Tuesday, January 30, 2018

#Pakistan - #PPP - Bravo, Benazir

By Mina Malik-Hussain

New Zealand’s Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, is expecting a child while in office. She is the first Kiwi PM to take oath pregnant and quite possibly be the first to give birth while in office. New Zealanders are pretty excited, and news of who is jokingly being referred to as “the royal baby” is flooding their media. To us, of course, this should be old hat because our only female Prime Minister, the first woman to lead a Muslim country, was also the first woman leader to give birth while in office. Benazir Bhutto won the 1988 election, taking office in December of the same year. She had given birth to her son, Bilawal, in September that year. As leader of the Pakistan People’s Party, she had been campaigning for office while pregnant and took office when her baby was three months old. Daughter Bakhtawar followed in January 1990, officially making Bhutto the first woman to give birth while in office. I might add that she was also only thirty-seven. So not only did she take office for the first time at thirty-five with a newborn, she also had another baby and carried on her official duties until her government was dismissed. As a woman, one finds that astonishing. As a mother, I am gobsmacked.
Anyone who has had a baby (and I include fathers in the equation) knows what incredibly hard work an infant is. Carrying a baby to term with the child and mother’s health intact is nine months of being responsible and vigilant—don’t forget the vitamins, see your doctor regularly, don’t forget you’re expecting and race down a flight of stairs. Campaigning for the highest political office in the land after your father was hanged? Unbelievably tremendous. Pregnancies are not an easy ride, even when they are good ones. Being pregnant and the first woman in the country to attempt what you are doing takes grit and courage of colossal proportion. Managing a tiny baby alongside being the Prime Minister is mind-boggling. How on earth did Bhutto manage? Nobody talks about it, somehow. I am too young to have participated in those conversations if they did happen, but it’s worth trying to find out.
Ardem’s pregnancy has sparked a conversation about women and their right to work during and after their pregnancies that would be valuable to us today. Many female leaders, whatever their profession, hesitate to have children because it is seen as a depreciation of their value as chief person-in-charge. Women and their bodies are considered messy and unpredictable, and many women in professional positions try to minimize that aspect of themselves as much as possible. It’s understandable. When men take time off work to look after their children they are seen as heroes—what an amazing father!—but when women do the same it’s a pained sigh, “women’s problems”. One stark example of this is how Marissa Mayer, Yahoo’s CEO, famously took only two weeks of maternity leave when she had her first baby while Mark Zuckerberg, who runs Facebook, took two months of paternity leave when his first baby was born. With so many women doing better than men academically, it makes sense that they would want to utilize their potential in the workplace and yet many environments are still not conducive to women and their very real concerns which, like it or not, will include the things their bodies do.
Whatever your politics or opinions of hers, Benazir Bhutto was a force to be reckoned with. Bakhtawar Bhutto Zardari was the last child to be born to a woman in office, and nearly thirty years later, Jacinda Ardem’s baby will be the next. Bhutto faced incredible prejudice during her career—if it wasn’t her age, it was her gender. As a successful woman in our misogynist country, riddled with sexist politicians; as someone who won two popular elections and took the Prime Minister’s office twice, it must have been an uphill struggle. As a mother, the pressure must have quadrupled. Men have the luxury of being able to freely pursue their careers and aspirations—they just have to do it, and wives are expected to be supportive and provide a domestic environment that allows for the men to pursue their ambition. If male careers call for relocation, wives and children are expected to pack up and follow them. The ones who don’t then turn into single-parent households, where the mothers hold the fort whilst fathers come and go. This is all because men’s work is privileged over women’s work, because men are expected to provide. Women’s work is seen as a hobby, an indulgence that is ultimately irrelevant to their primary role, i.e domestic work. Even in societies more socially developed than ours, women are not paid the same amount as men for the same kind of work and work environments are still prejudiced against people who have to leave at five to pick up children and get dinner on the table. Ardem’s partner plans to be a stay-at-home father for their baby, which is the fairest option if you can put gender aside—one parent works, one parent looks after the baby. I don’t know how much fathering Asif Zardari did when his children were very young, but Benazir Bhutto did what women all over the world have done: managed to juggle it all. It’s not really about “having it all” for women. It’s the fact they shouldn’t have to choose, that they should be able to pursue ambitions and plans without having to give up one thing or another. Do men agonize over having it all? Are their choices tinged with this sense of the impossible, or an underpinning of guilty greediness? One thinks not. So on behalf of working moms everywhere, thank you, Ms. Bhutto. You were a legend.

