There's not much to be expected from Davos in solving the issue of inequality, while studies show that the rich and powerful use their money to dominate political processes all over the world, Max Lawson, head of advocacy at Oxfam GB, told RT. On January 20 a report entitled “Working for the Few” was released by Oxfam, an international organization searching for solutions against poverty and injustice. According to this report the world’s 85 wealthiest people have as much money as the 3.5 billion poorest people on the planet – half the Earth’s population. This signifies an extreme economic inequality, which is a serious and warring trend. Max Lawson doesn’t think we should expect any moves to be made in Davos about it. “We think there will be a lot of talk about inequality in Davos but very little action. We don’t expect them to do much at all,” Lawson told RT. What the report has also concluded is that big money often opens political doors for the rich.“Often those powerful rich people use that money to capture the political process. Our paper has case studies of that happening in countries all over the world, whether it’s Pakistan, whether it’s Tanzania. You see politicians buying politics,” Lawson says. “The paper shows that it’s definitely a case in the rich OECD countries that politics is being increasingly influenced by rich people. We use the example of the financial deregulation and very low tax rates, where you can see these furious lobbies of the politicians by the richest people in the United States, in Europe, to push for lower taxes, which in turn increases greater inequality because if rich people are not paying tax, then it means inequality goes up,” Lawson added. ‘Tax avoidance is human rights abuse’ Lawson speaks about billionaires like Warren Buffett and Bill Gates who agreed to give away their fortunes as an example of people who are really doing an amazing job to fight global poverty. One of the main tactics, he says, should be support for progressive taxation and fighting tax dodging. “Warren Buffett has spoken out on this issue of tax dodging and on the fact that rich people pay very low tax rates. I think some of the billionaires in Davos are definitely saying the right thing. We need to see a lot more of them agreeing to a lot more tax so that we are not having a situation that we’ve got. People have more money that they can spend in ten thousand life times, when you are have a billion people living on less than a dollar a day,” Lawson told RT. There is a lot that can be done on the international level to tackle the issue of the growing inequality, particularly around the issue of tax, tax havens and tax avoidance, Lawson believes. “So you are seeing hundreds of billions of dollars being hidden away in tax havens. This is money that is owned by the richest corporations, the richest people, and that should be taxed. If it was taxed fairly then that money would be spent on health, on education, on decent jobs for ordinary people. So if we saw a crackdown on tax evasion that would make a major difference to inequality.” According to Lawson, tax dodging is not just a problem in Western countries, it’s a huge problem in Africa. Many of the mining companies, the big investors in Africa, make enormous use of tax havens, he says. “Africa loses something like $60 billion a year in lost taxes. It’s a major problem for the poorest countries, so it’s not just about Starbucks or Google and Apple, which is important too, but it’s also about all these mining companies, companies operating in Africa that are all avoiding taxes. And every dollar in tax they avoid, that’s a dollar that could be helping put a child in school, could be building a clinic, or hospital or paying for a nurse. We think this tax avoidance is human rights abuse and it needs to stop,” Lawson concluded.
M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Saturday, January 25, 2014
'A lot of talk about inequality in Davos, but very little action'
Moscow urges West not to encourage Ukrainian militants' actions

"I hope he (Kerry) heeded," Lavrov added.
