A nuclear power for decades, Pakistan is now attempting to construct a nuclear triad of its own, making its nuclear arsenal resilient and capable of devastating retaliatory strikes.
Pakistan’s nuclear program goes back to the 1950s, during the early days of its rivalry with India. President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto famously said in 1965, “If India builds the bomb, we will eat grass or leaves, even go hungry, but we will get one of our own.”
The program became a higher priority after the country’s 1971 defeat at the hands of India, which caused East Pakistan to break away and become Bangladesh. Experts believe the humiliating loss of territory, much more than reports that India was pursuing nuclear weapons, accelerated the Pakistani nuclear program. India tested its first bomb, codenamed “Smiling Buddha,” in May 1974, putting the subcontinent on the road to nuclearization.
Pakistan began the process of accumulating the necessary fuel for nuclear weapons, enriched uranium and plutonium. The country was particularly helped by one A. Q. Khan, a metallurgist working in the West who returned to his home country in 1975 with centrifuge designs and business contacts necessary to begin the enrichment process. Pakistan’s program was assisted by European countries and a clandestine equipment-acquisition program designed to do an end run on nonproliferation efforts. Outside countries eventually dropped out as the true purpose of the program became clear, but the clandestine effort continued.
Exactly when Pakistan had completed its first nuclear device is murky. Former president Benazir Bhutto, Zulfikar Bhutto’s daughter, claimed that her father told her the first device was ready by 1977. A member of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission said design of the bomb was completed in 1978 and the bomb was “cold tested”—stopping short of an actual explosion—in 1983.
Benazir Bhutto later claimed that Pakistan’s bombs were stored disassembled until 1998, when India tested six bombs in a span of three days. Nearly three weeks later, Pakistan conducted a similar rapid-fire testing schedule, setting off five bombs in a single day and a sixth bomb three days later. The first device, estimated at twenty-five to thirty kilotons, may have been a boosted uranium device. The second was estimated at twelve kilotons, and the next three as sub-kiloton devices.
The sixth and final device appears to have also been a twelve-kiloton bomb that was detonated at a different testing range; a U.S. Air Force “Constant Phoenix” nuclear-detection aircraft reportedly detected plutonium afterward. Since Pakistan had been working on a uranium bomb and North Korea—which shared or purchased research with Pakistan through the A. Q. Khan network—had been working on a uranium bomb, some outside observers concluded the sixth test was actually a North Korean test, detonated elsewhere to conceal North Korea’s involvement although. There is no consensus on this conclusion.
Experts believe Pakistan’s nuclear stockpile is steadily growing. In 1998, the stockpile was estimated at five to twenty-five devices, depending on how much enriched uranium each bomb required. Today Pakistan is estimated to have an arsenal of 110 to 130 nuclear bombs. In 2015 the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Stimson Center estimated Pakistan’s bomb-making capability at twenty devices annually, which on top of the existing stockpile meant Pakistan could quickly become the third-largest nuclear power in the world. Other observers, however, believe Pakistan can only develop another forty to fifty warheads in the near future.
Pakistani nuclear weapons are under control of the military’s Strategic Plans Division, and are primarily stored in Punjab Province, far from the northwest frontier and the Taliban. Ten thousand Pakistani troops and intelligence personnel from the SPD guard the weapons. Pakistan claims that the weapons are only armed by the appropriate code at the last moment, preventing a “rogue nuke” scenario.
Pakistani nuclear doctrine appears to be to deter what it considers an economically, politically and militarily stronger India. The nuclear standoff is exacerbated by the traditional animosity between the two countries, the several wars the two countries have fought, and events such as the 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai, which were directed by Pakistan. Unlike neighboring India and China, Pakistan does not have a “no first use” doctrine, and reserves the right to use nuclear weapons, particularly low-yield tactical nuclear weapons, to offset India’s advantage in conventional forces. Pakistan currently has a nuclear “triad” of nuclear delivery systems based on land, in the air and at sea. Islamabad is believed to have modified American-built F-16A fighters and possibly French-made Mirage fighters to deliver nuclear bombs by 1995. Since the fighters would have to penetrate India’s air defense network to deliver their payloads against cities and other targets, Pakistani aircraft would likely be deliver tactical nuclear weapons against battlefield targets.
Land-based delivery systems are in the form of missiles, with many designs based on or influenced by Chinese and North Korean designs. The Hatf series of mobile missiles includes the solid-fueled Hatf-III (180 miles), solid-fueled Hatf-IV (466 miles) and liquid-fueled Hatf V, (766 miles). The CSIS Missile Threat Initiative believes that as of 2014, Hatf VI (1242 miles) is likely in service. Pakistan is also developing a Shaheen III intermediate-range missile capable of striking targets out to 1708 miles, in order to strike the Nicobar and Andaman Islands.
The sea component of Pakistan’s nuclear force consists of the Babur class of cruise missiles. The latest version, Babur-2, looks like most modern cruise missiles, with a bullet-like shape, a cluster of four tiny tail wings and two stubby main wings, all powered by a turbofan or turbojet engine. The cruise missile has a range of 434 miles. Instead of GPS guidance, which could be disabled regionally by the U.S. government, Babur-2 uses older Terrain Contour Matching (TERCOM) and Digital Scene Matching and Area Co-relation (DSMAC) navigation technology. Babur-2 is deployed on both land and at sea on ships, where they would be more difficult to neutralize. A submarine-launched version, Babur-3, was tested in January and would be the most survivable of all Pakistani nuclear delivery systems. Pakistan is clearly developing a robust nuclear capability that can not only deter but fight a nuclear war. It is also dealing with internal security issues that could threaten the integrity of its nuclear arsenal. Pakistan and India are clearly in the midst of a nuclear arms race that could, in relative terms, lead to absurdly high nuclear stockpiles reminiscent of the Cold War. It is clear that an arms-control agreement for the subcontinent is desperately needed.

