Wednesday, August 20, 2014
It is no surprise that Recep Tayyip Erdogan won Turkey’s first direct election for president. He has served as prime minister since 2002 and, over the intervening years, has skillfully, and ruthlessly, established control and cowed any serious opposition, which was weak to begin with. The victory was not as big as many predicted. Even so, Mr. Erdogan and his ambitions have created new uncertainties for his country and the United States and other NATO members who depend on Turkey to be the bulwark of the alliance’s eastern front. For starters, the election means that Mr. Erdogan will be even less encumbered by the institutional checks and balances that are essential elements of any real democracy. The first step in his scheme to create an ever-stronger executive was to change the system so that the people, not Parliament, chose the president in a direct vote. Presidents selected by Parliament were largely ceremonial. After his inauguration on Aug. 28, Mr. Erdogan is expected to make the most of what powers he has as president and extend his influence through a handpicked and malleable prime minister. Mr. Erdogan’s ambitious dreams are not guaranteed. Constitutional amendments will be necessary to make his changes permanent, and, for that to happen, he and his Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party will need to strengthen their parliamentary majority in next year’s general elections. His 52 percent tally in the presidential race seems healthy, but it was lower than polls had predicted. Indeed, some analysts say support for him and his party may have peaked. And while he remains popular among conservatives in Turkey’s Anatolian heartlands, many liberal and secular Turks who once endorsed him are now bitterly disaffected, with good reason. Mr. Erdogan was once an inspiring figure who advocated reforms that seemed designed to make Turkey a model democracy among Muslim-majority nations, fulfill its commitments as a NATO member and make it eligible for membership in the European Union. Under his governance, economic growth has averaged 5 percent per year, inflation has eased and the army has been brought under civilian control. He has offered Turkey’s Kurds more rights than his predecessors and reached a cease-fire with Kurdish militants that has held since 2013. But he long ago veered off the democratic course, brutally cracking down on antigovernment protests last summer and severely constraining free speech, the press and the Internet. News outlets have been taken over by his cronies, and independent-minded journalists have been fired. A power struggle with a former ally led to a corruption scandal last year that embroiled Mr. Erdogan’s family and seemed to make him even more determined to crush dissent. Meanwhile, Mr. Erdogan’s authoritarian ways have strained relations with Abdullah Gul, the current president, a co-founder with Mr. Erdogan of the Justice and Development Party and a respected consensus-builder who is said to have grown alarmed at Mr. Erdogan’s antidemocratic excesses. But whether he would challenge Mr. Erdogan directly is unclear, and there are no other credible political rivals in sight. If Mr. Erdogan succeeds in solidifying power, the future of Turkey’s already shaky democracy is more in doubt than ever, and the political uncertainties are expected to persist at least until the 2015 parliamentary election. That is not reassuring news for the United States or any other government that looks for Turkey to play a stabilizing role in an increasingly out of control Middle East.
President Barack Obama spoke Wednesday on the execution of American journalist James Foley at the hands of Islamic State militants, warning the group that they have "no place in the 21st century." "Today the entire world is appalled by the brutal murder of Jim Foley by the terrorist group ISIL," Obama said in a statement from Martha's Vineyard, where he is on vacation. "James was taken from us in an act of violence that shocks the conscience of the entire world." On Tuesday, the group formerly known as ISIS released a video of militants beheading Foley, claiming it was in retribution for U.S. airstrikes in Iraq. The Federal Bureau of Investigations said Wednesday they believe the video to be authentic. Obama said he spoke to Foley's family earlier Wednesday to offer his condolences. "Jim Foley's life stands in stark contrast to his killers," Obama said. "Let's be clear about ISIL. They have rampaged across cities and villages killing unarmed citizens in cowardly acts of violence. ... No faith teaches people to massacre innocents. No just God would stand for what they did yesterday and what they do every single day." "Their ideology is bankrupt," he said. "People like this ultimately fail. They fail because the future is won by those who build and not destroy." Obama pledged to continue to "do what is necessary" to protect Americans and support the Iraqi forces fighting back the extremist group, despite their threats. "We will be vigilant and we will be relentless," he said.
The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the murder of James Foley, a U.S. freelance journalist, who was abducted in Syria in November 2012. In a video posted online, the Al-Qaeda splinter group Islamic State claimed to have executed Foley, saying the act was retribution for U.S. military intervention in Iraq. "The barbaric murder of journalist James Foley, kidnapped in Syria and held almost two years, sickens all decent people. Foley went to Syria to show the plight of the Syrian people, to bear witness to their fight, and in so doing to fight for press freedom," said CPJ Chairman Sandra Mims Rowe. "Our hearts go out to his family, who had dedicated themselves to finding and freeing Jim." Syria has been the most dangerous country in the world for journalists for more than two years. At least 69 other journalists have been killed covering the conflict there, including some who died over the border in Lebanon and Turkey. More than 80 journalists have been kidnapped in Syria; with frequent abductions, some of which go unpublicized, it is difficult to know exactly how many. CPJ estimates that approximately 20 journalists, both local and international, are currently missing in Syria. Many of them are believed to be held by Islamic State.
