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Monday, April 1, 2013
Pakistan: Tehrik-e Islami and Jama'at-e Imrani seat adjustment
http://ahmadiyyatimes.blogspot.com/According to reports, the PTI has entered into a seat adjustment with the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). This is not a good strategy because in my opinion, it will help only the JI and may well cost the PTI potential voters. That said, the one Lahore seat, NA 126, that Imran Khan will contest on, was won in 2002 by the JI’s Liaquat Baloch, so the PTI may have one benefit from the seat adjustment. Overall, however, the image of the party will suffer because it chose to enter into a seat adjustment with a conservative religious party.
Britain: Benefit cuts putting 200,000 children in poverty must be stopped, experts say

Bilawal Bhutto returns to Pakistan
Stakes high in Pakistan election
Voters in Pakistan go to the polls on May 11 for provincial assembly elections and the results will not matter as much as the process, a former ambassador to Pakistan said Monday. In a telephone discussion arranged by the Council on Foreign Relations, former Ambassador Ryan Crocker offered scenarios for both tragedy and hope in the upcoming elections. "The stakes, I think, are very high for the United States," Crocker said. "Pakistan is a country of 180-plus million people. It, of course, possesses nuclear weapons. And since my time there as ambassador, 2004 to 2007, I've seen almost all the trend lines running the wrong way. There are more extremist groups in Pakistan than when I was there, and they are targeting the Pakistani state, military and civilian. We've seen the press reports of the ascendancy of the Taliban in Karachi, one of the world's largest cities." Pakistan, he added, "is in a state of institutional failure. It's not a failed state, but you could argue it is a failing state." It does not matter who wins, Crocker said, but whether the military intervenes in the voting process. Pakistan elected a civilian government five years ago, and it is necessary for the country to have a second five-year term of civilian rule to avoid internal collapse. "I don't think there is much appetite in the Pakistani military to get itself involved in the electoral process, certainly not under current management," Crocker said. "So as long as there is not widespread disorder, I would be reasonably confident that the military will keep its distance." There were massive election rallies in Pakistan on Sunday, Crocker said. There was isolated violence but the events went reasonably well, he said. All in all, 2013 could be an extremely eventful year in Pakistan, according to Daniel Markey, a senior fellow at the CFR. "In September, President Zardari will reach the end of his term," Markey said. "And although it's possible that he will stay on, it's also quite possible that he will be voted out, too. In November, the army chief is slated to leave office. And in December another major power player in Pakistani politics and in government, is the supreme court chief justice, is slated to retire. So all in all, you could see at the end of this year an entirely different cast of characters in charge in Islamabad."http://www.examiner.com/
Afghanistan protests Pakistan's border 'construction, physical reinforcement'
The Express TribuneAfghanistan on Monday expressed grave concern about what it claimed the ‘Pakistani military’s unilateral construction and physical reinforcement activities’ along the border in the eastern Ningarhar province, the Afghan Foreign Ministry said. A formal protest was also lodged amidst growing diplomatic tension between the two uneasy neighbours which also led to the cancellation of Afghan army officers’ planned visit to Pakistan last week. “Deputy Foreign Minister of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Jawed Ludin, spoke with the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in Afghanistan, Mohammad Sadiq this afternoon,” the Afghan Foreign Ministry said. “Ludin told Ambassador Sadiq that these activities are against all accepted international norms, provocative and unacceptable to the Afghan government, and that the government of Pakistan must halt them immediately,” an Afghan Foreign Ministry statement said. The Afghan Foreign Ministry quoted the Afghan border police reports as saying, “these unilateral activities began a while ago along the Durand Line near the villages of Hatam Kalai and Kodzarai in Goshta district”. Ludin also expressed the Afghan government’s grave concern about alleged Pakistani rocket and artillery attacks in different areas of Kunar province over the past several days, and said the continuation of such attacks could negatively affect existing relations between the two countries. “Ambassador Sadiq promised to convey all of the Afghan government’s concerns and demands to relevant authorities in Pakistan,” the Afghan Ministry said. Afghanistan’s protest coincided with Pakistan Army Chief’s call on the top commander of foreign forces in Afghanistan to stop attacks into Pakistan from Afghanistan. General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani urged General Joseph F Dunford, Commander International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), to ‘help Pakistan check cross-border attacks launched from inside Afghanistan.’ The heightened tension has raised serious concerns over the urgently needed peace process in the war-torn country to avoid any escalations before the 2014 pullout of NATO forces. Afghan officials claimed that Pakistani forces fired nearly 50 rockets into eastern Afghan province of Kunar on March 25 and 26. In return, the Afghan Foreign Ministry cancelled a planned trip to Pakistan by Afghan army officers for joint exercises. Pakistan described the decision as ‘overreaction’ to a local issue. As the tension grew in recent days Aimal Faizi, Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s spokesperson, accused Pakistan of “sabotaging efforts to end the Taliban’s bloody 11- year insurgency.” Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Javed Ludin also claimed that some Afghan Taliban leaders who signified their intention to join in the peace process were either killed or arrested in Pakistan. Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry clarified that Pakistani troops merely returned small arms fire at the specific directions from where the militants fired at the Pakistani border posts. Islamabad has insisted that Pakistani militants, who had fled military offensive in Swat valley in the northwestern tribal belt, have routinely launched attacks on Pakistani posts and villages from Afghan border areas. The Pakistani military says that at least 100 Pakistani security personnel and civilians have been killed in 20 militant attacks from Afghan side of the border in the past year. Last month, Afghan forces arrested a senior Pakistani Taliban leader Maulvi Faqir Mohammad in eastern Nangarhar province.
US Watching Regional Impact of Upcoming Pakistan Vote
U.K: Iain Duncan Smith Urged By Petition To Show He Can Actually Live On £53 A Week

UK govt imposes avalanche of cuts, reforms


Painful payment for Afghan debt: A daughter, aged 6
U.S. accuses Egypt of stifling freedom of expression

Air ball! President Obama goes 2 for 22
Bangladesh: Punish war criminals, check law, order

"A serious decline in law and order would defeat the very purpose of the war crime trials".In the ongoing war crime trials in Bangladesh 10 top leaders of the Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami and two leaders of the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) are being tried. The verdicts in three cases have come and the remaining ones are likely to come in next one month or so. While it is extremely necessary to punish the war criminals in Bangladesh to set the record of history in that country straight, it is equally important for the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government to keep a check on the law-and- order situation. A serious decline in law and order would defeat the very purpose of the war crime trials which are nearing completion. It is believed that extremists elements arose in Bangladesh because they were not brought to book in the aftermath of the liberation war. Sheikh Muzib-ur-Rahman, father of the Bangladeshi nation under whose leadership the war of liberation was fought, himself gave amnesty to these war criminals. He thought this act of generosity would lead to all sections of Bangladeshi society coming together and marching forward. Unfortunately, that did not happen. Mujib was murdered on August 15, 1975. The murder of Mujib brought about a very different trend in Bangladeshi politics. Zia-ur-Rahman, who came to power some time later, started the Bangladeshi Nationalist Party and used Islam to legitimize his rule. The emphasis on Islam brought focus back on Islamist parties, most important of which was Jamaat-e-Islami. Zia rehabilitated leaders of this party, many of whom returned from Pakistan. Islamists leaders also got prominent positions in his administration. This trend of emphasis on Islam continued during the regime of Gen. Ershad, who declared Islam the state religion of Bangladesh. Even after the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh in 1990, the Islamist forces represented by Jamaat-e-Islami only grew stronger. Jamaat had participated in the movement for restoration of democracy in Bangladesh along with other mainstream political parties. Jamaat subsequently offered support to the BNP-led government. Through these smart moves Jamaat tried to gain acceptability in the political set-up of Bangladesh. Soon, however, Jamaat