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Monday, May 13, 2013
Pakistan Elections 2013: Landmark Election Marred By Lack of Transparency
The threat of violence has long loomed over the May 11 Pakistan elections but it seems that rigging has been an even larger and more dangerous evil for the country's democratic process. Although Pakistan's Election Commission (ECP) had made broad promises of fair and free elections with the help of social media, it has become apparent that the ECP has fallen extremely short on its promises, as rigging and a severe lack of transparency — most prominently seen in Karachi than anywhere else — has marred the election process.
A prime example of the ECP's failure is NA-250 in Karachi, where voters have been standing in a line since early morning to vote. Now, as election day comes to a close, they still have not been able to vote — and much of the blame falls to the Mutahida Quami Movement (MQM) party, one of two parties running in the constituency. First, there were no ballots present, and then a staff to preside over the election was not present. According to many, MQM, who usually has an easy time gaining majority votes in the constituency, has purposefully and methodologically created hindrances for voters as they feared losing one of their strong-holds to a popular Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf candidate, Dr. Arif Alvi. In a press conference, Alvi said that despite many complaints of fraud, there was no rapid response from anyone — not the Karachi law enforcement nor the army. There have also been accusations that pre-stamped ballots were being submitted, making it impossible for people to vote for PTI even if they tried.
Another PTI candidate, Ali Zaidi, complained that in his constituency, NA-252, the MQM party had rigged the polls there as well.
In an email, Zaidi told me that just as in his constituency, "Armed MQM goons took over other polling stations in sensitive areas as well. Army personnel were sitting like fools outside. Either the ECP is incompetent or involved in this rigging."
Moreover, a video from a polling site in Hyderabad went viral, showing multiple MQM workers illegally stuffing ballot boxes. There have also been a number of other rigging incidences caught on video being shared around the country.
MQM isn't the only party involved in rigging the elections, however. PML-N candidate Saad Rafique has been accused of forcibly shutting doors at his polling site in NA-125, stamping ballots for his own party. Apparently, the police in this case also just sat and watched the show.
The ECP has taken notice of the rigging and has admitted to failure in Karachi especially. And while a simple solution would be to disqualify all candidates caught rigging elections — especially the ones caught on video — the ECP has not yet decided what steps will be taken to remedy the situation.
Pakistan: ' Elections rigged, turnout recorded to be over 100%'

The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) on Monday revealed that the elections across the country were badly rigged as the voter turnout witnessed was more than 100 percent at most of the polling stations while at some polling stations it was even recorded at more than 200 to 300 percent. Talking to a private TV channel, FAFEN CEO Muddasir Rizvi said in at least 120 polling stations, the turnout remained more than 100 percent and in several other polling stations the turnout was more than even 300 percent. He said FAFEN visited various polling stations in several constituencies and monitored the candidates, voters and the entire polling process. Rizvi suggested that it was easy for the Election Commission of Pakistan to trace the rigging as the voters had to thumb mark two places which was in its record and which could be verified by NADRA. - See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/05/13/news/national/elections-rigged-turnout-recorded-to-be-over-100-fafen/#sthash.t1sLmH24.dpuf
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http://www.bloomberg.com/


I accept responsibility: Ex-PM Gilani resigns as PPP vice-president
The Express Tribune NewsFormer Prime Minister and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPPP) senior vice president Yousaf Raza Gilani resigned from his senior party position on Monday. “Someone needs to stand up and accept responsibility and I accept responsibility.” He made the announcement during a press conference at Multan press club on Monday, two days after his party failed to get a substantive number of seats in the May 11 polls. “I am surprised at the people of Pakistan who blamed PPP for every crisis,” Gilani said talking about the mandate of Pakistanis who did not re-elect the PPP government. Confirming that his party will now spend the next five years on the opposition benches, Gilani ensured the PPP will play an effective role. “I accept public’s decision and I understand that the public was angry about power outages and unstable economy but Why didn’t anyone ask Shahbaz Sharif about how many Watts had he contributed in energy production of the country?” he questioned. “The kidnapping of my son is no way related to my resignation and I have no differences with the leadership of the party,” he said talking about kidnapping of his son Ali Haider Gilani on the eve of the elections. Gilani was elected prime minister after the 2008 general elections and held the position till April 26, 2012.
PPP meets over post-elections scenario
Radio PakistanPPP leader Sarjeel Memon said a party meeting is being held in Karachi on Monday to discuss the post-elections scenario in the country. Talking to newsmen in Karachi he said the meeting would discuss reports about complaints of rigging in various constituencies in Punjab. He said the party will chalk out its strategy in the light of evidence to take any decision in this regard.
PPP can form govt in Sindh without support