Thousands of Pakistani protesters tried to blockade parliament on Wednesday after an anti-government cleric told them not to allow anyone in or out, with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif inside at the time, but the lawmakers left by a back entrance. The protesters have taken to the streets of Islamabad for five days, led by cricket star turned opposition leader Imran Khan and cleric Tahir ul-Qadri, who runs a network of Islamic schools and charities. Both want Sharif to resign over allegations of corruption and election rigging. The Supreme Court summoned both to appear before the court on Thursday. The peaceful protests have raised questions over the stability of the nuclear-armed nation of 180 million people. Its civilian government is struggling to assert its authority after decades when the country swung between democracy and military rule. The coup-prone South Asian nation is also plagued by high unemployment, daily power cuts and a Taliban insurgency. Anti-Western and violent sectarian groups are gaining strength. Most protesters say they are demonstrating against government corruption, which they blame for the country's widespread poverty. On Tuesday night, protesters used cranes and bolt cutters to dismantle police barricades and surround parliament. On Wednesday, Qadri urged the crowd to barricade lawmakers and the prime minister inside as they met to discuss the crisis. "Don't let all those inside come out and don't let anyone go in," he told supporters. His exhausted followers, some carrying blankets or colourful umbrellas, were resting in the shade on the grass on Constitution Avenue when he spoke. But they immediately rose to block the entrance to parliament. Riot police and paramilitary forces in the area did not intervene and Qadri urged the crowd to remain peaceful. "If you and the army come face to face, don't raise your hand. If you do, you will not be welcome amongst us," Qadri said. Legislators left parliament by a back entrance. Lawmaker Marvi Memon, from the ruling party, said every parliamentarian present had denounced the protests and offered support to the government. "This affront to parliamentary democracy has been noted," she said. "This is only a handful of people and they do not represent the will of the people." Parliament would reconvene on Thursday, she said. But Khan has given Sharif until 8 p.m. (1500 GMT) on Wednesday to resign or face an invasion of protesters at the prime minister's official residence. "Now no police nor army will stop us," he told supporters on Tuesday. If Sharif did not step down,
Political opponents claim that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was fraudulently elected.Thousands of antigovernment protesters in Islamabad marched to the Parliament on Tuesday to demand the resignation of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Reuters reports. Opposition leaders claim that Sharif was unfairly elected to power last year. The protests are being led by former international cricketer Imran Khan — head of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party — and prominent politician-cleric Tahir ul-Qadri. Khan, who is demanding that Sharif’s government make way for fresh elections, alleges that Sharif’s party won last year’s poll through fraudulent means. On Monday, he also claimed that 34 members of his PTI party would resign from their seats in the National Assembly in protest against the current regime. Qadri is accusing Sharif of corruption and wants the current administration replaced by a unity government of technocrats. The two leaders have held separate protests in the past, but announced earlier this week that they would join forces to march on Parliament. An estimated 50,000 protesters have been holding demonstrations in Islamabad for five days. Reuters says that some are equipped with cranes and bolt cutters to dismantle and remove the shipping containers that are being used to barricade the government “red zone,” where Parliament and other state buildings are located. Sharif originally called on the country’s powerful military — which deposed him in a 1999 coup — to secure the red zone, but Khan issued him a warning. “If police try to stop us and there is violence, Nawaz, I will not spare you, I will come after you and put you in jail,” Reuters reported him as saying to a crowd of supporters. As marchers approached the capital, Sharif relented and announced that protesters could enter the area. Sharif’s daughter Maryam Sharif said on Tuesday through her Twitter account that this was because there were families among the demonstrators.
The Guardian reported that protesters, including women throwing rose petals on the ground, were not stopped by police officers as they marched into the red zone. The protests have put pressure on the weakened government that already has poor relations with the military. It also threatens to further shake the stability of Pakistan, which is battling against a bloody Taliban insurgency and a high unemployment rate.
Afghanistan has given a New York Times reporter 24 hours to leave the country, accusing him of not cooperating with an investigation into his reporting, the Attorney General's office said on Wednesday. Matthew Rosenberg, 40, was summoned for questioning on Tuesday after the newspaper ran a story about officials discussing plans to form an interim government and "seize power" if a deadlock over the presidential election failed to break soon. "Due to the lack of proper accountability and non-cooperation, the Attorney General's office has decided that Matthew Rosenberg should leave Afghanistan within 24 hours," the office said in a statement. "He will not be permitted to enter the country again." Rosenberg said he and his newspaper had been cooperating fully. "We simply requested a lawyer as is our right under Afghan law," he said. "We were also never informed of a formal investigation and we do not understand how insisting on the right to a lawyer is not cooperating.” Afghanistan is in the midst of a ballot that has dragged on for months, with both candidates claiming victory after the June 14 run off and allegations of mass fraud threatening to derail the process. "They had brought us there under the guise of a kind of semi-informal chat," Rosenberg said of the talks. "It was kind of polite but insistent that we give them the names of our sources." Attorney General's office spokesman Basir Azizi said Rosenberg was being investigated for publishing a story about government officials conspiring to "seize power" without disclosing the identity of his sources. "The report is against our national security because right now, the election problem is ongoing and talks are at a very intricate stage," Azizi told Reuters by phone. The United Nations is supervising an audit of all eight million votes cast, but the process has proceeded slowly as rival camps scrutinise each vote. At the same time, members of a joint-commission appointed by deadlocked candidates Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani are meeting to hammer out an agreement on a unity government. The framework deal was brokered by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, who has twice flown into Kabul since the run off, but little progress in fleshing out the structure of the government has been made since his departure two weeks ago. NAI, a group supporting a free press in Afghanistan, said the expulsion violated laws protecting freedom of expression by the media. "We think rather than it being a legal matter, it's a political game,” said Abdul Mujeeb Khalvatgar, the head of NAI. "There are people in the government of Afghanistan trying to somehow keep the international community out of the picture of the elections in Afghanistan." Washington criticised the Afghan government's handling of the situation late on Tuesday, before the Attorney General's statement. "We are deeply disturbed by the actions of the Afghan attorney general ... and urge the Afghan government to respect fundamental freedoms of expression and expression of the press," Marie Harf, a deputy State Department spokeswoman, told a news briefing in Washington. While Afghanistan's press has generally operated freely, the country has become more dangerous for both journalists and aid workers to operate. Earlier this week, consultancy group Humanitarian Outcomes reported a record number of attacks on aid workers worldwide, with Afghanistan being the worst place for humanitarian staff to operate. A string of attacks on journalists in the run-up to the April 5 vote reflected this trend, with a Swedish-British journalist, an AFP news agency reporter and a veteran AP news agency photographer being killed in separate attacks.