Regional conflict is keeping Pakistan from eradicating polio

Haley Britzky 

In recent years, polio cases were 73% more common in areas of Pakistan experiencing insecurity from conflict, and vaccination rates were about 5% lower during those periods, according to a new study.
Why it matters: Pakistan is one of only three countries that hasn't eradicated the virus, and insecurity is often cited as a reason.
"[B]ut the science to support this claim was surprisingly weak," study author Amol Verma from the University of Toronto tells Axios. "Our study provides strong scientific evidence that insecurity is an important obstacle to polio eradication in Pakistan, which is one of the last reservoirs of polio in the world."
What's happening: The poliovirus was deemed a "public health emergency of international concern" by the World Health Organization. There were just 8 reported cases in Pakistan last year but the virus is still being detected in the environment.
The study: Researchers examined monthly data on the incidence of polio in 32 districts in northwest Pakistan from 2007 to 2014 — and the rate of vaccination from 2007 to 2009 — and compared it to terrorist attacks and other conflict-related event statistics. Their findings:
1. One of the primary factors linking reduced vaccination rates and insecurity is restricted access for health workers administering vaccinations.
2. Districts are not "uniformly secure or insecure," they write; the high and low insecurity that vaccination campaigns encounter can fluctuate. But per the study, campaigns in the midst of high insecurity have 5.3% lower vaccination rates than those during what were considered secure periods.
“Even though it’s only a 5 percent reduction in vaccination rates, that is enough to allow the virus to continue to be circulated and transmitted.”
— Verma told Voice of America
3. Insecurity can have lasting effects. The researchers note that "vaccination rates were reduced in campaigns up to 12 [months] after security incidents."
The limitations: The researchers studied incidents by district, and the last census of the area was taken in 1998. A supplementary analysis was done using the government's 2013 population projection and the researchers report the "main findings were unchanged."
  • Additionally, the study didn't look at targeted attacks on public health workers trying to vaccinate children. The researchers wrote that while reports including this data exist, they're so far unreliable.

#Pakistan - OP-ED Zainab’s murder — fodder for opportunist political elites and media


In 2016 a total of 4139 cases of sexual abuse were reported in newspapers, which was a 10 percent increase since 2015. 23 percent cases entailed rape or sodomy.
The brutal rape and murder of 8-year-old Zainab was a tragedy that should have been a wake up call for the country and how we raise children at homes, schools and madaris. Instead, it has turned into a sordid game for political elites and a rating contest for mainstream electronic media. Once again, a historic opportunity for reform has been squandered.
When Zainab’s story came into public light, every Pakistani was horrified especially those who are parenting young children. That sexual abuse of children is a part of people’s lives came as an ugly reminder. Celebrities opened up in public arenas recounting the horrors of being abused as children. Earlier, the Kasur child pornography scandal shook the public in a similar fashion but nothing came out of it in terms of setting things right. One hoped that with the outrage and protest over Zainab’s murder things would turn out to be different.
But they didn’t.

