M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Saturday, August 23, 2014
China: Eight terrorists executed in Xinjiang

Turkey’s opposition grapples with identity crisis
http://www.middleeasteye.net/
Cagri OzdemirThe Republican People's Party (CHP), the main parliamentary opposition of Turkey is in turmoil. Muharrem Ince, a prominent figure in the party, resigned as parliamentary group deputy chairman on 18 August, after delivering a lengthy press conference on the current party leadership. He stated that it the opposition not currently capable of mounting a real challenge to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP/AK Party). On 10 August, the electoral failure of Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, the party's joint candidate with the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) led some CHP MPs to voice their objection against the party leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu. Emine Ulker Tarhan, an outspoken critic of Kilicdaroglu declared that the party no longer represents its fundamental pillars, and has been taken away from social democracy by nominating a conservative elitist like Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu. Tarhan has been accompanied by five other deputies during a press conference last week. In response to rising voices, Kilicdaroglu called for an extraordinary party convention to be held on 5-6 September. Just after this move, Ince announced he will run as a candidate to become the chairman of the party. "The honourable chairman [Kilicdaroglu] decided individually who will become a mayor, MP or presidential candidate," Ince said during the second press conference in one week. He blamed Kilicdaroglu of becoming more authoritarian and less democratic. A long-time coming This is not the first time that CHP is facing such a crisis. After almost all election failures, similar statements have been made and dissident voices have been raised from within the party establishment. These debates usually revolve around the ideological pillars that define the party; and though CHP clearly profiles itself as a social democratic and secularist party, for many it is neither. Perhaps the nomination of Ihsanoglu to run as their presidential candidate was one of the best examples. According to some ultra-secular cadres, Ihsanoglu’s Islamic background and former links to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation were deemed to be conflicting with the party principles. It is not surprising that the same MP's now have become dissidents. Riza Turmen, a CHP MP and former judge of the European Court of Human Rights challenges the existing mantra. Regarding the party principles he stated "You cannot be a neo-nationalist and social democrat at the same time. CHP must take steps to change this." Neo-nationalist (ulusalci) is a controversial term often used to define Kemalist, statist and ultra-secular cadres with nationalistic sensitivities. He then linked the current distress to the ongoing transformation process. "CHP has changed and it will continue to change" he told the national daily Birgun newspaper. "What we are witnessing is labour pain. […] We need a new understanding of politics and vision; therefore we need new faces." However, Ali Yasar Saribay at Uludag University does not believe that Muharrem Ince and the wing of the party he represents could become the new face of CHP. He also questions the change and transformation patterns of the party. "He [Kilicdaroglu] claimed that he would change the intra-party participation mechanisms and democratic norms for the better, increase transparency and remove the cumbersome bureaucratic structure," he told MEE. "After so many years, we do not see any of these changes." "We have witnessed so many party conventions in the last four years and have to acknowledge that unfortunately the party cannot rejuvenate itself, and bound to face personal struggles," he further added. "I do not see a particular difference between Kilicdaroglu and Ince in that sense." To further elaborate, Can Atakli stated that "The presidential election failure of the CHP added yet another trauma to the party’s supporters". The former columnist at Vatan newspaper thinks that the main reason for the failure is the party’s inability to exhibit confidence and persuasiveness. For Atakli moreover, CHP cannot develop policies and challenge the government party due to its weakened position in parliament. "Whilst AKP ignores the constitution, and does whatever it wants to do, the CHP is paralysed," he told MEE. Besides, the difficulties that CHP encounters in the political realm and its consequent inability to make a stand against the government party can also be explained by deeper problems in Turkish democracy. According to Yunus Emre at Istanbul Kultur University, the anti-democratic political culture in Turkey, party legislations and intra-party regulations make it impossible for parties to evolve. "The party organisation and establishment are weak, and they are very limited in setting policies and nominating candidates," Emre told MEE. "Because of this reason, calls for change do not reach the leadership level." A false dawn? Should he become the next chairman, many believe Muharrem Ince could not really make a difference as a result of the troubles within the party as well as the underlying structural problems. There are two main hurdles Ince will have to take to get himself elected in the convention. On one hand, he faces structural and timing difficulties as the convention will take place in a relatively short period of time, which might prevent the dissidents to mobilise party delegates. "The law on political parties and the delegation structure of CHP would not make it easy for Ince to get elected," Atakli