The PTI’s politics of agitation are reinforced by those lawyers who earlier were part of the lawyers’ movement to restore the judiciary.The fate of the azaadi (independence) march (begun on August 14 from Lahore) instigated by Imran Khan’s party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI), was decided in fact in Gujranwala. The city of Gujranwala was not important because the followers of the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) attacked the PTI’s convoy but because the dreams of the PTI’s leadership to replicate the results of the long march conducted by Nawaz Sharif for the restoration of the deposed judiciary were frustrated. Gujranwala, a hub of the PML-N, is the first major city along the Grand Trunk Road en route to Islamabad. In March 2009, when Sharif’s convoy reached Gujranwala, Aitzaz Ahsan, accompanying Sharif, received a phone call from the then chief of army staff to call off the march because the government had succumbed to the demand of the protestors to restore the judges. On August 15, 2014, the PTI’s convoy spent several hours in Gujranwala in the hopes of receiving a similar phone call from the current chief of army staff. Interestingly, while in Gujranwala, Sheikh Rasheed, accompanying Khan, even made a frustrated public appeal to the army to intervene before the PTI’s convoy left the city. Unfortunately, not even a subedar (private) from the army called Rasheed to stop the march. Gujranwala must have disillusioned Khan about the march’s fate. On the evening of August 17, while delivering the “most important speech” of his life, Khan revealed that he was doing politics just for the public otherwise he was not short of anything (whether wealth or fame) in his life. That was an impressive statement. Nevertheless, if such were the case, Khan would not have asked his voters to ensure the victory of Sheikh Rasheed in NA-55, Rawalpindi in the 2013 elections. The question is, why can Khan not serve the public without Rasheed? If Rasheed were such a gem, the PML-N would not have denied him a ticket. How to ridicule an opponent publicly is a skill Rasheed has mastered. Khan has also learnt somehow the politics of ridiculing his opponents. Another advantage of Rasheed is that he can arrange a mob from Rawalpindi on short notice, as he did this time to swell the sit-in. Rasheed not only remained a go-between for Khan and Dr Tahirul Qadri but he also utilised his experience to cajole both Khan and Qadri into bringing their agendas closer and announcing a common date to overrun Islamabad. Ridiculing the Sharif brothers was an agenda shared by both Khan and Rasheed. The second dimension of politics that now seems to be a part of Khan’s personality is the politics of revenge. Khan is now hell bent on settling scores with the Sharif brothers. The politics of revenge also suit Rasheed who tried several times to rejoin the PML-N after being labelled a turncoat but was shunned every time. The case of Rasheed is different from other deserters such as Akhtar Rasool who secured a ticket for the provincial assembly in the 2013 elections but lost the election to Mian Aslam Iqbal of the PTI in Lahore. Unlike Rasheed, Rasool did not ridicule the Sharif brothers during his days spent under the auspices of General Pervez Musharraf. Asking (clandestinely) and reinforcing Dr Qadri’s agenda to stage a parallel demonstration in Islamabad increased the impact of revenge manifold. Khan and his party have also mastered another kind of politics: the politics of agitation. Much of the credit for this goes to ex-members of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). These members, such as Mian Mehmoodur Rasheed and Ejaz Ahmed Chaudhry in Lahore, and Fayyazul Hassan Chohan in Rawalpindi, laden with the skills of (street) agitation, were disappointed with the JI and joined the ranks of the PTI to seek a new, moderate face. The PTI’s politics of agitation are reinforced by those lawyers who earlier were part of the lawyers’ movement to restore the judiciary. Hamid Khan, Ahmed Awais and Justice (retired) Wajeehuddin are just a few. These lawyers think that in the revival of democracy and in the jettisoning of General Musharraf from Pakistan, they played a vital role and hence the fruits of democracy should also be yielded to them on one political platform or another. Taken together, the presence of ex-JI members and lawyers in the upper hierarchy of the PTI influences the kind of goals set and the style of strategy adopted by the PTI to meet its objectives. The show staged by Khan in Islamabad has dented the reputation of the government substantially and has turned the attention of all towards the fragility of the country’s political and judicial systems. Certainly, the system is rife with flaws, exploited by the rich and powerful to the disadvantage of the weak and dispossessed. Ad hoc judges are appointed to get favourable decisions. Merit is violated and financial crimes are committed while offenders hide behind the system and get away with it. The political system is monopolised by a few and refuses entry to the many. The electoral system militates against the spirit of true public representation. Khan has dared to challenge the system at the cost of his own embarrassment and he has shown that there is a lot of space available in the country for the emergence of a third political party. Secondly, despite exposing his political immaturity, Khan has shown that the system is in dire need of reform. Third, regardless of committing all types of political blunders and follies, Khan has shown that he and his party cannot be written off. Finally, the process of democratic evolution in Pakistan has still to travel a long distance to come out of the politics of cult behaviour.
The United Nations has expressed concern about yesterday’s clash between supporters of Dr. Abdullah Abdullah’s campaign team and workers from the Independent Election Commission (IEC) that left several people hurt at the audit centre compound in Kabul. United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said Wednesday that this is not the first case in which representatives of the campaign teams have engaged in heated exchanges culminating in violence. “The UN deplores the violence that took place,” said the Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Afghanistan and head of UNAMA, Ján Kubiš. “All parties – campaign teams, IEC, UN and observers – engaged in this important process must abide by relevant Codes of Conduct, and conduct themselves with professionalism and with high standards worthy of the millions of Afghans who cast their vote in the election. They must treat each other with respect. Supervisors of the respective groups are responsible for guiding them and for controlling the situation, not to let disputes deteriorate in to confrontation.” A statement released by UNAMA said, the UN welcomes the agreement to establish a joint-committee to investigate Tuesday evening’s incident. The UN mission urged that steps be taken to prevent any such incidents in the future and to ensure that the audit process proceeds quickly under the conditions of mutual respect, dignity and safety. More than 12,000 of the 22,828 ballot boxes have to date been audited under the UN-supervised process, with national partners backed by more than 150 UN experts. At least four election workers were reportedly injured after observers of Dr. Abdullah Abdullah stabbed the election workers on Tuesday evening. The incident took place around 5:30 pm local time after observers of Dr. Abdullah opposed with shifting of a ballot box from IEC store to recount centre.
Females students of University of Balochistan who have been enrolled in M.Phil and PhD courses are deprived of hostel accommodation. In current semester, 70 female students have secured admission in M.Phil and PhD courses in university of Balochistan. Apart from few exceptions, no female student has been allotted accommodation in university hostels. The fee of PhD course is 150,000 and M.Phil 130,000 in University of Balochistan. Notwithstanding these heavy fees, university administration has failed to provide accommodation to the female students who belong from outside of Quetta district. PhD and M.Phil classes take place during evening time and it’s very difficult for female students to travel after sunset. Many female students are left with no option but to quit their higher studies in the University of Balochistan. The female students of university of Balochistan have demanded that this problem should be solved on humanitarian basis. According to the female students, providing accommodation for 70 students is not a big deal for the university administration. The Balochistan Point demands from the university of Balochistan administration to solve the problem of hostel accommodation of female scholars. The officers in administration of the university have no right to remain in their positions if they can’t provide relief to students.