Imran Khan can’t get away by blaming America for Pakistan’s jihad problem

Pakistan does not want to be blamed for the discovery of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad or for the presence of terrorist outfits across the country.

Pakistan’s promise of ending jihadi radicalisation at home and militancy in its neighborhood would be more credible if its leaders did not insist on re-writing history to blame others, mainly the US, for Islamabad’s policies.
Prime Minister Imran Khan attempted to hold the US responsible for Pakistan’s use of radical Islamists as an instrument of foreign policy in his recent talk at the Council of Foreign Relations in New York. According to Khan, “jihad was glorified” because “helped by the United States, we organised the resistance to the Soviets”.
Imran Khan’s attempt at historic revisionism, of course, is not new. Other Pakistani leaders have made similar assertions. General Pervez Musharraf attributed Pakistan’s jihad problem to the US-supported war and explained its continuance beyond the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan to a ‘proxy war’ with India. Former Pakistan president Asif Zardari also made claims similar to those made by Imran Khan.
The logic behind this revisionist history is that Pakistan and its leaders are not to be blamed for the discovery of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad or for the presence of dozens of terrorist organisations across the country. The blame should somehow lie with the United States for ‘using’ Pakistan for jihad against the Soviet Union from 1979 to 1989.

Pakistan establishment’s real problem

This attempt to shift the blame from Pakistan’s jihadist policies has several flaws. The jihad against the Soviets ended 30 years ago, and the major figures who participated in it are either dead or very old. The terrorist groups trained and launched for Ghazwa-e-Hind, the battle for India, had little to do with the anti-Soviet struggle in Afghanistan.
The Kashmir-related groups were purely Pakistan’s creation and most of the major leaders in the Kashmiri jihad had no significant roles in the battles waged in Afghanistan against the Soviets. None of them received training or equipment from the Americans. Some of these groups have had several incarnations despite successive governments saying they would ban them.
Instead of shutting these groups down, Pakistan’s officials simply want to deceive or confuse the rest of the world about their existence. For example, only two weeks ago, a US-designated terrorist, Fazlur Rehman Khalil, appeared on stage in Islamabad with Pakistan’s special assistant to the PM on information at a Kashmir solidarity conference.
The story of his sharing the stage with Imran Khan’s cabinet member was carried by the state-run Associated Press of Pakistan only in its Urdu service. Last year, Khalil had campaigned alongside Imran Khan’s former finance minister Asad Umar, and the press reported that he had joined Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). The report was contradicted the next day in the English-language press because foreign diplomats and outside analysts are most likely to read news on English-medium websites.
Khalil was a co-signatory of Osama bin Laden’s 1998 declaration of war against the United States and has continued to operate freely over the years even as Pakistan promised action against him. The effort to hide him from foreigners while allowing him to campaign alongside cabinet ministers indicates that Pakistan’s establishment sees overseas exposure of jihadis, not their existence, as the real problem.