For starters, the political opposition narrowed down the curse of child abuse to the person of Shehbaz Sharif, Chief Minister of Punjab and his party that is in power. There is no question that Sharifs cannot escape some level of responsibility but to frame the entire issue in such a manner made a mockery of many an elephant in the room — repressed sexuality, ineffective child protection, lack of sex education at homes and outside and the culture of silence that overshadows such ghastly realities.
Sex education is not a taboo, as children need to be made aware of the dangers they may face…it is time to think of a safer and healthier society. Political shenanigans, bloodthirsty vengeance and fake news have only derailed this critical debate
For instance, according to Sahil – a nongovernmental organisation – in 2016 a total of 4139 of sexual abuse were reported in newspapers, which was a 10 percent increase since 2015. 23 percent cases entailed rape or sodomy. In short, 11 children were abused per day and imagine how many cases go unreported. This is nothing short of an epidemic. Once we unpack this data the reality is even more horrifying. 271 children were gang raped in 2016. And, at least a 100 were murdered. It doesn’t end here. 176 child marriages were also reported in 2016. This is just the tip of the proverbial iceberg. Organised gangs have been involved in production of child pornography and all of this happens in a context of weak law enforcement and widespread corruption in the justice system.
Zainab’s case once again reminded Pakistanis of this widespread curse. From 2011 to 2016 a total of 19,508 cases of child sexual abuse were reported in the country. This is where the media could have played a constructive role. Instead, mainstream media covered the Zainab story while ignoring all ethics of journalism. Zainab’s parents were blamed for their negligence, his brother was scolded for not protecting his sister and the list goes on. A bereaved family found itself in the midst of rating sharks coping with an uninvited onslaught. The images of dead Zainab have only brutalised us and not helped the cause for child protection.
The machinery of law was set into motion for this was a test case for PMLN in the election year braving a hostile establishment and aggressive media that would rather call for Sharifs to be hanged for their negligence. So the killer was discovered based on DNA samples. The fanfare with which the identity of the alleged murderer was announced was distasteful to say the least. Indeed, the Punjab police did its job but those present at the press conference clapped as if the younger Sharif’s government had fixed all the legal problems afflicting the largest province.
The reality is far from the applause that was aired on television channels. The Punjab police is known for its inefficiencies, corruption and more so for the politicisation it has undergone over the years. Police encounters have been a popular method of ‘law enforcement’ reportedly assented by none other than the chief executive of the province.
But then PMLN that should have been hit harder, delivered on the populist cause. This was followed by irresponsible and fake claims of the accused owning multiple bank accounts, of being part of a transnational gang with powerful persons from PMLN involved in it. At least that is what certain zealous media persons wanted us to believe. The State Bank of Pakistan rubbished these claims but the damage had been done.
Once again, sexual abuse of children was not happening due to the warts in our society and socialization but due to the evil PMLN, the ‘outsiders’ and for monetary rewards. A public discussion about sex education was avoided. In lieu of a proper policy debate, we heard calls for public hangings by legislators as if that would solve the endemic issue at hand. Public floggings and hangings were experimented by Gen Zia’s odious rule in 1980s with no impact on the crime rates.
Zainab’s father could not help air his prejudice against an Ahmadi heading the joint investigation team. It is a pity that the alleged serial killer and his daughter’s murderer is a Muslim and that too a devout one as far as the rituals go. He is reportedly a follower of religious fanatics who organized a sit-in last November against the government and were supported by elements within the state.
This is the time for legislators to strengthen laws on child protection, admit that there is a larger problem at hand. Sex education is not a taboo, as children need to be made aware of the dangers they face. More importantly, it is also the time to acknowledge that sexual repression may be playing havoc with the minds of many young men. Above all it is time to think of a safer and healthier society. Political shenanigans, bloodthirsty vengeance and fake news have only derailed this critical debate.

''د ماشوم حفاظت او پوهه له کوره پیلېږي''

د خيبر پښتونخوا د ماشومانو ښېګړې او ژغورنې کميشن په خپل يوه خپاره کړي راپور کې ويلي دي چې په تېرو شپږو کالو کې د صوبې په ۱۲ ضلعو کې له ماشومانو سره د جنسي تېري ۱۵۶ پېښې ثبت شوي دي.