The city police foiling a terror bid timely defused a homemade bomb weighing 10 kilogram on Wednesday here, Geo News reported. Police said that the terrorists had planted a bomb near Shahpur Chowki in the limits of Chamkani police station here. AIG Bomb Disposal Unit, Shafqat Malik said that the 10kg bomb was planted in a pressure cooker which was timely defused on information averting any disaster.
http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri have finally led their marchers into the Red Zone, rebuffing attempts to resolve differences through talks made by committees formed by the government and parliamentary opposition. The PTI chief wants resignation from Nawaz Sharif and midterm elections. Tahirul Qadri demands a revolution in the country that brings about fundamental changes in the system. Both are united on one point i.e., the removal of the PML-N government. They have led their follower to believe that they can achieve the aim through a peaceful sit-in outside Parliament House. The government which was initially reluctant to allow them has agreed to let the protesters camp inside the Red Zone. So far so good. The government is perhaps willing to accept some of the minor demands but there is no possibility whatsoever of its resigning before it has completed its constitutional tenure. A peaceful sit-in where protesters simply dance, sing or occasionally raise slogans while the government offices continue to function, does not bother the administration at all even if it goes on for weeks. But Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri are angry men who want urgent results. They know very well that many protesters, particularly those in the PTI camp, would start leaving if they find the exercise to be unproductive. The more charged and uncontrollable among the youth who have been promised change of government or revolution are likely to turn on the leadership if the march was not seen to be producing the desired results. Agents provocateurs can use such workers to provoke violence. On its part the Punjab police which is deployed inside the Red Zone is not used to treating protesters with kid gloves. The two leaders who have pushed women and children into the eye of the storm in pursuit of their misconceived objectives therefore bear a heavy cross. They have to ensure that the protests do not lead to violence or the overthrow of democracy.
DAWN.COM The Pakistan Ex-Servicemen Association, headed by Retired Vice Admiral Ahmed Tasnim, has jumped into the fray by supporting the call for dissolution of assemblies, formation of a caretaker government, introduction of electoral reforms and appointment of an independent election commission to hold fresh elections. The association’s executive council held a meeting in Rawalpindi to discuss ‘current crises-like political situation prevailing in the country’. The participants said political leaders had failed to rise above party affiliations at the cost of country’s interests, says a press release issued by the association. According to it, the government and parliament have failed to perform their institutional functions and fulfill their responsibilities to address serious issues being raised through public protests. The ex-servicemen, who call themselves ‘former military strategists’ expressed concern at the failure of the government to implement orders of the additional session judge of Lahore to register the FIR of the Model Town killings, and termed it an instance of contempt of court and breach of fundamental rights of people enshrined in the constitution.
Express TribuneThe US said on Tuesday that it was closely monitoring the growing political crisis in Pakistan. State Department deputy spokesperson Marie Harf told the Express Tribune during a briefing in Washington DC on Tuesday that the US Ambassador in Pakistan has had official and informal meetings with different political and religious leaders. Harf added that the US Embassy in Islamabad was closely watching the demonstrations and was keeping Secretary of State John Kerry updated on the situation. In response to another question regarding Pakistan-India relations, Harf said the US wants relations between the two neighbouring countries to improve and hopes that both countries will resume talks. On Indian premier’s potential visit to the US, Harf said that the US will welcome Narendra Modi in Washington DC. President Obama and Secretary Kerry will glad to see PM Modi in US, she added.
The separatists have expectedly called the Narendra Modi government's decision to call off foreign secretary-level talks between India and Pakistan "childish". This is to be expected but Modi's move to make Pakistan's engagement with the likes of Hurriyat a deal-breaker has taken many by surprise, sparking heated speculation as to whether there is a new foreign policy doctrine in the making.There's plenty of indication that the decision to cancel the talks was in fact made long before Pakistan Ambassador Abdul Basit's meeting with Hurriyat leader Shabir Shah. A report in The Indian Express says Ministry of External Affairs officials were not even kept in the loop. "High-level political consultations" were held as Modi consulted External Affairs minister Sushma Swaraj on Monday afternoon. "Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh was informed after the decision was taken," the report says. She was asked to inform Basit that the talks would be called off if he met Shah. Once Basit and Shah met, Sushma told MEA officials to announce the decision to cancel the talks -- Singh did not even call Basit again to inform him. The Basit-Shah meeting may have been no more than a trigger -- a new kind of engagement with Pakistan may have been on the cards for days. According to news reports, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was concerned over the political fallout of continuing to talk to Pakistan amid growing public anger over ceasefire violations along the Line of Control. According to a report in The Economic Times, Modi first discussed the issue when the LOC ceasefire violations began in early August. When over 10 ceasefire violations from across the LoC as well as the international border were recorded, the report says, "the politician in Modi calculated that elusive peace dividends would not be enough to cancel out the domestic fallout as public opinion kept building up against ceasefire violations." If this was indeed the government's calculation, then the gamble certainly worked, for barring Kashmir where leaders across the political spectrum expressed disappointment at the cancellation of talks, there was a general consensus that the PM had rightly taken a tough stance, and appropriately so for a leader who had pilloried the UPA for caving in the face of Pakistani provocation. "When Indian jawans were beheaded, the Prime Minister had said Pakistan will be accounted for it... Now when the Pakistani Army, this week, shot dead our jawans, I want to ask the Prime Minister...he had made the promise that we will not tolerate such things. What is the reason that a country of 125 crore is silently tolerating when Pakistan is going back on its promise one by one?" he had asked during one election rally, in Hyderabad. The ceasefire violations were already prompting Congress spokespersons to use a similar tone while castigating the Modi government for pursuing its "sari diplomacy", a phrase coined incidentally by BJP ally Shiv Sena's Sanjay Raut who demanded the suspension of talks when a jawan as killed along the LOC last month. With Assembly elections coming, losing political capital over talks that will at the most yield incremental advances was obviously unacceptable. Apart from domestic considerations, however, what is also clear is that the Modi government is forging its own rules for engagement with Pakistan. The timing of the decision to cancel talks -- at a time when PTI leader Imran Khan is forcing PM Nawaz Sharif against the wall -- is significant. It breaks the unwritten code in India's Pakistan policy which assumes that New Delhi must do all it can to strengthen the civilian government in Pakistan, owing mostly to the belief that cross-border terrorism, incursions and ceasefire violations are all mostly initiated by the Pakistan Army. This policy appears to have been all but abandoned on Monday. "... by abruptly cancelling the talks after the Pakistan envoy met separatist Hurriyat leaders, the present government was following the second school of thought that India should mind its own interests and let Pakistan realise the cost of its misadventures," the ET report says. A report in The Hindu on Modi's foreign policy report card concurs. "At a time when the civilian government in Pakistan is on the back foot, New Delhi’s digging in of its heels will only comfort the military." One thing is clear, Modi will forge his own path on foreign policy decisions, bound neither by convention of the UPA era nor even by promising advances made during the Vajpayee era. Even his statesman-like invitation to Sharif and other SAARC nation heads for his swearing-in should not really be seen as a leaf out of Vajpayee's book, as this report in Business Standard points out. If there is a new Modi doctrine, we only know what it is not. We will have to rely on time and Modi to tell us what it is.
