http://www.presstv.ir/Press TV has talked with Collin Cavell, a political commentator from West Virginia, to further discuss the Saudi regime’s heavy-handed crackdown on the pro-democracy aspirations of its citizens in oil-rich eastern provinces. Below is an approximate transcription of the interview. Press TV: Perhaps it is good for you to tell us about the significance of the eastern part of Saudi Arabia, Qatif in particular, and why it is that even though protests are illegal in the kingdom it does happen there and of course then compare that to what is going on maybe in Bahrain, since we know there is influence of Saudi Arabia in that Persian Gulf island. Cavell: Well, for your listeners who are not familiar with that region, this in on the western border of Saudi Arabia, the eastern part of the Persian Gulf, north of the city of Dammam. Al-Qatif is in the northern part of Dammam and the city where the two protesters were beaten to death, al-Awamiyah, is in the northern part of Qatif but all of these are the oil-producing regions in Saudi Arabia. So the eastern part of Saudi Arabia is full of lots of oil and that is that the regime is very worried because the majority of the population there is overwhelmingly Shia and they are tired of monarchy, tired of oppression and they want democracy, they want democratic rights, and they want their resources, and this is why the regime is so brutal in beating protesters to death and sentencing them to 20 years in prison and this follows on an edict issued by King Abdullah earlier this month that says anybody who criticizes the regime, anybody who calls for any change will go to jail. It is horrendous, this is a clear violation of universal rights that are in the United Nations charter. Press TV: And quickly if you can, do you think that when these demonstrations break out in Qatif, that perhaps that there is a possibility of it spreading throughout Saudi Arabia? Cavell: Absolutely. In fact every time someone risks speaking out against the regime, it gives hope, it gives encouragement, it gives motivation to all of the millions of others in Saudi Arabia who are tired of the prison-like conditions of that country. Saudi Arabia, for those people who never have been there, is the most oppressive regime on the face of the earth. It is worse than the fascist dictatorships and so yes, speaking out gives encouragement. These are brave souls.
M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Monday, April 21, 2014
‘Saudi, most oppressive fascist regime’
Bahraini protesters hold anti-regime demos