د راپور له مخې په دغو کې تر ټولو زیاتې یانې ۳۷ پېښې په ايبټ اباد ضلع کې شوې دي. د دې تر څنګ په مردان کې ۳۵،په سوات کې ۱۹، په بنو کې ۱۰ ، په پېښور کې ۱۲ په دير ، بونير او کوهاټ کې نهه نهه او په چترال او بټګرام کې اته اته پېښې مخې ته راغلي دي، خو په پېښور کې مدني فعال او د ماشومانو د حقونو لپاره کار کونکې تېمور کمال وايي چې په صوبه کې د ماشومانو پرضد د زور زیاتي پيښې له راپور شویو څخه څو چنده زیاتې دي. د ماشومانو ښېګړې او ژغورنې کميشن لخوا خپور شوی راپور یوازې هغه پېښې دي چې پوليسو ته راپور شوي دي خو په اصل کې د دا ډول پېښو شمېره تر یادو هغو درې چنده زیاته ده ځکه چې دا مهال د رسنيو د راپورونو له مخې هره ورځ له پنځو واخلې تر لسو پورې د ماشومانو پرضد د جنسي تېري پېښې کېږي.
بلخوا د يوې غير دولتي ادارې 'ساحل' د ۲۰۱۶م کالپه خپور شوي راپور کې راغلي چې په ټول پاکستان کې د ماشومانو پر ضد د جنسي تيري، په وړوکي عمر کې د ودونو او تښتونوتر څنګ د وهلو ټکولو ۴۱۳۹ پېښې مخې ته راغلې دي چې ۲۵۰۰ پکې يوازې د جنسي تيري هغه دي.
پوښتنه دا ده چې په عامه توګه په پاکستان او په خاصه توګه په خيبر پښتونخوا او قبايلي سیمو کې د دا ډول پېښو د مخنيوي څه حل کېدلی شي. د دې پوښتنې په ځواب کې د 'ساحل' ادارې يوه مشره حبيبه سلمان وايي چې د ماشوم حفاظت او پوهه له کوره پیلېږي. تر ټولو لويه ستونزه زموږ په ټولنه کې هغه دود دی چې ماشوم ته وايو، مشر کس چې څه هم وايي انکار به ورته نه کوې نو بیا موږ ګورو چې مشر کس ماشوم ته څه هم وايي هغه يې مني او بله لويه ستونزه د ماشوم او مور پلار ترمنځ ذهني او ټولنيزه فاصله ده. زموږ په ټولنه کې د ماشوم لپاره پلار يوه بلا او ويرونکی شخصیت دی، بله دا چې مور پلار له ماشوم سره نه کښېني، نه ورسره خبرې کوي او نه هغه ته دا اعتماد ورکوي چې له هغه سره څه هم کېږي بايد مور پلار ته ووایي.
د خيبر پښتونخوا د ماشومانو ښېګړې او ژغورنې کميشن په راپور کې راغلي دي چې د جنسي تيريو تر څنګ د ماشومانو پرضد د زور زیاتي نورې ۲۵۷ پېښې هم ثبت شوي دي.

Taliban threaten 70% of Afghanistan

By Shoaib Sharifi and Louise Adamou
Taliban fighters, whom US-led forces spent billions of dollars trying to defeat, are now openly active in 70% of Afghanistan, a BBC study has found.
Months of research across the country show how areas the Taliban threaten or control have surged since foreign combat troops left in 2014.
The Afghan government played down the report, saying it controls most areas.
But recent attacks claimed by Taliban and Islamic State militants have killed scores in Kabul and elsewhere.
Afghan officials and US President Donald Trump responded by ruling out any talks with the Taliban. Last year Mr Trump announced the US military would stay in the country indefinitely.
How was the research carried out? The BBC investigation - conducted during late 2017 - provides a rare snapshot of the security situation in every Afghan district between 23 August and 21 November.