started showing its true colors as the source of all other extremist and terrorist groups in Bangladesh. During the four- party coalition regime, Jamaat was part of the government, and terror groups supported by Jamaat launched attacks on all secular political groups in Bangladesh. An attack was launched on Sheikh Hasina herself in August 2004, in which she nearly lost her life. The civil society in Bangladesh, especially the freedom-fighters (mukitjodhas), have realized that if Bangladeshi politics are to remain moderate, these extremist elements have to be weeded out. It was also realized that these forces have grown stronger because they did not get their due punishment for the war crimes they committed during the liberation war. Through sustained effort they brought this issue onto the national agenda in the run-up to the 2008 elections. Seeing the popular sentiment in favor of prosecution of war criminals, the main Bangladeshi political party, Awami League, known for its pro-liberation role, was encouraged to make this issue its own. However, the actual prosecution of war criminals is fraught with danger. The Jamaat has increased its influence in Bangladesh over time. Today it commands significant material and human resources in Bangladesh. People sympathetic to Jamaat are in Bangladeshi administration and even in the military. The February 2009 Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny is strongly suspected to have been engineered by Jamaat to foil war crime trials. The best way for Jamaat to foil war crime trials is by creating a law and order problem in the country. In any case Bangladesh is known for “confrontational politics,” with the two main political groups continuously struggling against each other in the streets, and less in the parliament of the country through political debates. The job of Jamaat has been made easy after the sup- port it has received from the main opposition, BNP. In the days to come, it is expected that Jamaat will create further problems for law enforcement agencies by unleashing its violent cadres, most of whom aspire to establish an Islamic state in Bangladesh. Deterioration in law and order may also prompt the army to take over the administration outright, or through a proxy, as was done in January 2007, when a similar situation arose in the country. This however, does not mean the war crime trials should be stopped. The war crime trials should be taken to their logical conclusion to create a precedent in the country which discourages extremist and radical elements. But the government of the day in Bangladesh must also act swiftly and efficiently to maintain law and order to prevent extra-constitutional forces thwarting the whole exercise.
Feeding 10 billion people in 2050


Bahrain police disperse women’s protest with stun grenades
http://www.euronews.com/Tensions are once again high in Bahrain after police dispersed anti-government protesters with stun grenades and tear gas. The police intervention came after a demonstration by women was banned. They were on the streets of the west coast town of Malkiya in support of jailed political prisoners and against the upcoming Formula One race in April. It is the latest in a series of protests on the Gulf island, led mainly by Shi’ite Muslim groups demanding equality with the Sunnis, as well as political reforms. There were major turnouts two weeks ago on the second anniversary of the intervention by a Saudi-led force which helped crush a pro-democracy uprising . Bahrain’s opposition and government negotiators resumed reconciliation talks last month for the first time since July 2011, but little progress has been reported.
Saudi Arabia uses Iranophobia to stop pro-democracy protests: Expert
Saudi Arabia is using anti-Iran propaganda as part of its policy to fuel sectarian tension in order to stop pro-democracy movements in the Kingdom, an analyst tells Press TV.
In an exclusive interview with Press TV on Monday, London-based political commentator, Zayd al-Isa, said the rapidly spreading uprising which erupted in oil-rich Eastern Province in 2011 has prompted the “desperately worried” Saudi rulers to try and deepen the Sunni-Shia divide.
“[Riyadh wants to] demonstrate to its people that it is involved in confronting and combating the serious, perilous and extensile threat coming from the Shias and namely coming from the Islamic Republic of Iran,” the expert noted.
This, Isa explained, aims to put anti-regime protesters in a corner and to “portray them as people who are standing against the regime which has tried its best to portray itself as the standard-bearer or the defender of Sunni Islam.”
The analyst said Saudis now see well through the maneuver, given the regime’s staunch support for Western-backed dictators in Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen.