Nine protesters dead in clashes on anniversary of Egypt uprising
Something is Wrong in the Cradle of the “Arab Spring”: Reflections on Egypt’s Revolution Three Years Later
http://www.globalresearch.ca/
By Ghada ChehadeHaving followed and written [1] on the Egyptian uprisings since 2011, on the third anniversary of the (not yet realized) revolution I find myself somewhat befuddled. And I suspect I may not be alone in my confusion. The Egyptian revolution originally began with calls for “bread, freedom, social justice and human dignity.” Nowhere in this popular discourse were there demands for greater religiosity [2] or increased state force. Yet today we find a battle being waged in Egypt between religious extremism (and the supporters of the ousted Muslim Brotherhood), on the one hand, and repressive (Mubarak era) military and state forces, on the other. Something is wrong in the cradle of the Arab Spring. What happened to the definitive issues—which were largely concerned with access to food and jobs—of the people’s revolution? How did an uprising that had nothing to do with religion or sectarian cleavages result in the very temporary coming to power of a religious political party—that was actually largely absent and silent during the initial uprising—just long enough to polarize the population and elicit the very type of extreme state force much of the population was opposed to under Mubarak; yet currently hails as heroic? While the subject and spectacle has been focused on the battle between Brotherhood supporters and the military state, those sympathetic to the cause of the 2011 uprising may be keen to note that both sides are antithetical to the original people’s uprising and its demands and grievances. It’s as if the people’s revolution— which originally sought, in part, to undo or oppose the policies of global neo-liberalism—has gone, or been taken, down a path that increasingly distorts and undermines its initial ideals and demands while violently polarizing a previously more cohesive population. If I was a complete cynic, I might even go as far as to say that the bizarre and temporary governing tenure of the Muslim Brotherhood ushered in just enough social turmoil and fissure to allow a once contested Mubarak-era military elite to (violently) re-emerge as the stout (and constitutionally backed) protectors of the peace and the nation. So, it seems that the more things “change,” the more they stay the same. Or in this case change for the worse; with the country growing more and more violently destabilized. So who or what ultimately benefits from the post-revolutionary state of the country? Has the diversion and chaos since Morsi came to and was ousted from power brought the Egyptian people closer to “bread, freedom, justice and human dignity”? Three years after the initial uprisings many are left wondering just what happened and whose interest (or interests) are served in the end. These questions are beyond the scope of an op-ed piece but I would like to note the following: It might be argued that the highjacking of the people’s revolution by diversionary issues and divisions (over religion, etc) has channeled, misdirected, exploited and wasted the people’s energy. Today the people are spent and, even worse, at conflict with one another; a population bewildered, drained, diverted and sometimes divided. In an ironic twist, with their energies spent and misdirected, the Egyptian people are far less of a threat to—with a vast many applauding—Mubarak-era military elites than they were before the initial uprising. Having suffered under the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood for a year (let us remember that Morsi used the State apparatus to increase his own powers and “private militias” to violently repress protestors), part of the population became almost inadvertently “welcoming” of and acquiescent to remnants of the old (pre-revolution, US-backed) regime, leaving fervent hopes for a new, just and less repressive Egypt still unrealized three years later.
Americans free to exit Afghanistan: Karzai
Pakistan's Shia Genocide: After the funerals

Pakistan: A new wave of terror

Pakistan: PML-N government with regard to tackling the TTP... '' Prisoner of self-created illusions ''
Pakistanis Exodus from Mir Ali: Hundreds flee homes over conflict fears
Hundreds of people have fled their homes in Mir Ali, a sub division of North Waziristan Agency, in anticipation of a military operation in the area, officials said on Friday. Most of them are heading to the adjacent district of Bannu, locals and North Waziristan political administration told The Express Tribune. However, an official from the administration said, “We request the tribal families not to leave their homes and for those who have left to come back because there is no war and peace prevails in the agency.” The exodus was triggered in part by panic amongst residents following a series of targeted operations by the military against hideouts in Mir Ali. Travelling via the Miramshah-Bannu Road, locals from Mir Ali are heading to Mashko Khel, Baka Khel or on to Bannu district. Officials at the Fata Disaster Management Authority (FDMA) say they have not received official directions to deal with these internally displaced people, but a special team has been sent to Bannu to survey the numbers of IDPs arriving from North Waziristan Agency.