A network of BBC reporters across Afghanistan spoke to more than 1,200 individual local sources, in every one of the country's 399 districts, to build up a comprehensive picture of all militant attacks over that period.
These conversations happened either in person or by telephone and all information was checked with at least two and often as many as six other sources. In some cases BBC reporters even went to local bus stations to find people travelling in from remote and inaccessible districts in order to double check the situation there.
The results show that about 15 million people - half the population - are living in areas that are either controlled by the Taliban or where the Taliban are openly present and regularly mount attacks.
The extent to which they have pushed beyond their traditional southern stronghold into eastern, western and northern parts of the country is clearly visible. Areas that have fallen to the Taliban since 2014 include places in Helmand province like Sangin, Musa Qala and Nad-e Ali, which foreign forces fought and died to bring under government control after US-led troops had driven the Taliban from power in 2001. More than 450 British troops died in Helmand between 2001 and 2014.
"When I leave home, I'm uncertain whether I will come back alive," said one man, Sardar, in Shindand, a western district that suffers weekly attacks. "Explosions, terror and the Taliban are part of our daily life."
The BBC research also suggests that IS is more active in Afghanistan than ever before, although it remains far less powerful than the Taliban.

How much territory do the Taliban control?

Gathering accurate and reliable data on the conflict has been getting harder since foreign combat troops pulled out and handed responsibility for security to Afghan forces.
Previous assessments of Taliban strength have not always had access to information from every district of the country, and have often carried the caveat they may have underestimated the real situation.
The BBC study shows the Taliban are now in full control of 14 districts (that's 4% of the country) and have an active and open physical presence in a further 263 (66%), significantly higher than previous estimates of Taliban strength.
In the areas defined as having an active and open Taliban presence, the militants conduct frequent attacks against Afghan government positions. These range from large organised group strikes on military bases to sporadic single attacks and ambushes against military convoys and police checkpoints.
Attacks registered during the research period happened with varying degrees of frequency - from once in three months (low Taliban presence) to twice a week (high Taliban presence).
For the purposes of the investigation, districts controlled or held by the government are defined as having sitting representation from Kabul in the form of a district chief, police chief and courts.
Amruddin, who runs a local transport company, lives close to the front line in Baharak district in northern Badakhshan province, where the BBC monitored violence suggesting a medium Taliban presence.
"We live with constant fear. Whenever the government side starts fighting with the Taliban, we're caught in the crossfire, bringing life to a standstill. It's quiet at the moment but the Taliban are still here."
In Taliban-controlled Sangin, father of eight Mohammad Reza, described life as "better" under the militants because there was peace.
"It only got violent when the government forces arrived."
Can Afghan military turn the tide in Taliban fight?
Four days behind the Taliban front line
Who are the Taliban?
During the research period, the BBC study found 122 districts (just over 30% of the country) did not have an open Taliban presence. These areas are ranked as under government control, but that does not mean they were free of violence. Kabul and other major cities, for example, suffered major attacks - launched from adjacent areas, or by sleeper cells - during the research period, as well as before and after.
"People have no choice but to leave their homes, farms and orchards or stay and live with Taliban rule," Mahgul, a teacher from a northern district in Kabul province, told the BBC.
She said her family fled their village in October. They went to seek refuge in the government-controlled district centre, only for her brother to be killed there two days later by a suicide bomber.
To the west of the capital, Jamila, a mother of five, said: "Two Taliban rockets landed in our back garden last month. We live just a few hundred metres from the district chief office. It's not safe here."
During the investigation, evidence of a hike in Taliban taxation across the country was also uncovered. In districts where they are openly present, the militants force farmers, local businesses and even commercial goods convoys to pay them tax while still leaving it to the government to foot the bill for basic services such as schools and hospitals.
"They are charging people for the electricity that we supply!" one chief of a southern district reported.
The BBC's research has been reviewed by the Kabul-based Afghanistan Analysts Network, which has been reporting on Afghanistan since 2009.
Co-Director Kate Clark said: "Such a well-researched investigation into the Afghan war is rare and very welcome. The findings are shocking, but unfortunately not surprising - they ring true as an accurate mapping of the extent of the conflict.
"But it is disturbing to realise that each bit of orange shading on the map translates into lives lost and damaged."
Who are the Taliban?