argues. On the other hand, though Ince is an outspoken and popular figure for many, what he stands for is somewhat unclear. For Saribay, who he is and what he represents is unknown. "We cannot say that he represents the left wing of the party, nor could we claim that he is the mouthpiece of the secularists," he argued. Saribay added that Ince does not have any real platform, and no goal other than becoming the chairman. Though Ince claimed that he would change the party regulation and introduce drastic reforms to strengthen intra-party democratic mechanisms, Atakli believes that he does not stand a chance against Kilicdaroglu. "He is not a strong figure and he does not have strong backing either," he told MEE. Besides, the outcome of this existential crisis and CHP's self-identification are greatly influenced by the rivalry with AK Party according to Emre. For him, potential changes could only come from the shifting structure within the government party. "Until the upcoming general elections, the only factor that could affect CHP's future is what would be the future of AKP," he said. CHP's matchup with AKP constrained the party to such an extent that the real power struggle takes place within the party, rather than challenging the government. "There is practically no mental difference between the CHP administration and other cadres within the party," Emre argued. "Therefore, the future of CHP will be determined by the factors which are not controlled by the party." Atakli supports this idea of intra-party power struggle, and deconstructs Kilicdaroglu's moves. "The right thing for Kilicdaroglu to do would have been resigning on election night and going to the convention with a fresh team," he reasoned. "By calling for a convention at short notice and only after being challenged, as well as setting a small venue, he sends the message of 'I am the boss'. In a way he acts like Recep Tayyip Erdogan, taking all the power into his hands." According to Atakli, under these circumstances the intra-party opposition made a faulty attempt to challenge Kilicdaroglu. He will probably have the party's backing during the convention. Taking a broader perspective, Saribay reiterates that the current and recurring deadlock facing the CHP is an existential problem. "Only when CHP can identify this, it could change the conditions in its favour," he said. He speculates that more drastic changes are needed to reverse the party’s course. "Maybe a neo-nationalist surge in the party and a seizure of the party administration would result in an exodus of the leftist wing to form a new party, which eventually would be a fortunate moment in Turkish politics," Saribay concluded. - See more at: http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/soul-searching-time-turkey-s-opposition-215309165#sthash.lS2BsP1t.dpuf
Thousands march in New York City to protest police chokehold death
http://www.reuters.com/
BY NATASJA SHERIFFThe Reverend Al Sharpton led thousands of chanting but peaceful activists in a march across Staten Island on Saturday to protest the death of Eric Garner, who died after New York City police put him in a banned chokehold last month. Protesters traveled by bus and ferry to join the rally over Garner, a 43-year-old black father of six, whose killing has become part of a larger national debate about how U.S. police use force, particularly on people who are not white. "We are not here to cause riots, we are here because violence was caused," Sharpton said to a crowd of cheering supporters who filled streets in the borough where Garner died. Sharpton was joined by former New York Governor David Patterson, other civil rights leaders and Garner's widow, Esaw. "Let's make this a peaceful march and get justice for my husband so that this doesn't happen to anybody else," Esaw Garner said in a somber tone to protesters. Garner's sister, Ellisha Flagg, also spoke, saying the march was not anti-police, but was against police brutality and violence in general. "We have to stop killing one another, hating one another," Flagg said. The demonstration was also in response to the death of Michael Brown, an unarmed 18-year-old African American who was shot dead by a white police officer this month in Ferguson, Missouri, sparking more than a week of violent confrontations, Sharpton said. Protesters carried signs demanding justice for Garner and Brown and shouted slogans including, "Hands up don't shoot." They began Saturday's march just after noon, walking past the district attorney's office, and ending a few blocks from the terminal for ferries to Manhattan. Dawn Edwards, a human resource executive from Brooklyn, said she chose to march out of fear that negative stereotypes will have an impact on her two young sons as they grew older. "I hope when my boys grow up to become men, those stereotypes will no longer exist," she said. Michelle Johnson, a 34-year-old pharmacist from Long Island, said her sons had also inspired her to join the march. "It's a sobering lesson for a mother to tell her child that your country doesn't judge you simply on your character but on the color of your skin," Johnson said. New York Police Department officers lined blocked streets near the march. Still, police said no arrests were made by the time the rally wound down in the late afternoon, and some officers handed bottles of water to protesters. A New York City prosecutor plans to present evidence to a grand jury next month to determine whether anyone should be criminally charged in Garner's death. The city's medical examiner ruled the death a homicide, saying police officers killed him by compressing his neck and chest as they restrained him for selling loose cigarettes. His health problems, including asthma and obesity, were contributing factors, the medical examiner said.