Isa pointed to the continuation of demonstrations in Saudi Arabia despite the regime’s violent crackdown, arresting activists, and labeling protests as anti-Islamic by “the Wahhabi-Salafi establishment.”
“All that has spectacularly failed to deter the people,” he concluded.
Badam Zari Is First Woman From Pakistan's Tribal Region To Run For Parliament

Report reveals grave abuses of juveniles in India
Deutsche WelleJuvenile justice is non-existent in conflict-ridden parts of India. Children are treated as adults and many are subjected to gross human rights violations claims a scathing report by the Asian Centre for Human Rights. In November 2010, Soumen Mohanty, then 17 years of age, was arrested by the Orissa police under the Explosives Act for aiding Maoist rebels. He was reportedly tortured in custody and was subsequently released after activists took up his case before the state human rights commission. State authorities were ordered to pay him 800 euros (50,000 Indian Rupees) in compensation. Like Mohanty, 12-year-old Dipak Saikia [not his real name] of Sanitpur village in the northeastern state of Assam was allegedly dragged out of his house by around six police officers for no apparent reason and tortured late 2009. He, too, was illegally detained and only released after many months of pressure from civil society. Kids treated as adults Several such cases of arbitrary detention and torture, instances of sexual assault and even rape by the security forces has been documented in a damning report titled "Nobody's Children: Juveniles of Conflict Affected Districts of India," recently released by the Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR). It also mentions girls who have faced sexual violence from law enforcement personnel in Andhra Pradesh and the northeastern state of Tripura. "Many conflict afflicted districts do not have observation or special homes implying that juveniles are taken into custody and kept in police lock up and camps of the army and paramilitary forces in clear violation of the Juvenile Justice Act and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child," Suhas Chakma, ACHR's director told DW. The organization's research further revealed that in 197 districts of India, officially deemed affected by internal armed conflicts and noted as "disturbed" under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and over 100 districts declared affected by left-wing extremism, the edifice of the juvenile justice did not exist. "This is a really serious situation. Juveniles in conflict affected districts do not seem to be anybody's priority and they are being denied equal access to the juvenile justice provided to their counterparts in the rest of the country," Chakma said. Jammu and Kashmir worst hit According to the report, the situation of juveniles was worst in conflict-ridden Kashmir. This first ever documentation on the juvenile justice situation states that minors in Kashmir continue to be illegally detained under the Public Safety Act (PSA), under which they can be kept in "preventative detention" for up to two years. In the absence of juvenile facilities for under-aged boys and girls, minors are locked up in prisons with adults. This report is just the tip of the iceberg. Children are being exploited by both police personnel and militant groups. And unless the government wakes up to this alarming state of affairs, it will only get worse, Subhas Mahapatra, a rights activist from Orissa, told DW. The eastern state of Orissa is one of the 12 Indian states affected by Maoist violence. Activists have recommended to the Ministry of Women and Child Development and respective state governments to allocate financial resources to establish special homes as well as to report cases of arrest, detention and torture of juveniles. "We must declare this situation as an emergency. This is not a specific civil unrest. This is systemic across the country," Enakshi Ganguly Thukral, a child rights activist, told DW. Ironically, the report comes at a time when there has been a fierce national debate with respect to lowering the age of adult criminal responsibility in wake of the gruesome rape of a young woman in December last year in Delhi.