  • The hardline Islamic Taliban movement swept to power in Afghanistan in 1996 after the civil war which followed the Soviet-Afghan war, and were ousted by the US-led invasion five years later
  • In power, they imposed a brutal version of Sharia law, such as public executions and amputations, and banned women from public life
  • Men had to grow beards and women to wear the all-covering burka; television, music and cinema were banned
  • They sheltered al-Qaeda leaders before and after being ousted - since then they have fought a bloody insurgency which continues today
  • In 2016, Afghan civilian casualties hit a new high - a rise attributed by the UN largely to the Taliban.
How bad is violence in the cities?
Violence has soared since international combat troops left Afghanistan three years ago.
More than 8,500 civilians were killed or injured in the first three-quarters of 2017, according to the UN. Final figures for the year are awaited. The vast majority of Afghans die in insurgent violence but civilians often suffer as the military, with US backing, fights back, both on the ground and from the air.
Although much of the violence goes unreported, big attacks in the cities tend to make the headlines. Such attacks are occurring with greater frequency and the Afghan security forces appear unable to stop them.
During the research period, gunmen stormed the headquarters of Kabul's Shamshad TV, leaving one staff member dead and 20 wounded. IS said it carried out the attack. There were other attacks in Kandahar, Herat and Jalalabad.
In the last 10 days of January three attacks left the capital reeling, with more than 130 people dead. Last May, Kabul experienced the deadliest single militant attack since 2001.

At least 150 people were killed and more than 300 injured when a massive truck bomb was detonated in what was supposed to be the safest part of the city. No group has said it carried out the attack.
The rising toll of violence has left the capital's residents feeling increasingly vulnerable.

Will I make it back home today?

Karim Haidari, BBC Afghan, Kabul
I haven't been sleeping well this week. It happens every time another tragedy hits our city. "You look old, Dad," says my seven-year-old bouncing into my bedroom to remind me it's his birthday. As if I would forget. I laugh and get up.
As I leave the house I pause to look back at my family having breakfast. Will I make it back home today? Will this be the last time I see them? We all think like this in Kabul now.
My BBC colleagues are waiting in the car. We swap news about the latest attack. One of them, a mother of two young children, starts sobbing. "Sometimes I just wish I could blow myself up to end all this. But I don't want to hurt anyone else."
We can get you counselling if it would help, I say. But she's not listening. The driver switches on the radio, to try to change the mood. A pop song comes on with nonsensical lyrics. It's just another day in Kabul. Just another day of hoping we'll all stay alive.

How strong is the Islamic State group?

While Islamic State has shown they can hit targets in places like Kabul, they are largely confined to a relatively small stronghold on the border with Pakistan in the eastern province of Nangarhar.


During the research period at least 50 people were assassinated in the provincial capital, Jalalabad. Some of the victims were shot dead and others blown up. Three were beheaded, a hallmark of killings by IS.
"My uncle was assassinated on his doorstep," said businessman Mashriqiwal. "He was a city security official. I had to leave Jalalabad. My home is still there but it is just too dangerous to live in and go out in public."
Local people and officials the BBC spoke to said IS now has a presence in 30 districts - not just in the east but also in places like Khanabad and Kohistanat in the north.
The group is fighting both the Afghan military and the Taliban for territorial control.
During 2017 the number of attacks attributed to the group increased, with many targeting urban centres and often Shia Muslims in sectarian attacks almost never seen before in Afghanistan's 40-year conflict.
IS does not fully control any district at present. However the group has seized parts of the northern district of Darzab, displacing hundreds of people from their homes.

How much territory does the government say it controls?