by Mehreen Zahra-MalikAs tens of thousands of protesters advanced on the Pakistani capital last week to demand his resignation, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif dispatched two emissaries to consult with the army chief. He wanted to know if the military was quietly engineering the twin protest movements by cricket star-turned-politician Imran Khan and activist cleric Tahir ul-Qadri, or if, perhaps, it was preparing to stage a coup. According to a government insider with a first-hand account of the meeting, Sharif's envoys returned with good news and bad: there will be no coup, but if he wants his government to survive, from now on it will have to "share space with the army". Even if, as seems likely, the Khan and Qadri protests eventually fizzle out due to a lack of overt support from the military, the prime minister will emerge weakened from the crisis. The army may have saved his skin, but its price will be subservience to the generals on issues he wanted to handle himself from the fight against the Taliban to relations with arch foe India and Pakistan's role in neighbouring, post-NATO Afghanistan. "The biggest loser will be Nawaz, cut down to size both by puny political rivals and the powerful army," said a government minister who asked not to be named. "From this moment on, he'll always be looking over his shoulder." A year ago, few would have predicted that Sharif would be in such trouble: back then, he had just swept to power for a third time in a milestone poll that marked nuclear-armed Pakistan's first transition from one elected government to another. But in the months that followed, Sharif - who had crossed swords with the army in the past - moved to enhance the clout of the civilian government in a country that has been ruled by the military for more than half of its turbulent history. He irked the generals by putting former military head Pervez Musharraf, who had abruptly ended his last stint as prime minister in a 1999 coup, on trial for treason. Sharif also opposed a military offensive to crush Taliban insurgents, sided with a media group that had accused the military of shooting one of its journalists and sought reconciliation with India, the perceived threat that the army uses to justify its huge budget and national importance. India rapprochement at risk Sources in Sharif's government said that, with civilian-military relations in such bad shape, Sharif suspected that the street protests to unseat him were being manipulated from behind the scenes by the army. He also feared that, if the agitations turned violent, the army would exploit the situation to seize power for itself. However, the two close aides who went to see army chief Raheel Sharif in the garrison town of Rawalpindi last Wednesday were told that the military had no intention of intervening. "The military does not intend to carry out a coup but ... if the government wants to get through its many problems and the four remaining years of its term, it has to share space with the army," said the insider, summing up the message they were given. "Sharing space" is a familiar euphemism for civilian governments focusing narrowly on domestic political affairs and leaving security and strategic policy to the army. The army's media wing declined to comment on the meeting. The fact that the military is back in the driving seat will make it harder for Sharif to deliver the rapprochement with India that he promised when he won the election last year. Indian media speculated this week that Sharif had already been forced by the generals to scuttle peace talks. New Delhi on Monday called off a meeting between foreign ministry officials of the two countries, which had been set to take place on Aug. 25, because Pakistan announced its intention to consult Kashmiri separatists ahead of the meeting. The Himalayan region of Kashmir has been a bone of contention between India and Pakistan since both gained independence in 1947. The two nations have fought three wars, two of them over Kashmir, and came close to a fourth in 2001. The Pakistani army's predominance could also mean it could torpedo the government's relationship with Afghanistan, where a regional jostle for influence is expected to intensify after the withdrawal of most foreign forces at the end of this year. Paying the price Few believed that the army would back Khan's bid for power even if it used him to put Sharif on the defensive. "Even the army knows that Imran Khan may be a great pressure cooker in the kitchen, but you can't trust him to be the chef," said a former intelligence chief who declined to be named. Sharif may now pay the price for miscalculating that the military might have been willing to let the one-time cricket hero topple him. "Thinking that Imran could be a game-changer, Nawaz has conceded the maximum to the army," a Sharif aide said. "From a czar-like prime minister, they (the army) have reduced him to a deputy commissioner-type character who will deal with the day-to-day running of the country while they take care of the important stuff like Afghanistan and India. This is not a small loss." But Sharif's aides say a stint in jail under Musharraf, followed by exile from Pakistan and five years as leader of the opposition party, have made him realise that he needs to share power to survive. "This is not the old Nawaz, the wild confrontationalist," said an adviserÂ to the prime minister in Lahore, the capital of his Punjab province power base. "This is the new Nawaz who has learnt the hard way that politics is about living to fight another day."
http://www.ppp.org.pk/ The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Punjab chapter has urged the government of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) to show more responsibility than Dr Tahirul Qadri’s Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) and Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) during the current political situation. PPP Punjab President Mian Manzoor Ahmad Wattoo said in a statement on Tuesday that enough is enough and that now the government and contesting parties should retreat and instead let the sanity overtake their self-defeating brinkmanship. Wattoo appealed to the PAT and the PTI to show mercy to the nation and let them take a sigh of relief that had been on the tenterhooks for the last many days. He called upon the government, the PTI and the PAT to listen to the rest of political leadership and create space for hammering out a mutually agreed formula to break the deadlock for the sake of democracy and constitution. No doubt, he said, delay on the part of the government to read the gravity of the situation correctly and of taking action had led to making political situation of the country more problematic. He said that the bigger responsibility of taking appropriate steps like accepting the demands of the PTI urgently was on the shoulders of the government to save the country from plunging into anarchy. The PPP leader recalled that PML-N had entered the Red Zone of Islamabad and had also ransacked the Supreme Court, adding lawyers and other political parties also entered the zone but not like the PML-N had entered. He maintained that Pakistan Army was fighting the war of survival of the country, adding how naïve and regretful it was that a section of political parties were getting to each other’s hair at a time when they should be uniting the nation instead of dividing it, as national security was at stake. He referred to the advice of PPP Patron-in-Chief Bilawal Bhutto Zardari last month in which he appealed to political parties to shun their differences for the time being and support the military operation in FATA wholeheartedly because terrorism poses the biggest threat to the security and independence of the masses. Wattoo also urged the rest of political leadership to give strong message urgently to the warring parties in no uncertain terms that their egoism would not be allowed to run down the constitution and democracy come what may. The constitution, democracy and rule of law could not be sacrificed at the altar of their strong likes or dislikes, he added.