“Most of the families of Mir Ali Bazaar and adjacent areas have been leaving,” Abdullah Wazir, a resident of Spin Wam told The Express Tribune, adding, “women and children have been leaving with household materials, but livestock and larger items of belongings are being abandoned by these families.” “It is difficult to find shelter in Bannu,” said Janath Noor, aged 38, who travelled there with her family. “There are problems at home and here in Bannu too.” She added that the families were forced to act independently as the political administrations in North Waziristan and Bannu have not made arrangements for the fleeing families. Some families reportedly spent the night under the open sky in Bannu town, waiting for any available shelter. Some IDPs have also faced problems such as harassment at the hands of the police, requests for bribes, soaring rates of transport from Mir Ali and inflated rents for houses in Bannu. Some families, suspected of being militants, have had problems finding accommodation in Bannu district.
Pakistan: Teachers in KP refuse to partake in anti-polio drive

Pakistan: Anti-terrorism policy alone is not enough
Dr Haider Shah
In the media and educational institutions, sermonisers were given a free hand to spread their discourse of hatred and bigotry while progressive rationalist thinkers were actively discouragedJust as we bid farewell to an eventful 2013, hardly did we know that much worse awaited us in the first month of the New Year. An unprecedented rise in terrorist activities has been witnessed as, from ordinary polio workers to services personnel, from political workers to worshippers belonging to various faith communities, all have fallen prey to the hounds of militant extremism. The recent surgical operations in the tribal areas might be a precursor to a full-blown operation against the militant groups but can a military operation alone remedy a situation that is the result of our choices in the past? That is the million dollar question we need to consider more dispassionately. As calls for an anti-terrorism strategy are becoming a rising chorus, it is useful to first understand what ‘strategy’ is. A strategy answers four simple questions. One, where are we at the moment? Two, what did we do in the past that brought us here? Three, where do we want to be? And, four, how do we get there? Perhaps we can help the government devise its strategy if it is finding it hard to come up with one by answering these four questions. However, the thrust of analysis should be anti-extremism and not anti-terrorism. The latter amounts to curing symptoms and not addressing the causes as terrorism is the outcome of the choices we made in the past in various fields of public policy. In my last piece, I had argued that faith is used by different sections of society differently depending on their special needs. While the haves enjoy religion for contentment and social ritual purposes, the have-nots use communal faith for organising and motivational purposes. If the ruling classes are using religion to maximise their social control, it is very naïve to expect that the deprived classes will not use it for their own empowerment by motivational slogans of jihad and sharia. Where we are is not hard to answer. From businessmen to sportspersons, everyone shudders at the thought of visiting the country of Buddha, Bulleh Shah and Rehman Baba. “You are free; you are free to go to your temples” was the promise of the founder of the nation and today no member of any faith community feels safe in his/her place of worship. What were our choices in the past that led us to the situation we find ourselves in is the second question. Political leaders like Imran Khan and Munawar Hasan make us believe with their ‘Amreeka ki jang’ (this is the US’s war) rhetoric that it was all rosy before 9/11 in the country. In reality, religious and provincial rights questions began rocking the boat soon after Pakistan came into being. Religious extremism demonstrated its first show of muscle when martial law had to be imposed in 1953 to quell riots spearheaded by leaders of the Khatm-e-Nabuwwat movement. We kept appeasing the religious establishment and it kept gaining more muscle. Unfortunately, while the founder of the country was sincere in his vision of a secular and liberal state, his deeds did not always support his words. In his enthusiasm to outmanoeuvre Nehru, he played the religion card in the tribal areas and, in order to lure the tribesmen, promised them unrealistic and unwarranted terms for joining Pakistan. As an unfortunate corollary of this original sin, use of tribesmen for waging proxy wars in our neighbouring countries further sowed the seeds of the troubles that we now see mushrooming all around us. Adoption of religion-coated motivational doctrines by our military institutions further paved the way for encouragement of jihadi discourse. In the media and educational institutions, sermonisers were given a free hand to spread their discourse of hatred and bigotry while progressive rationalist thinkers were actively discouraged. This environment proved an ideal breeding place for the militants who now, like Frankenstein’s monster, are threatening the existence of their inventors. Once the first two questions are honestly answered, finding answers to the remaining two questions is not difficult. We want to be an emerging economic tiger like India, Turkey, Brazil and Vietnam. In order to attain that desired ideal we need to have an anti-extremism policy, which should encompass all spheres of our socio-economic life. The syllabus of mainstream and religious institutions will have to be purged of any extremist content. The media and educational institutions need to discourage unbridled discourse of hate and should instead promote critical, rationalist thinking. Those who challenge the writ of the state should be summarily taken out of business. Most importantly, necessary amends need to be made to address the original sin. There is no place for tribalism and safe havens in 21st century Pakistan and hence FATA needs to be brought into the general rule of law with accompanying duties and responsibilities. As an emergency measure, demolishing the terrorism infrastructure of extremist gangs needs to be high on the national agenda. This short-term policy needs to be supplemented by a long-term anti-extremism policy with a wider outlook. Before the elections last year, I had stressed upon Nawaz Sharif to find the missing ‘E’ of extremism in his party’s manifesto, which centred on ‘economy, energy and education’. Surgical operations can bring some temporary relief but only a comprehensive solution based on redefining our foreign policy paradigm and rationalising the use of religion in our public policy can guarantee long-term peace and progress.