Presented with the BBC's findings, President Ashraf Ghani's spokesman Shah Hussain Murtazavi said: "In some districts areas may change hands. But if you look at the situation this year [2017/18] the activities of the Taliban and IS have been considerably curtailed.
"The Afghan security forces have won the war in the villages. It is no longer possible for the militants to take control of a province, a major district or a highway. There's no doubt that they have changed the nature of the war and are launching attacks on Kabul, targeting mosques and bazaars."
He added: "My understanding is that the BBC report is influenced by conversations with people who may have experienced some kind of incident maybe for an hour in one day. But the activities and services provided by our local administrations across the districts show that the government is in control in the absolute majority of districts - except for a handful where the Taliban are present."
However, in an acknowledgement of how far security has deteriorated, President Trump agreed last year to deploy 3,000 more soldiers, taking the size of the US force in Afghanistan to about 14,000.
The subject of militant gains and territorial control is disputed.

On the eve of the publication of the BBC study, the US military denied trying to prevent a government watchdog from disclosing the amount of Afghan territory believed to be under the control of the Taliban. In its latest report the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (Sigar) had said it found the move troubling.
Meanwhile, there is no prospect of an end to the conflict and a new generation of Afghans live in the shadow of violence.
"My kids are not safe outside the family home so I don't let them out," said Pahlawan, a Kabul carpet seller with 13 children.
"They are basically under house arrest. I have built them a school in my warehouse. Their world is walls and carpets. Although we are in Kabul, it's like raising them in a jungle."


FATA Merger In KP Principled Stance Of PPPP: Asif Ali Zardari

President of Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPPP) and co-chairman of PPP, Asif Ali Zardari has said that merger of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is the principled stance of his party.

President of Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPPP) and co-chairman of PPP, Asif Ali Zardari has said that merger of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is the principled stance of his party.
He stated this while presiding over a meeting of PPPP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) held at Zardari House Islamabad on Saturday.
Current political situation of KP was discussed in detail in the meeting and Asif Ali Zardari was briefed about bad governance in province.
He said that the writ of Peshawar High Court should be extended to FATA as soon as possible. The co-chairman of PPP directed office bearers of party to extend all help to the family of innocent girl Asma who was raped and killed in Mardan.
President Women’s Wing of the Party Mrs. Faryal Talpur, Secretary General PPPP Senator Farhatullah Babar, President PPP KP Humayun Khan and General Secretary PPP KP Faisal Karim Kumdi were also present on the occasion.

#Pakistan - #Malala demands justice for #Mashal

World’s youngest Nobel laureate and education campaigner Malala Yousafzai has expressed her support for Muhammad Iqbal Lala’s quest for justice in Mashal Khan murder case.
Mashal Khan, son of Iqbal Lala and a journalism student at Abdul Wali Khan University in Mardan, was lynched to death on April 13 last year by a violent mob of fellow students on false charges of blasphemy.
Mashal’s father Muhammad Iqbal Lala spoke at Oxford University, where he was greeted by Malala Yousafzai.
“I am honored to welcome Muhyammad Iqbal Laka to s speak at Oxford University” she said in a Twitter message on Tuesday.
“His son, Mashal Khan, was brutally killed by a mob in Mardan Pakistan, based on malicious allegations of blasphemy. Mashal advocated against injustice & corruption.”
“We stand with Lala to seek justice for Mashal,” she added.
An anti-terrorism court (ATC) in Abbottabad is due to announce the verdict in the Mashal Khan murder case on February 7.
ATC Judge Fazal-i-Subhan Khan heard the case in a heavily guarded Haripur Central Jail.

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I was honored to welcome Muhammad Iqbal Lala to speak at Oxford Uni. His son, Mashal Khan, was brutally killed by a mob in Mardan Pakistan, based on malicious allegations of blasphemy. Mashal advocated against injustice & corruption. We stand with Lala to seek justice for Mashal.