Tuesday, August 19, 2014
VOA NewsU.S. Attorney General Eric Holder is promising the people of Ferguson, Missouri a "full, fair and independent" investigation into the shooting of an unarmed African-American teenager by a white policeman. Holder will be in the St. Louis suburb Wednesday to meet with community leaders, FBI investigators and federal civil rights officials. In a message published in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch newspaper, Holder said the full resources of the Justice Department are committed to the investigation. He said, however, the town must see an end to violence and that the riots and looting in reaction to the shooting undermine justice. The mayor of a U.S. town where police and protesters have clashed for 10 days following the fatal shooting of an unarmed black teen by a white policeman says there "is not a racial divide in the city of Ferguson." Mayor James Knowles told U.S. TV channel MSNBC on Tuesday that the town of 22,000 people in the state of Missouri has been a "model for the region" as it changed from a majority white population to predominantly black. The comments come after a third tumultuous night on the streets of Ferguson, which has seen ongoing protests since a police officer killed 18-year-old Michael Brown on August 9. Seventy-eight civilians - including protesters and members of the press - were arrested Monday night and Tuesday morning in Ferguson after a day of peaceful protests. Initial reports indicated 31 arrests had been made. St. Louis shooting Meanwhile, police in St. Louis, Missouri have shot dead a man armed with a knife near the site of violent protests against the police shooting death of an unarmed black teenager August 9. Police say the suspect in Tuesday's shooting allegedly stole merchandise from a food store. He apparently challenged officers to shoot him and approached them with a knife. Police fired when he refused to drop it. In Ferguson, Maria Chappelle-Nadal, who represents the town in the Missouri legislature, told CNN on Tuesday that peaceful protests would continue until charges were filed against the shooter. "The demonstrations are going to continue until there's an arrest, until this officer is on leave without pay," said the state senator. Nearly all of those arrested in the last day are charged with failing to disperse when police requested a crowd of roughly 200 people leave. Outside agitators blamed Most are not Ferguson residents, but many are from the area. Officials repeatedly have blamed protesters from out of state for violent acts during nighttime demonstrations. Brown's death has sparked allegations of systemic discrimination against minorities and a nationwide debate on race in the U.S. A poll conducted over the weekend and released Monday by the Washington-based Pew Research Center shows 80 percent of African-Americans believe Brown's death raises important issues about race, compared to 37 percent of whites. The survey also found that while 65 percent of black respondents believe the police went too far in responding to the shooting, that number plummets to 33 percent among the white population. Police fired stun grenades and tear gas at crowds, as demonstrators lobbed firebombs and bottles at heavily armored police. Officers say they came under heavy attack, but did not shoot their weapons. Two people were reported wounded by shots from within the crowd. Many people appeared to be defying orders from police to disperse. National Guard troops that arrived earlier Monday to strengthen police forces could be seen on the fringes of the gathering. President weighs in Monday, U.S. President Barack Obama said the actions of a "small minority" of demonstrators engaging in violence on the town's streets was heightening tensions. He also said there was no justification for the use of excessive force by police, or any action that denies the rights of peaceful protesters. An independent autopsy requested by Brown's family showed he was shot at least six times, including two bullets to his head. Attorneys for Brown's family said the autopsy shows the unarmed black teen was "trying to surrender" when Officer Darren Wilson fatally shot him. Two other autopsies have been commissioned. Wilson is on paid administrative leave during the investigation.
Again calling for calm, President Obama smartly dispatched Attorney General Eric Holder to visit Ferguson, Mo., as a federal guarantor that justice will be done in the death of Michael Brown. The U.S. Justice Department has a key role in easing tensions that have led to repeated nights of violence as local and state officials have been tragically incapable of fulfilling their responsibilities. Wisely, Obama brushed off calls from his left flank urging a presidential visit, at which he would presumably lock arms with those who are protesting the killing of Brown, who was black, by white police officer Darren Wilson. Now is not the time. While damning at face value, the circumstances surrounding the fatal shooting are not yet known. A murder in cold blood, say some. A justifiable use of force, say others. The President carefully refused to prejudge the case while also making clear that he understands protesters’ frustrations. Their anguish is highly justified. The young man was unarmed. In death, he was smeared by the same Ferguson officials who refused to name Wilson for days. The prosecutor’s office and medical examiner are missing in action, so that a pathologist retained by Brown’s family has provided the only on-the-record information about the cause of Brown’s death. Obama spoke of the need “to distinguish between peaceful protesters who may have some legitimate grievances, and maybe longstanding grievances, and those who are using this tragic death as an excuse to engage in criminal behavior and tossing Molotov cocktails or looting stores.” Meantime, the President had appropriately skeptical words for the incomprehensible decision by Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon to send in the National Guard. Men who wear battle fatigues, who are trained to deal with foreign fighters or to respond to natural disasters, are as likely to aggravate a fragile situation as calm it. Nixon’s reliance on the Guard even to protect a command center testifies to his incompetence and that of local police. Speaking of the Guard, Obama said: “I’ll be watching over the next several days to assess whether, in fact, it’s helping rather than hindering progress in Ferguson.” Still more crucially, Holder must convey that the U.S. will aggressively investigate Brown’s killing, never mind the actions by local officials. Obama has sent him there to take command, and he must. Read more: http://www.nydailynews.com/opinion/obama-wise-article-1.1908092#ixzz3AtFnazoW
Bilawal has said in his twitter message that Imran Khan and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif are suicide bombers for democracy. Imran Khan as carrying out suicide attack on democracy while the suicide bomber government would topple democracy along with itself, he said. He further said that Nation would have real democracy in the country, if PPP and other left parties were allowed to conduct free election campaign.
Video Report: India - Secretary-level talks with Pakistan called off under pressure from Opposition?
On Prime Time, panelists discuss whether the government's decision to call off secretary-level talks with Pakistan was done under pressure following criticism from opposition parties for not taking a 'firm stand' against Pakistan. The announcement to call off the scheduled Foreign Secretary-level talks with Pakistan came shortly after Pakistan High Commissioner Abdul Basit met Kashmiri separatist leader Shabir Shah in Delhi.