Pakistan: Prosecuting terrorists: Out of 559 cases in 2012, suspects acquitted in 414
The Express TribuneAs many as 271 terrorism cases of the 559 that were decided in 2012 by the anti terrorism courts (ATCs) in the Punjab had to be dismissed and the accused acquitted because the witnesses recanted. Of the 559, convictions were secured in 145 cases, according to official figures. A total of 414 cases ended in the acquittal of the accused; in 124 of the cases the suspects were acquitted on ‘merits of the case’ and in 19 the parties reached a compromise. When asked to explain how a compromise could be reached with parties charged or convicted under the said act – since the crimes committed are against the state –, Punjab’s Chief Prosecutor Chaudhry Muhammad Jahangir told The Express Tribune that there were instances in which complainants were private parties and not the state. Such cases are usually registered under Section 302 of the Pakistan Penal Code (murder) along with section 7 of Anti Terrorism Act (ATA). When complainant(s) reach a compromise with the accused, then the respective ATCs let the accused go, taking the view that the main offence was under Section 302 of PPC, which is compoundable, said Jahangir, adding that in most such cases ATCs also declare that sections of the Anti Terrorism Act do not apply. Khurram Khan, a deputy prosecutor general, attributed the large number of recanting witnesses to “fear, threats and out of court settlements”. Though he was quick to add that charges under the act are non-compoundable, parties do compromise, especially in murder cases. “Since the court does not allow it, witnesses resile,” he told The Express Tribune. Witnesses have a high rate of recanting because of fear or threats in kidnapping for ransom cases, Khan says. “Very few people come forward. Since we don’t have a witness protection programme, they change their statements,” he says. When it comes to high profile cases or terrorism attacks, it is usually the police that are the complainants. When they are threatened, says Khan, they give statements contradicting their earlier statements. This results in concessions to or acquittal of the accused. Nabeela Ghazanfar, the spokesperson for the inspector general of Punjab Police, while talking to The Express Tribune said that there were many flaws in the criminal justice system which caused the acquittals of terror suspects. She said that the majority of acquittals in terrorism cases were due to resiling of witnesses and the inspector general of police as well as the government is considering a witness protection programme to stop that from happening. Past record: In August 2011, the US State Department released its 2010 Country Reports on Terrorism in which Pakistan was criticised as being “plagued by an acquittal rate of approximately 75 per cent” and a legal system “almost incapable of prosecuting suspected terrorists”, according to The Telegraph. Syed Ejaz Hussain, a former DIG with the Counter Terrorism Department, in November 2011 presented a paper Why Do Terrorism Cases Fail in Court? An Empirical Analysis at the American Society of Criminology’s annual meeting in Washington DC. The paper analysed 178 of judgments between 1990 and 2009. A total of 311 cases were decided in the ATCs. In 231 (74%) cases, trial courts acquitted the suspects. Though Hussain noted that “the courts, [in] almost all cases, used a combination of reasons to acquit the accused,” he identified three main reasons for the high acquittal rate: defects in the registration of cases, defective investigations, and defects at the prosecution stage. The third reason includes witnesses becoming hostile (giving statements that do not help the prosecution case), not appearing for evidence, resiling or changing their statements. According to the paper, it is “the fear of terrorists among witnesses and the prosecution which led parties to compromise, witnesses to become hostile, or resile in courts or not come for recording evidence at all.” Of the 231, in 86 cases witnesses became hostile, in 48 no witnesses showed up to record evidence, in another 48 the witnesses resiled or compromised with the other party, and in 23 witnesses changed their statements. What counts as terrorism? Section 6 of the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 defines ‘terrorism’ as: 1) In this Act. “terrorism” means the use or threat of action where: (a) The action falls with the meaning of sub-section (2). And (b) The use or threat is designed to coerce and intimidate or overawe the Government or the public or a section of the public or community or sect or create a sense of fear or insecurity in society; or (c) The use or threat is made for the purpose of advancing a religious, sectarian or ethnic cause. 