#Pakistan - #PTI - Khyber Pakhtunkhwa police was aware of life threats to Asma, says sister

Safia Rani, the sister of murdered Kohat medical student, has claimed that Asma Rani's murder was pre-planned and that the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) police was aware of life threats to her.
In an interview with Geo News in London, Safia claimed that both the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) police and Pakistan Tehreek-eInsaf (PTI) Kohat chapter president Aftab Alam knew about life threats to Asma Rani, but did nothing to stop Mujahid Afridi from killing her.
During the interview, she shared details of the terror her family has had to face over a long period of time at the hands of Mujahid Afridi, nephew of PTI Kohat district president Aftab Alam.
Asma Rani, a third-year medical student, was shot on Saturday afternoon in Kohat, 120 miles west of the capital Islamabad.
Footage showed Asma Rani in hospital shortly before her death, naming Mujahid Afridi as her killer.
The victim's family claims Mujahid Afridi comes from an influential family and used his clout to openly threaten Asma for turning down a marriage proposal.
Safia said her sister faced a constant campaign of harassment and threats from Mujahid Afridi, but no one came to their rescue despite the fact that she, her sister, and her family spoke to Aftab Alam, begging for help at least three times.
“Mujahid Afridi came to our house and issued threats to me, my family and my sister. We informed the police about these threats but no action was taken because he belongs to a rich family and we are a poor family. I have heard that policemen have been talking how rich Mujahid Afridi is,” said Safia, adding that the “Tabdeeli” slogan by the PTI is just a slogan and KP police takes action only against poor people who have no clout and resources.
She said the KP police could have arrested Mujahid Afridi if they had wished, but they chose not to.
Safia said that, on the death bed, her sister named Mujahid Afridi as the killer. 
“I asked Asma to speak to Aftab Alam and tell him what his nephew was doing. She told who her killer was and she never recovered after that. Aftab Alam should have asked the hospital staff if she spoke after that or not.
“The police had 6 hours to act before Afridi took flight to Saudi. The name of the killer was known but no action was taken,” said the sister of the murdered girl.
Safia claimed her sister called Aftab Alam and cried for help against his nephew, but nothing was done.
“Asma told me that Mujahid Afridi harassed her, chased and terrorised. She told Aftab Alam she faced death threats from his nephew, told him she didn’t want to marry him. I got number of Mujahid Afridi and family, and from London I called them and requested them to stop harassing my sister. Instead, they threatened that they will harm me in London. He told me not to interfere.
“My sister told Aftab Alam that his nephew will kill her but he didn’t move,” she said. “Asma told how she was going to Abbotabad one day, when Mujahid Afridi made attempt on her on the way and snatched her purse. We told Aftab Alam but we didn’t get a response. My mum even spoke to a police officer. We didn’t know she will be killed. We could never think that Asma will be killed in the cruellest manner in front of our family home.”
Safia said her sister didn’t want to get married because she aspired to be a medical specialist. “She wanted to fulfil her dreams of becoming a doctor, she had big plans; she dreamt for us too and wanted to come to UK for specialisation after getting medical degree. She didn’t want to get married.”
She said Asma’s murder was pre-planned and Mujahid Afridi had support and planning and that’s the reason why he already had visa for Saudi Arabia.
Safia said: “We voted for Imran Khan because we thought he’s our Pashtun brother and he will do something for us but he has done nothing for us. Look at what happened to Naqeeb and then to my sister. If these leaders can’t give us justice, they shouldn’t ask for our votes.”
She appealed to the chief justice of Pakistan, army chief and Imran Khan to play their role in getting her family protection. She said Mujahid Afridi must be brought back from Saudi Arabia and her family in Kohat must be provided protection because Mujahid Afridi’s family is influential and powerful.
Mujahid’s brother Sadiqullah has been arrested by the police and Mujahid is believed to have travelled straight to Benazir Bhutto International Airport in Islamabad after committing the crime, boarding a flight to Saudi Arabia that evening.
A red notice has been issued by the Interpol for his arrest on the request of Pakistani police.