Pakistan: Killing of Hazara Shias
New Agony and Opportunity in Pakistan
Tim Ferguson
As the Chinese speaking world was winding down for its new year holiday (and China’s economy appeared to be winding down, spooking many others), there was a news opening for one of Beijing’s favored states: Pakistan.Of course, much of the news from the long-suffering Islamic republic continued to be grim: Violent spasms in various parts of the country continued, with jihadists attacking not only security forces but as usual innocents as well. Aid workers are a favored target, most tragically those trying to immunize children against polio. As the Wall Street Journal (paywall) noted, this is having the double effect of killing the clinicians and worsening the toll from the disease. The city of Peshawar is now thought to be the world’s worst reservoir of the virus.
It is hard to be hopeful for this tortured land. But China keeps seeing a strategic business opportunity, with word this week that it could “sell” three nuclear plants to the power-starved nation. This follows a pattern of infrastructure development in a South Asian corridor that offers both ocean access ultimately and encirclement of unfriendly India at the same time. Of course, anything “nuclear” in Pakistan raises hackles with that part of the world that still hews to a non-proliferation policy, but…whatever.
Amid the endless reports of carnage, the economic climate under restored prime minister Nawaz Sharif has some people looking up, or at least looking out for investments. In a good year for “frontier” markets generally, the Karachi stock index, even after this week’s global jitters, is up 69% over 12 months.
This week a scholar at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York released a brief for renewed engagement by the U.S. in Pakistan. This is a tough sell on both ends after years of friction (including still-raw memories for Western journalists of Daniel Pearl) and severe fatigue among Americans with anything bordering on Afghanistan. But part of the argument is that the Paks are the way around the frustration with Kabul, Karzai and the Taliban. This was Richard Holbrooke’s endgame before his death took him out of U.S. policymaking. Admittedly, this would involve a delicate dance with India, whose enhanced trade with the bitter foes since Partition would be part of the equation. At least under the current administrations in New Delhi and Islamabad, some steps are possible.Not much is clear ahead, but with Pakistan at least, surprises are likely to come to the up side, as current events keep expectations low.