Pakistan’s jihadist history

Fact is that jihad, which remains part of the Pakistan army’s credo – Iman, Taqwa, Jihad fi Sabil Allah (meaning Faith, Piety, Jihad in the path of Allah) – has been one of the defining elements of Pakistan’s state ideology. Covering that up before foreign audiences with abridged accounts of history implies that Pakistani leaders do not want to acknowledge and confront the problem. They would rather sweep it under the carpet.
The anti-Soviet jihad, generously assisted by the Americans, came after Pakistan had already established a tradition of mustering irregular forces inspired by Islamic sentiment. In my book Pakistan Between Mosque and Military, I have cited extensive evidence of how Pakistan’s civil and military leaders repeatedly offered Pakistan’s services to the West in return for economic and military aid.
Pakistan first finance minister (and later Governor-General), Ghulam Muhammad, had proposed the creation of an ‘Islamic barrier to the Soviets’ with the help of US intelligence as far back as 1949. Afghan mujahideen leaders Burhanuddin Rabbani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar set up shop in Peshawar in 1973, six years before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. And, after the invasion in 1979, the idea of jihad against the Soviets was mooted to the Americans by Pakistan’s then-military dictator, General Zia-ul-Haq, not vice-versa.
Pakistan’s jihadist history began with the organisation of tribal lashkars in 1948 for Kashmir. It continued with Field Marshal Ayub Khan’s call for jihad against India in 1965, backed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s call for a “thousand-year war” and the 1971 mobilisation of mujahids and razakars to subdue the Bangladesh liberation struggle in erstwhile East Pakistan.
Ayub Khan’s Bureau of National Reconstruction had proposed ‘irregular warfare’ as the solution to the country’s security problems. Aslam Siddiqi, a senior official in that bureau, explained in his book Pakistan Seeks Security (1960. Lahore, Longmans Green): “Irregular warfare can help in reducing the crucial nature of the initial battles of Pakistan. It can help in spreading out prolonging action. The essence of this irregular warfare is to deny the enemy any target and keep attacking him again at unexpected places.”
The anti-Soviet Afghan jihad expanded the scale of Pakistan’s ability to wage ‘irregular warfare’. The influx of American and Middle East money enabled the enlargement of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) into a formidable organisation. It also improved the quality of weapons, other equipment, and training available to the jihadis. But it was by no means the beginning of Pakistan’s involvement with jihad. And denying history, and the misdirected ideology behind it, will certainly not help end the misadventure and its debilitating consequences.

Saudi Arabia looking to invest $100 b in India

Saudi Arabia, the world’s biggest oil exporter, is looking at investing $100 billion in India in sectors such as petrochemicals, infrastructure and mining, considering the country’s growth potential.
Saudi Ambassador Dr Saud bin Mohammed Al Sati said India is an attractive investment destination for Saudi Arabia and it is eyeing long-term partnerships with New Delhi in key sectors such as oil, gas and mining.
“Saudi Arabia is looking at making investments in India potentially worth $100 billion in the areas of energy, refining, petrochemicals, infrastructure, agriculture, minerals and mining,” Al Sati told PTI in an interview.
He said Saudi Arabia’s biggest oil giant Aramco’s proposed partnership with Reliance Industries Ltd reflected the strategic nature of the growing energy ties between the two countries.
The envoy said investing in India’s value chain from oil supply, marketing, refining to petrochemicals and lubricants is a key part of Aramco’s global downstream strategy.
“In this backdrop, Saudi Aramco’s proposed investments in India’s energy sector such as the $44 billion West Coast refinery and petrochemical project in Maharashtra and long-term partnership with Reliance represent strategic milestones in our bilateral relationship,” he said.