Obama Orders Review of Police Use of Military Equipment
President Barack Obama ordered a review of federal programs and funding that allow state and local law enforcement to acquire military equipment following concerns over the use of such gear during the recent unrest in Ferguson, Missouri. Obama has directed that the review consider whether dissemination of the military guns and armor to local law enforcement agencies is appropriate, according to a senior White House official. The review will also analyze whether local officials are properly trained to use the weapons and whether the federal government properly audits the use of the supplies, the official said. Local law enforcement agencies around the U.S. are eligible to receive surplus military equipment through the Defense Department’s 1033 program. But there was outrage after photos and videos taken in Ferguson over the past week showed officers on tanks brandishing military-style firearms during protests over the fatal shooting of unarmed teenager Michael Brown by a police officer. The review will be led by White House staff, and relevant U.S. agencies — including the departments of Defense, Homeland Security, Justice and Treasury — and will be carried out in coordination with Congress, the official said.NBC
Bilawal Bhutto expresses grief over Peshawar rain-related deaths
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Patron-In-Chief, Pakistan People’s Party has expressed deep grief and sorrow over the loss of seven people following heavy downpour in Peshawar. In a press statement issued today, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said the innocent lives lost in natural vagary in Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa should create sympathy in the hearts of Chief Minister KPK and provincial government and both should divert their attention towards the sufferings of the people of Peshawar in the monsoon instead of attending music concerts in Islamabad. He expressed sympathy with the families of victims and asked PPP’s Peshawar chapter to personally visit the affected families and provide solace to them.
Pakistan: Most of Peshawar areas without electricity
Death toll from rainstorm on Friday surged to 13 in the provincial capital with 40 people suffering injuries. The storm during which winds blew at the speed of 90 kilometres per hour also destroyed two power pylons and suspended electric supply from 213 of the total of 250 local feeders.
Several localities had been without electricity for 24 hours.
The rainstorm lashed the city for the second time in the week.
On August 15, the storm had killed 18 people and injured 82.
An official said power supply from 500kv Sheikh Mohammadi grid station had been suspended after the rainstorm damaged two pylons of the National Transmission and Despatch Company.
He said power supply from 220kv Daudkhel transmission line had been suspended when two power pylons of 500kv transmission line supplying electricity from Tarbela power generation house to Sheikh Mohammadi grid station fell on 220kv line.
Another official said repairs on power transmission lines would take time as it was not possible to shift heavy cranes from Islamabad to Peshawar due to blockade of roads.
He said the cranes would be brought in from Rawat and Sheikhupura.
The official said repairs could take more than one week due to logistic problems.
He said strong winds uprooted big trees, huge billboards and poles in urban and rural areas of the city making it difficult for workers of the power supply company to restore electricity.
Rainstorm death toll reaches 13
The Met Office said speed of the windstorm was 90 kilometers per hour and the city had received 16 millimeters rain.
Deputy commissioner of Peshawar Zaheerul Islam said the disaster had killed 13 people including women and children and wounded 54 others which also caused damages to residential houses and infrastructure.
He said the rain-affected families would get cash relief as per government compensation policy.
Three members of a family died when house collapsed in Karkhano area. Wounded persons were brought to Lady Reading Hospital and Hayatabad Medical Complex.
An official of Peshawar Electric Supply Company said on Friday windstorm had caused significant damages to the system and extent of the losses had not been assessed so far.
He said repairs was still in progress in various areas and electricity shortfall had increased due to suspension of power supply from Sheikh Mohammadi grid station.
The official said the calamity had disrupted electricity supply in urban and rural areas including Hayatabad Township, Industrial Estate, University Town, Regi and Achini and many localities were still without power.
Meanwhile, power suspension has caused shortage of drinking water in the city.
Waseem of Hayatabad said there was acute shortage of drinking water in his area and that the people had to spend nights in the open due to humid weather.
He said rainstorm had uprooted many trees and electricity poles in the town and surrounding areas. Workers of the civic the bodies were seen removing uprooted trees, broken branches and signboards from the streets and roads.
RAIN CLAIMS TWO LIVES: Two women were killed and five children were injured when the roof of a house caved in and boundary wall of another fell down in Akkakhel area of Bara tehsil.