Pakistan is in the grip of chaos
Violence is soaring to new levels in Pakistan, with militants unleashing a wave of deadly attacks - and the government is dithering about what to do, writes guest columnist Ahmed Rashid.Tuesday 21 January was a fairly normal day in Pakistan. Twenty-nine Shia Muslims were killed by Sunni militants near Quetta in Balochistan province after a suicide bomber rammed a car filled with explosives into the bus they were travelling in. Meanwhile, in Karachi, three Shias were shot dead, in another attack claimed by Sunni extremists. And on the same day, renowned Urdu writer and professor Asghar Nadeem Syed was wounded by unknown gunmen in Lahore. Meanwhile three anti-polio vaccinators, including two women, were gunned down in Karachi by Taliban militants - the third such attack in Karachi in a week. Meanwhile, the army claimed it had killed 40 militants in a bombing raid that was itself retaliation for a suicide attack near army headquarters in Rawalpindi the day before. That attack left 13 people, including eight soldiers, dead. A day earlier, 20 soldiers were killed in a bomb attack on an army convoy in the north-west of the country. That attempted army show of force only encouraged further attacks by the Taliban, who killed 12 security personnel in different incidents on 22 January. The violence is unsparing, unprecedented and reaching frightening proportions. There has been a flight of capital in recent months and many of the elite are sending their children out of the country. For months, Nawaz Sharif's government has had a fruitless policy of wanting to negotiate with the militants, but that has made no headway and now lies in a shambles. Yet Mr Sharif appears paralysed, with no sense of urgency over tackling the crisis, which would entail abandoning the false hope of talks and giving the army orders to go after the extremists. Since he came to power last June, Mr Sharif has moved very slowly on his entire promised agenda of economic reform, making peace with India, encouraging reconciliation in Afghanistan and countering militancy at home. He appears overweight and ill, and many people fear he has given up. Strains between the army and the civilian government are multiplying - with the army now extremely frustrated at the government's policy paralysis while its soldiers die in unprecedented numbers. However, neither the army nor the government have shown any signs of adopting a zero-tolerance approach to terrorism, which would mean going after all terrorist groups, including those Punjabi groups who fight against Indian rule in Kashmir. Yet the militants are gaining ground every day by demoralising the public and the security forces with their persistent attacks. Pakistani Taliban attacks on military personnel and civilians now include mass bombings of mosques, churches and bazaars. And in recent months the Taliban have become adept at targeted killings of politicians, bureaucrats and senior officials in the army and police, too, using suicide bombers, gunmen on motorbikes or mines laid in the road. Meanwhile the Sunni extremist group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, whose leaders live openly in Punjab but have not been arrested, is carrying out a virtual genocidal campaign against Shias across the country. The anti-Shia campaign is now nationwide and affecting every city and province, including Punjab, which was considered safe until recently. ''Militant groups... operate with virtual impunity across Pakistan as law enforcement officials either turn a blind eye or appeal helpless to prevent attacks,'' said Human Rights Watch in its annual report released on 21 January. The report says that Taliban attacks now amount to war crimes. So dire is the situation that Bill Gates, whose foundation is helping fund the campaign to make Pakistan polio-free, has suggested suspending that aim because of the violence, with nearly 30 polio vaccinators killed in the past 24 months by the Taliban. ''The Pakistan violence is evil,'' Mr Gates told reporters in New York on 22 January. It is clear to everyone what needs to be done. People think Mr Sharif needs to address the nation on TV and describe how dire the situation is. He then needs to rally as many opposition political parties to his side as will join him - and those which do not can be deeply embarrassed by the government and the army for supporting terrorism. Finally, he needs to order the army to clear up the main hub of militancy in North Waziristan. However, the problem has become more complicated in recent months as Islamic extremists in Karachi, Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan, who were once separate, isolated and operating independently, now appear to have come under the banner of the Movement of Pakistani Taliban. Collectively, they are aiming at toppling the system, defeating the army and imposing a caliphate in the country. The world has seen the dramatic resurgence of al-Qaeda in Iraq and Syria, which has greatly complicated the civil war in Syria. Nobody would have thought that al-Qaeda had the power to conquer cities, but that is exactly what it has done in Iraq with the capture of Falluja and Ramadi. Similarly, so bad is the security situation in the Pakistani border towns of Peshawar and Quetta, as well as the sea port and trading hub of Karachi, that it may not be far off when an urban area - or part of one - falls into the hands of the Pakistani Taliban. If the present security situation worsens, the next step for the Taliban is an urban insurrection, while tensions between the military and civilians could lead to a military-led state under emergency or even martial law.
Why Afghans fear their own election
By Wahab Raofi

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