As twin protests in Islamabad entered a fifth day on Tuesday, the Pakistan Army has put its troops in Islamabad on ‘high alert’. Fearing any untoward incident taking place if the PTI or PAT enter the Red Zone, Lieutenant General Qamar Bajwa, commander 10 corps, has contacted top officials of the Islamabad Police for coordination to ensure security of the key government installations located along Constitution Avenue. The troops were deployed in the federal capital under Article 245 of the Constitution. The government had taken this controversial measure for securing Islamabad amid the spectre of a political showdown. The army is however not bound to act in aid of the Islamabad police in the enforcement of this section unless Chief Commissioner Islamabad orders them to do so. In an earlier report, a military source put the number of troops stationed in the capital for security duties at about 350. But the city administration had told reporters that five army companies -- over 500 soldiers -- had been deployed. Imran said on Monday he would lead protesters into the capital's “Red Zone”, an area home to Western embassies and key government ministries. Police have estimated the number of people at the protests at around 55,000, including many women and children. The government has previously said protesters are not allowed to enter the area. It is flooded with riot police and paramilitary forces and cordoned off with shipping containers and barbed wire. The government has not said whether Khan would be able to proceed to the Red Zone or not. PAT Chief Tahirul Qadri has said he will meet his supporters later today to consider whether to march alongside Imran. Their protests have so far remained separate because the two have different supporters and plans for what should happen if Sharif steps down. On the political front, Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khursheed Shah has also summoned a meeting of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and allies parties in the parliament house to chalk out strategy to prevent Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) from entering red zone and to end the political crisis peacefully.
Thousands of Pakistani protesters have converged on Islamabad to pressure the government to resign. But as analyst Aqil Shah tells DW, the biggest casualty of the mass rally could be democratic norms and institutions.Clashes broke out on Friday, August 15, as tens of thousands of protesters, led in two anti-government convoys, are set to converge on the capital for a massive rally aimed at forcing the Sharif-led administration to resign. Famous cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan and firebrand cleric Tahir-ul-Qadri are leading the separate protest marches. According to media reports, gunshots hit Khan's vehicle of as he led his supporters through the eastern city of Gujranwala. The opposition leader was not injured but residents brandishing ruling-party posters attacked his convoy, throwing shoes and stones. The opposition politicians challenge the government over allegations of incompetence and rigging last year's parliamentary vote. Sharif came to power in 2013 in the first democratic transfer of power in a country which has seen three coups since gaining independence in 1947. Aqil Shah, Pakistan expert and visiting professor in the Department of Government at Dartmouth College, says in a DW interview that the opposition parties have yet to provide any credible evidence for claims of fraud, and that by baying for the blood of the elected government, their actions threaten Pakistan's first democratic transition. DW: How long do you reckon the protests will last? Aqil Shah: It is hard to definitively predict the length of these protests. This will depend on whether the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) party and the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) - or Movement for Justice - led by Imran Khan can find a negotiated way out of this needless crisis.
Khan, as well as the cleric Qadri, who is leading a parallel protest march, have shown little flexibility and continue to insist on removing the government. Much will also depend on whether the ruling party and its challengers can keep the protests peaceful. There are already reports of minor clashes between the two sides in the PML-N stronghold of Gujranwala. Violence can beget more violence, but at least at the moment there is no sign of things spiraling out of control.
How big do you reckon the protest will be?
These are not mass protests, at least not yet. The PTI has a strong following amongst urban youth, especially in the eastern Punjab and the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces. So the mainstay of the protest is likely to be its energetic party cadres and other die hard supporters. But contrary to Khan's claim of marching on the capital with a million people, the actual number of his followers on the road so far is less than 20,000, according to media reports.
What do you make of Qadri's demands for less corruption, accountability and reform of the electoral system?All of these are obviously worthy goals but Qadri's methods and aims are patently anti-democratic. He wants to force the democratically elected government out by a "revolution." A Canadian national who lives in his adopted country for much of the year, he has little credibility or mass support in the country. However, he is a spoiler with ties to the military who loudly vilifies politicians as corrupt and makes no effort of even hiding his support for a military intervention in politics as the solution.
How can the opposition justify the demands for PM Sharif to resign given that Sharif is a democratically elected prime minister?Both Qadri and Khan allege that Sharif's government came to power through a fraudulent election. Hence, they see it as an illegitimate government that has no right to rule. Khan and the PTI are particularly aggrieved because they think that the rigging was designed to deprive them of a victory. While electoral fraud is not unusual in transitional contexts, they have yet to provide any credible evidence for these claims. Instead, what we have is a litany of unproven allegations against everyone under the sun, including the interim government, the judiciary, the election commission, and even the US, Israel and India.
Sharif has offered to form a judicially inquiry commission to investigate the PTI's allegations, but Khan remains adamant that an impartial inquiry is possible only after Sharif resigns. To me, Khan's sound and fury looks like a cynical attempt for a crack at power regardless of its consequences for democracy.
What role is the country's powerful military playing?When the army is not in power, it pulls the strings behind the scenes. Tensions between the army and the government have been festering over several issues, including Sharif's decision to try former army chief and president, Pervez Musharraf, for treason. No coup-maker has ever been held accountable for his actions, so the impeding trial poses a direct challenge to the military's presumptions of impunity. As for Sharif's future, the military has the power to decide the ultimate fate of any government. So yes, the military's reaction will be a key factor in determining his survival especially if there is prolonged violence on the streets.
Who do you reckon will come out of this situation as the winner?I don't know who the winner will be, but the real danger is that democratic norms and institutions could become its biggest casualty. Let's suppose Khan gets his way, the government steps down, and his party wins the next election. Why would the losers of the next round not contest the legitimacy of the vote? By baying for the blood of the elected government, the PTI's actions threaten Pakistan's first democratic transition marked by the transfer of power from an elected government, which had completed its full term to another. That turnover had symbolic value for breaking Pakistan's enduring authoritarian trap. But the next essential step towards democratic consolidation is at least one more peaceful alternation in power, which would show both an elite allegiance to the rules of the game and the people's commitment to using the ballot to register their dissatisfaction with the government.
Could a prolonged confrontation between Khan, Qadri and the Sharif-led government lead to a military coup?
Sustained and violent protests could provide the military with the opportunity to intervene. But I don't think the generals' first choice would be a blunt coup right now - and there is little appetite in Pakistan for another military government - mainly because they have the power to get what they want without assuming direct responsibility for government.
When politicians challenge its prerogatives, it can rely on its allies in political parties, the media and even Islamist militant groups to contest their authority. Many observers suspect that this opposition protest is a practical demonstration of these tactics.
What impact is this political turmoil having on the country both nationally and internationally?For one, instability can undermine the democratic process by making the civilian government appear incapable of providing basic political order, which can ultimately dents its legitimacy. Business confidence in the country's struggling economy could slump even further, in addition to the direct adverse impact of political unrest on the country's economic life. On the external front, I think it will only reinforce Pakistan's image as a fragile nuclear-armed state that is unable to put its own house in order, and therefore, cannot tackle challenges like terrorism that are of serious concern to the international community.