Local residents said wife of Noor Mohammad was killed and two of their children were injured when the roof of their house collapsed due to torrential rains in Sultankhel locality.
In another incident, wife of Haji Rahim Jan was killed and three children of Haji Mughal Jan were critically injured when the boundary wall of their house fell on them as they were playing there.
Electric supply to entire Landi Kotal tehsil was cut off when strong winds uprooted three power pylons in Sur Kamar area.
The power suspension also caused acute water shortage in Landi Kotal and surrounding areas.
Pakistan: IDPs protest PTI, PAT indifference to their plight in Bannu
http://tribune.com.pk/Internally displaced persons of North Waziristan staged a protest in Bannu on Friday against Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Imran Khan and Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) chief Dr Tahirul Qadri for hijacking media attention towards their protests in Islamabad. IDPs in Bannu took out a protest rally from Milad Park, Bannu City and marched through various districts to the Bannu Press Club. The protesters held placards which were inscribed with slogans against K-P government, Imran Khan and Dr Tahirul Qadri. Led by North Wazirstan Affected People Committee president Nisar Ali Khan, the protesters said that PTI and PAT had occupied Islamabad and started a sit-in for an indefinite time and that the move was hiding problems of the IDPs from the world. They termed sit-ins by both leaders as a drama. The protesters demanded that the PTI chairman should remove ‘Khan’ from his name because he was not representing their interests. They argued that if he was a leader representing them, he would have been there with the IDPs rather than dancing and singing with a mob in Islamabad. The speakers further claimed that relief items that were dispatched for the IDPs were being sold in the market openly. Further, the IDPs claimed that they were being evicted from government schools without providing an alternate residence, and that they were being provided substandard food items. They claimed they were being fleeced for their domiciles and identity cards.
Pakistan: Zardari urges dialogue, vows to uphold democracy

Pakistan: Kaira urges govt, PTI to show flexibility

Zardari meets Siraj, agree to resolve issues through negotiations

Pakistan: Battered Nawaz government receives street support from extremist clerics

Pakistan: Afghan immigrants are biggest threat for peace of Balochistan

Obsessed With India, Pakistan Risks Anarchy

By Husain HaqqaniThe elaborate diplomatic dance between India and Pakistan has been interrupted once again. The two sides remain far from a major breakthrough in their troubled relationship. As long as the Pakistani Army continues to view India as an existential threat and maintains its grip over security policy, the twain may never achieve permanent peace. India has called off the meeting between its Foreign Secretary Sujata Singh and her Pakistani counterpart Aizaz Chaudhry scheduled for August 25 in Islamabad, after Pakistan's High Commissioner in Delhi met Kashmiri separatist leaders. This has ended the euphoria following Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's journey to New Delhi for the inauguration of Prime Minister Narendra Modi last May. Pakistan's decision to remind Indians of their dispute over Kashmir followed Modi's comments about Pakistani support for terrorism during a recent visit to Kargil, where the two countries fought a war in 1999. Both Sharif and Modi spoke of the need to bury the hatchet during their meeting on the occasion of Modi's inauguration. But the expressions of desire for normalization could not contain the more substantive problems in the India-Pakistan relationship. India remains unhappy over Pakistan's failure to prosecute terrorists involved in the 2008 Mumbai attacks. Sharif, on the other hand, must deal with hardliners in Pakistan's military who insist on seeing India as their country's permanent enemy -- unwilling to look too closely at the terrorists involved in the attack. For India, the 26/11 Mumbai attacks were as much a challenge as the 9/11 assault was for Americans. The 12 coordinated shootings and bombings carried out by ten Pakistani terrorists killed 164 people and terrorized India's commercial capital for almost three days before commandos flushed them out of various buildings, including five-star hotels and a Jewish community center. The images of the attacks, telecast live into Indian homes, are seared in the memory of most Indians. Although Pakistan arrested several individuals involved in planning and executing the Mumbai attacks, prosecution has been repeatedly delayed. Intelligence reports, including some from U.S. sources, have indicated that the detained commanders of Lashkar-e-Taiba, or LeT, enjoy amenities not available to prisoners. Some have been found passing instructions on the phone to operatives. Recently, their trial was once again postponed without recording evidence or other substantive proceedings. LeT chief Hafiz Muhammad Sayeed remains free, appearing on television spouting venom against India, Israel and the United States from his massive headquarters near Lahore. Indian officials read Pakistan's refusal to prosecute the 26/11 accused or clamp down on Hafiz Sayeed as a sign of reluctance in shutting down anti-India jihadi groups. In July, Pakistan's military launched a military operation against terrorist safe havens along its border with Afghanistan, yet the Pakistani state is far from shutting down the jihadi infrastructure built since the 1980s war against the Soviets in Afghanistan and the subsequent militant uprising in Kashmir during the 1990s. The