2) An “action” shall fall within the meaning of sub-section(1), if it: (a) Involves the doing of anything that causes death; (b) Involves grievous violence against a person or grievous body injury or harm to person; (c) Involves grievous damage to property: (d) Involves the doing of anything that is likely to cause death or endangers a person’s life; (e) Involves kidnapping for ransom, hostage-taking or hijacking; (f) Incites hatred and contempt on religious, sectarian or ethnic basis to stir up violence or cause internal disturbance; (g) Involve stoning, brick-batting or any other from of mischief to spread panic: (h) Involves firing on religious congregations, mosques, imambargahs, churches, temples and all other places of worship, or random firing to spread panic, or involves any forcible takeover of mosques or other places of worship; (i) Creates a serious risk to safety of public Or a section of the public, or is designed to frighten the general public and thereby prevent them from coming out and carry8ing on their lawful trade and daily business, and disrupts civil (civic) life; (j) Involves the burning of vehicles or an other serious form of arson; (k) Involves extortion of money (bhatta) or property; (l) Is designed to seriously interfere with or seriously disrupt a communications system or public utility service; (m) Involves serious coercion or intimidation of a public servant in order to force him to discharge or to refrain from discharging his lawful duties; or (n) Involves serious violence against a member of the police force, armed forces, civil armed forces, or a public servant. 3) The use or threat or use of any action falling within sub-section (2) which involves the use of fire-arms, explosives or any other weapon, is terrorism, whether or not subsection 1 (c) is satisfied. 4) In this section “action” includes an act or a series of acts. 5) In this Act, terrorism includes any act done for the benefit of a prescribed organization
Pakistan: A slow learner

Isaf Commander meets Gen Kayani

Karachi: Police in a mess
EDITORIAL:Daily TimesThat the Karachi police lacks motivation to work hard should not have been starling information for the Supreme Court hearing the case of no-go areas in Karachi. The court has been informed on more dreary facts about the police in other cases. Such as 400 police officers in Karachi running personal crime wings; police hand-in-glove with the criminals to advance the latter’s objectives; out of turn and lateral promotions infesting police with non-professional and political recruits, etc. Police being one of the crucial bodies to maipntain law and order, cannot be left to fester in multiple moral and professional hazards. The implications of this negligence is apparent in Karachi, where police itself has become a governance issue. Every law and order situation of Karachi ends at the doorstep of police. It cannot be anywhere else that one would strive to find the solution to restlessness that has ravaged the economic hub of the country. Myriad issues and circumstances have turned the police into pawns at the hands of politicians. The system itself through which this important civilian commanding body runs, is anomalous. Way back in 1992 and 1996 when police operations were conducted in Karachi against the criminal elements, it was the police that had to pay with their lives for showing the will to follow the dictates of their duty. Most of the officers involved in these operations were either killed or abducted, never to be seen again. To date mystery surrounds their killing and abduction, in the sense that no one has been arrested. Whether the police had been unable or disinterested to arrest those who killed their colleagues is yet to be determined. It is this inability and disinterest that to date is affecting the professional capability of the police officers. They have rather changed their position to become obedient servants of those who define the rules of the game. On the other hand situations where the police could have performed were missed for the lack of professional training and modern investigation and policing equipment. Unless the police operates as an autonomous body, and follows its own rules and regulations independent of every political pressure, it would remain tied to the apron strings of the power lords for its own safety. Hence the demotivation to combat crime and restore law and order. There is an immediate need to redefine the functioning of the police. Brutality being the hallmark of the police and the very reason for the trust deficit between the force and the citizens, needs to be replaced with proper attitudes. Transcending police’s role from being a force to a service can do the needful. After all policing by its very nature is all about security and welfare of the citizens. Building capacity and character are important but more urgent is the need to bring about a change in the attitude of the first respondent (Station House Officer). Without this prerequisite, any police reform would remain mere lip service. It would be instructive to revisit the Police Ordinance 2002 for important amendments. It has been alleged that the ordinance has greatly improved the career prospects of the senior police officers (federal level), while intensifying politicisation and impeding the career prospects of the police ranks (provincial level). Any police reform that fails to take the proper route would just end up being a pretentious attempt. Pakistan is faced by multiple security threats, terrorism being number one. Under such circumstances police reforms take precedence over any other government’s priority. The first wisdom required of this awakening should be: let the force be reorganised to serve the law and nothing else.
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