Pakistan: ''Blood-soaked triumph of Islamofascism''

by Mahpara Qalandar

Afghanistan: transitional relief

More effort is being put into crafting a face-saving narrative or keeping the country out of the news altogetherWhen the history of the past decade of western intervention in Afghanistan is written, few will escape censure. What matters now is that there is a last chance to spare Afghanistan a fourth decade of war. More effort is being put into crafting a face-saving narrative or keeping the country out of the news altogether. The policy is called "transition" but there is little to be in transit to. Afghanistan's government preys on its people more than it serves them. The Afghan army is not what Nato claims, which is just as well, for a strong army in a fragile state is an old story that never has a happy ending. International aid to the country is roughly equivalent to its GDP, but little of this has ever reached the Afghan people, and there are commitments to reduce it gradually. The centrepiece of this transition is next year's presidential election. It is likely to make Saturday's poll in neighbouring Pakistan, and the bloody turbulence that preceded it, seem a model of peace and propriety. At best, Afghanistan's election will lend it a semblance of self-government. At worst, it will prompt a long, violent unravelling. Washington's insurance policy is to retain special forces and the increasingly militarised CIA in the country. These partners have a long and disruptive record here, as the citizens of Wardak and Kunar provinces are only the latest to testify. If Afghanistan is treated as a no man's land, that is what it will become, and even the west's most minimal goals will not be met. No myth about it is more self-serving than that it is ungovernable and impervious to help. What is needed is a broad and honestly brokered political process. The current approach to peace negotiations is neither. Were it to progress – it has not – it would play into the hands of Pakistan and stoke resentment among the majority of Afghans not represented. At the heart of a process involving all main Afghan constituencies must be a new constitutional assembly. Those who imposed the existing constitution on the country cannot hide the fact that it cannot work. A century of failed centralisation is enough. No less important is an accountable executive in Kabul, where the winner does not take all. For once, such discussions must happen inside the country. For this to have any hope of success, there remains a need to involve Afghanistan's near neighbours in a continuing process to replace mutual suspicion with mutual guarantees. For all the distrust and paranoia, these neighbours share vital interests. Pakistan's new prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, and a new chief of its army, will find that increased isolation is no policy for shoring up their ailing state and economy. Both processes will need sustained mediation. The best mediators are disinterested but can call on material means of persuasion. As a party to the conflict in Afghanistan, with dysfunctional relations with the neighbours and with newer, bigger priorities, Washington must understand that it cannot play this role. Pakistan's election campaign has just emphasised the depth of anti-American sentiment. The obvious instrument of peace – the United Nations – is rusty through neglect. But it would not be so hard to sharpen it for the task. What matters is not the profile of mediators but the support of major powers, talent and impartiality. Impartiality must now be the UN's guiding principle. To be useful, it must worry more about its legitimacy in the eyes of Afghans and find a Rhadamanthine voice to answer their president's departing machinations. Afghanistan's transition is a leap in the dark. As few others will be at its side, it would be a good time and place to lavish a little attention on making an effective UN mission, not cut its modest budget. This is the sort of multilateralism that Europe, which has had little influence on Afghan policy, should unite behind. The cost of the intervention in Afghanistan since 2001 will exceed $1tn. The human cost is incalculable. But western interests and the fate of a people still hang in the balance. If we cannot finally muster some decent strategy, there is some opiate in our culture more stupefying than anything grown in Afghanistan.
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