Pakistani military continues to seek military advantage against India even though the possession of nuclear weapons by both countries should deter the prospect of war. Jihadis offer a sub-conventional deterrent to Pakistan against India's overwhelming advantage in conventional military capability. Most Pakistani civilian politicians recognize the dangers of reliance on terrorism as an element of Pakistan's strategic planning, but the military retains tight control over foreign and national security policy despite return to civilian rule in 2008. Like his civilian predecessor Asif Ali Zardari, Sharif has declared normalization of relations with India as a priority. Zardari's government tried to open travel and trade and, in 2011, agreed to Most Favored Nation status for India. Despite completion of legal formalities, the status has not yet been granted, demonstrating behind-the-scenes military influence. After his election last year, Sharif renewed talk of normalizing relations with India, with special emphasis on trade. India and Pakistan have a combined population of 1.4 billion, share a 2,000-mile border and a common history until 1947. Their languages are mutually understandable, and parts of their populations have overlapping ethnicity. There is also significant complementarity in the two neighbors' economies. Still, trade between them amounted to only $2.6 billion last year, less than 0.5 percent of India's total commerce. As a businessman, Sharif says he understands the benefit of freer trade between the two countries. Rhetoric and expressions of desire for more trade notwithstanding, security remains the overarching consideration in India-Pakistan ties. Sharif's participation in Modi's inauguration was billed as the first time a Pakistani prime minister had attended such celebrations in India -- an opportunity for laying foundations of a new relationship between India and Pakistan. The prospect of a new beginning, however, was soon undermined by incidents of firing along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir. The two countries have fought for the control of Kashmir since 1947. According to Indian officials, Pakistan has violated the ceasefire in the disputed territory 54 times this year through July 16 and 19 times since the Modi government took office May 26. Defense Minister Arun Jaitley told parliament recently that Pakistan violated the ceasefire agreement 199 times last year. Pakistan flatly denies reports of these incidents, just as it denies support for jihadi groups operating in Kashmir -- though they operate in full view of Pakistani and international media. There are many logical reasons for why and how India-Pakistan ties can be normalized. Psychological, not logical, factors have held the relationship back so far. Since the country's birth through India's partition in 1947, Pakistanis have sought to define their national identity through denial of commonality with India. Disputes, such as the one over Jammu and Kashmir, have over the years become more symptom than cause of tensions in the subcontinent. At the heart of the problem is Pakistan's carefully nurtured national narrative and state ideology, diametrically opposed to India's view of itself as the region's preeminent power. "Two nations share a 2,000-mile border and common history. Pakistanis seek national identity by denying ties with India." Since independence, Pakistanis have been told, and with greater vehemence since 1977 with the rule of military dictator Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, that their country is a "citadel of Islam," that its destiny is to be an Islamic state and its army is "the sword of Islam." Advocates of modern, secular values, even pluralism, are denigrated as "enemies of the ideology of Pakistan," therefore cast as "traitors to Pakistan." Pakistan's establishment, led by its military, also seeks parity with India, not only in the legal sense of sovereign equality between nations but in military and political terms. This ideological milieu has helped religious-political groups exercise greater influence on national discourse than is justified by either the size of their membership or number of votes in Pakistan's sporadic general elections and led to the outgrowth of jihadi groups, one more extreme than the other. Pakistan's state ideology has undermined prospects for peace with India since 1950, when Pakistani Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan travelled to Delhi and signed the first major agreement. The optimism about the agreement died within a year with the assassination of its Pakistani signatory. Pakistan has since gone through years of political instability while the army has gained influence in policymaking. Over the years, Pakistan participated in U.S.-led anti-communist military alliances to secure military hardware that would enable it to deal with a larger, ostensibly hostile neighbor. It has fought four wars with India, including the one in 1971 resulting in the creation of Bangladesh, leaving Pakistan with half its 1947 territory. Although Pakistan has acquired nuclear weapons capability, its insecurity in relation to India has not diminished. Soon after independence, Pakistan's founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah had said that he expected India and Pakistan to live alongside each other like Canada and the United States. But as long as Pakistan's establishment continues to paint India as an existential threat and a permanent enemy in the minds of its people, no Pakistani leader -- civilian or military -- can embrace the Canada-U.S. model. For now, the two sides will maintain their well-worn pattern of diplomatic engagement interspersed with periods of intense hostility.