The power struggle in Islamabad makes one thing clear: Pakistan is yet again missing the chance to become a civil economic power in the region, says DW’s Florian Weigand.Pakistan's power struggle has all the ingredients of a classic drama: two peoples' tribunes, one a former athlete and man-about-town, now reformed and on the straight and narrow, the other a religious leader, down to earth, straightforward, but not an extremist, are both marching towards the capital city, accompanied by a growing number of followers, to topple a controversial ruler from power. The show being put on by ex-cricket star Imran Khan, Islamic cleric Tahir-ul-Qadri, and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was always the stuff of epics – what the bards once sang around the campfire is being played out today as a visually stunning TV story around the world. The two protagonists - Khan and Qadri - are aware of the power of image and are basking in their popularity. But they overestimate their influence: the classic plot would not be complete without higher powers secretly pulling strings, deciding when heroes should rise and fall. In Pakistan, these powers wear khaki and shoulder pieces.
The military feels provokedFor the generals, the "March on Islamabad" comes at the right moment. Nawaz Sharif's politics have been a thorn in their side for a long time. Firstly, Sharif puts former head of state and of the military, General Pervez Musharraf, on trial for high treason. And as if that was not already cowardly enough, Sharif joined hands with the arch enemy, India, for all the world to see, when he met with the new Prime Minister of the neighbouring country, Narendra Modi, at Modi's inauguration. Such gestures of reconciliation rub the Pakistani military violently the wrong way. The eternal enmity with its neighbor is part of Pakistan's founding myth since British India split into the two states in 1947 – and without this, the over proportional role of the military would be difficult to justify. But the military sees itself not just as a protective barrier for the subcontinent's Muslims against the Indian Hindu superior power. It is also still the biggest employer in the country. It runs hospitals, businesses and schools, army families live in so-called military cantonments, enclosed residential areas which offer a standard of living otherwise only enjoyed by the elite. Many urban middle class families have at least an uncle or an aunt working for the military. Lost potential These old structures may be comfortable for those who benefit from them, but they do not move Pakistan on in the globalized world. Because in the same urban families, obligatorily related to at least one ex officer, a well educated generation is growing up, young people with academic credentials - often achieved abroad. They are the potential basis for a civil economy, for change through trade in the region – but without reconciliation with the Indian giant, this vision has no real future. Many in Pakistan see Nawaz Sharif as corrupt and inefficient, however he does send the right signals in the direction of the country's neighbor. Regrettably, the young people feel more of a connection with the charismatic Imran Khan, who runs the risk of ending up as a military puppet along with Qadri. If the two get tangled up in a possibly violent power struggle with the present government, the military could emerge as the self-appointed last peace-keeping power and revolt again, as so often in Pakistan's history. Change of tack towards India But it is unlikely to go that far. Nawaz Sharif will give into the military and revise his policy regarding India, even if he withstands the mass protests put on by Qadri and Khan. Sharif will think back to his first term in office, which ended abruptly in 1999 when the generals seized power after he had once already stretched out his hand to India. It is almost unimaginable, that he is now risking a repeat of the event. India's Modi is also making life difficult for Sharif. After some skirmishes in Kashmir, an area disputed by both countries, Modi accused Pakistan of waging a proxy war with irregular forces – a move which does not lend itself to reconciliation. Whether these skirmishes were orchestrated by the Pakistani military or were just a convenient coincidence for them no longer matters – just as it does not matter who gains the upper hand in the march on Islamabad. In every possible scenario, the military will profit. And yet again Pakistan is missing out on the chance of becoming a regional economic power. Everything remains just as in the classic drama: as long as the military retain their power, why should they bother about the needs of the mere mortals?
The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leaders on Sunday emphasised on Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif to follow the vision of the Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to contact the Muslim World and activate the Organisation of the Islamic World (OIC) for effective voice to save the innocent Palestinians from the barbaric atrocities of Israel. Addressing the seminar titled “Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto & Islamic World” organised by the PPP Youth Wing at Arts Council in city; they vowed to protect democracy and not to accept the unconstitutional step possibly in the wake of ongoing sit-ins staged by the Pakistan Tahreek-i-Insaf (PTI) led by Imran Khan and Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) led by Tahirul Qadri in Islamabad with demand to overthrow the elected governments and resignation of the Prime Minister. Chief Minister Sindh and party’s provincial President Syed Qaim Ali Shah was the chief guest of the seminar, while it was presided by the PPP-Youth Wing President of Sindh Senator Aajiz Dhamrah, besides party’s central leaders including Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khurshid Ahmed Shah, PPP’s Deputy General Secretary Senator Mian Raza Rabbani, Senator Taj Haider and others spoke on the life and role Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto towards unity of the Islamic World in the last quarter of 20th century. Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah in his speech traced the history of how ZA Bhutto gathered the head of states of 28 Muslim countries including the then King of Saudi Arabia Shah Faisal, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and others during the first conference of the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) in Lahore. Qaim Ali Shah, who was part of the reception committee of OIC conference in Lahore, said that ZA Bhutto advised and convinced the Arab countries to use the oil as weapon to safeguard the interest of the Muslims against the Western powers. He said that Muslim world required the leaders like ZA Bhutto and Shaheed Benazir Bhutto to protect the interest of the Muslims. Referring the current political crisis emerged from the sit-ins of Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri’s in Islamabad, Sindh Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah said that even opponents and critic of the Asif Ali Zardari were stating that his political wisdom required resolving the political crisis. Leader of the Opposition in National Assembly of PPP Syed Khurshid Ahmed Shah also spoke about the ZA Bhutto’s historical role to gather the Muslim countries and recognising the PLO of Yasser Arafat, who was fighting for liberation of the Palestine from illegal occupation of Israel. He emphasised on the present rulers of the country to follow the vision of the ZA Bhutto and contact the Muslim World for raising the unanimous voice against the atrocities of Israel on the Palestine. He said that his party will continue the policy of reconciliation, advising the government and protesting Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri to follow the principles of democracy and resolve the issue through dialogue. PPP’s Additional General Secretary Senator Mian Raza Rabbani said that the US through military establishment in Pakistan punished ZA Bhutto for his role of hosting the first OIC in Lahore. He came down hard on the silence of the OIC on the atrocities of Israel on innocent Palestinians, stating that there is no need such OIC and should be shelved it immediately. He again said that PPP was ready to play its role to mediate between the government and protesting parties of Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri in Islamabad. He announced that his party will reject and come on roads against any unconstitutional step of shelving the democracy, warning that if Martial Law enforced in the country it will harm the federation of Pakistan. President of PPP-Youth Wing Senator Aajiz Dhamrah announced that youth wing of party will come on roads if any unconstitutional step is taken against the government.