Pakistan: For the sake of democracy

Zardari holds consultations ahead of Nawaz meeting
Pakistan: Pot calling the kettle black?
The Express Tribune
By Taj HaiderThe present crisis of the right-wing extremist politics of Pakistan is the direct result of manipulations in the last general elections. Those shouting themselves hoarse over rigging in the previous elections were themselves the biggest beneficiaries of such rigging. They choose to ignore the fact that the three political parties, which were against extremism, were not allowed to run an election campaign. The son of former prime minister Yousaf Raza Gilani was kidnapped at gunpoint for holding a small election-corner meeting in Multan (he has not been recovered to date) while the PML-N and the PTI were campaigning across the length and breadth of the country unhindered and unharmed. The difference made by militancy in the results of the elections can be gauged from the results of NA-1 in Peshawar where PTI chief Imran Khan won by a lead of 70,000 votes and had vacated the seat later. In the by-elections held just two months later, when the militants allowed the ANP to campaign, not only did the PTI lead of 70,000 votes vanish, but the PTI lost the seat itself. The agitators also chose to ignore the findings of the election tribunal on the rigging committed by the PTI on PS-93, Karachi West. The tribunal, in its judgment of August 7, found that the sitting MPA, who is the PTI’s Sindh general secretary, had changed the results of seven polling stations, had increased votes in his favour by more than 5,000 and reduced the votes of the JI candidate who was declared the ultimate winner by the tribunal. The same official took hundreds of PTI workers to Islamabad dharnas and stood next to his chief demanding “resignations and fair elections”. These weren’t elections. This was an arrangement worked out by the agencies (whom PPP President Makhdoom Amin Fahim rightly congratulated on the PML-N’s election victory) and supported on the ground by militants. This was an artificial arrangement, whose time was long past. This arrangement had to crumble down. The time for worn out ideas and their imposition at gunpoint is long gone. The Pakistan Peoples Party had opted for the continuation of the spirit of the Charter of Democracy. The spirit is that of reconciliation. It excludes dictation of the establishment. We had made the PML-N a part of the federal government. We, ourselves, were part of the Punjab government. Unfortunately, Nawaz Sharif thought it better to part ways and started using state institutions to destabilise our elected government. While we were acting boldly to oust militants from Swat and other areas, these elements were provided safe havens in southern Punjab. In the interests of democracy, the PPP decided not to protest on the streets. The highly abusive language used against us and our leadership by the PML-N hurt us. But at the present crucial juncture, the language being used against the PML-N leadership is hurting us more. The continuation of the democratic system remains, as always, our top priority. Democracy presupposes a civilised political culture, which is being ruined by these elements who have no stakes in the democratic system. Can the commission appointed by the Honourable Supreme Court investigate all of more than 1,300 seats of the provincial assemblies and the National Assembly? The record has been so badly messed up as a result of arrangements made before the polls that it has become impossible to correctly identify the bogus votes. The fact that the three parties, which were against extremist militants, were not allowed to campaign while the PTI and the PML-N enjoyed their full support, is reason enough to call the election unfair. The PPP has been saying that from day one. The most important question is: where do we go from here? The PPP, the biggest sufferer of rigging, believes in politics of reconciliation. Major successes for democracy — the Charter of Democracy, the NFC Award, the Eighteenth Amendment, the completion of the term of previous assemblies and the governments were all results of the politics of reconciliation. ‘Politics of confrontation’, which makes the headlines, has always resulted in setbacks, the loss of democratic gains and ultimately, dictatorship. We have seen enough of it in 1999. We do not understand why the PTI and the PML-N, which were the biggest beneficiaries of poll rigging, are pushing the country to the same abyss through confrontation. Everyone stands to lose. There are no winners in this confrontation or in any confrontation for that matter. Emotionalism has to make way for rationalism. Violence and democracy can never coexist. We shall have to jointly find way to exclude militancy and the role of agencies from the electoral system. The time for such a system has arrived. Attempts to postpone it will always result in one crisis after the other.
Pakistan: All eyes on ‘Zardari formula’

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