During Asia trip, Obama will renew effort to ‘rebalance’ U.S. relationship with the region
Scottish independence: Universities quit CBI
THREE of Scotland’s leading universities have quit business organisation the CBI as the row escalates over its formal support for the No campaign in the referendum. The universities of Glasgow, Edinburgh and Aberdeen say they are pulling out because they must be seen to have a “strictly neutral position” on the constitutional debate. The move follows the CBI registering as a formal supporter of the No campaign last Friday. Both Dundee and Glasgow Caledonian Universities are to consider their membership of the body later this week. And Aberdeen’s Robert Gordon University (RGU) has also expressed its disapproval at the decision, but has decided to remain a CBI member. The head of the CBI, John Cridland, yesterday expressed “considerable regret” at the withdrawal of a growing number of members from the organisation after the lobby group’s controversial decision. He insisted the decision was taken for “compliance reasons” so that events the CBI stages – such as public dinners featuring speakers opposing independence – did not fall foul of strict electoral rules which could see such events deemed to be a type of campaign spending. Broadcaster STV, as well as government agencies Scottish Enterprise and VisitScotland, have already announced they will leave the CBI, insisting its anti-independence stance is at odds with their own neutral position. Edinburgh and Glasgow are the biggest universities in Scotland with about 50,000 students between them. Last night a University of Edinburgh spokesman said the institution hosts debate from “all sides in the discussion around Scottish independence”. But he added: “We have a strictly neutral position on the issue. We have therefore withdrawn from membership of CBI Scotland while they are officially backing one side in that debate.” And a spokesman for the University of Glasgow said: “We have carefully considered the decision of CBI Scotland to register with the Electoral Commission and decided that in order to maintain our impartiality we must resign our membership forthwith.” A spokeswoman for Aberdeen University said officials had quit the CBI because it does not take a position in independence. “The University of Aberdeen feels it is inappropriate to continue our membership of this body,” she said. The universities were facing claims from pro-independence supporters that a slice of income from their student fees would effectively be funding the No campaign through their CBI membership costs. An RGU spokesman said the purpose of the university’s membership of the CBI is to assist in developing links with potential business partners and that, as a result, the institution had opted not to quit. He said: “The university is strictly neutral in relation to the independence referendum, and does not approve of the CBI statement. However, we are not in the CBI in order to address Scottish independence.” Mr Cridland said the decision did not represent any wish for the organisation to campaign to influence voters’ opinions ahead of September’s referendum. But the Scottish Government says the change makes the CBI membership of its agencies “clearly inappropriate”. The Balhousie Care Group and energy company Aquamarine Power, both members of the pro-independence Business for Scotland body, have also resigned from the CBI. Mr Cridland said: “We were advised that we needed to comply with the Electoral Commission’s rules because we have a position on the issues. “I regret any CBI member leaving. That is a matter of considerable regret to me as chief executive. But I respect the fact that there are a variety of views. “Nothing changed this weekend about the CBI’s position on the issue. All that changed is that for compliance reasons, we decided that we needed to register to be on the right side of those regulations.” It emerged on Friday that CBI Scotland, which represents many businesses across the country, had registered with the Electoral Commission, meaning it can spend more than £10,000 on campaigning during the referendum period. Registering as a campaigner also gives access to the electoral register and the right for representatives to attend postal vote opening sessions, polling stations and the counting of votes. After the move was announced, the confederation faced fierce criticism that its position did not accurately reflect its members’ views and that officials had failed to consult them before formally registering to campaign for the Union. But Mr Cridland added: “The members of the CBI want the CBI to have a view, and that view is that it is a matter for the Scottish voter. “We are not trying to campaign to influence the Scottish voter but we are a business organisation and on the business issues – jobs in Scotland, growth in Scotland, living standards in Scotland – we have a view. “We don’t think the economic case for independence has been made and we think the economy in Scotland and the economy of the United Kingdom is stronger together. “We are not taking actions in an election but we do have a point of view.” But Balhousie chairman Tony Banks said CBI took the decision without consulting its members and has challenged the organisation to produce evidence that it has followed due democratic process. Mr Banks, who chairs Business For Scotland but insists his business is “neutral” in the independence debate, has predicted more walkouts in the days ahead. “The CBI declaring for the No campaign has put us all in an untenable position,” he added. “To maintain our neutrality we have to resign from the organisation.” He added: “They believe they have a mandate from the council of CBI Scotland but I have spoken to council members who cannot remember this being discussed or voted upon. “I would actually challenge the CBI to produce minutes and evidence of the fact that they have gone through a democratic process to come to this decision. “Businesses are now taking their time and reflecting on this decision, and when business is back to normal on Tuesday I’m sure we’re going to see a number of other resignations from CBI Scotland.” The CBI is the UK’s premier business lobbying organisation, which it says was set up to provide a voice for employers at a national and international level.by SCOTT MACNAB
Confronting Both Russia and China 'Strategic Mistake' for US – Russian Lawmaker

Exclusive: U.S. force in Afghanistan may be cut to less than 10,000 troops

Lavrov: US should face responsibility for powers it installed in Kiev

Pakistan: PPP leader asks govt to give GB wheat subsidy
PPP Central Punjab Secretary General Tanvir Ashraf Kaira has called upon the federal government to restore the wheat subsidy for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. He said the PML-N government was a government of the capitalists by the capitalists and for the capitalists.In a statement issued on Sunday, he said that the Gilgit- Baltistan (GB) government had been facing tough resistance from the people who resorted to staging a sit-in. He said that the wheat subsidy to the people of the region was critical because they could not afford buying expensive staple food.He added that the previous government of the PPP had never even thought of such anti-poor steps and continued the subsidy throughout its period. Kaira pointed out that the government’s generosity towards the elite had no limit as it had given more than Rs 300 billion exemption in duties and taxes through various SROs to the crony capitalists. He expressed his dismay over the ignorance of a minister for state who had said that wheat subsidy was not the subject of the federal government. Tanvir Kaira assured the people of Gilgit-Baltistan that the PPP was with them in difficult times and supported their legitimate demand.http://mediacellppp.wordpress.com/
Afghanistan; Secure Room For India, China Cooperation, Investment
Afghanistan's fleeting 'Camelot' moment
Helena Malikyar
The Afghan people's formidable show of support for the democratic process has been hijacked once again.As the polls closed in Afghanistan's presidential elections on April 5, optimism reigned supreme. The war-ravaged nation had regained its sense of determination and self-confidence. For "one brief shining moment", it seemed in the three-decade-long history of invasions, internecine wars and despair, "there was Camelot". The announcement of a partial vote count last week, which comprised 10 percent of total ballots, woke the people up from their state of reverie. The results placed Abdullah Abdullah at the top, followed by Ashraf Ghani. At a far distance, Zalmai Rassoul - long touted as "frontrunner" by mainstream Western media - was in third place. The ranking has remained the same as the results of 50 percent of ballots were released on April 20. This seemingly simple picture belies a complex set of factors, games and consequences. The Afghan populace shows signs of readiness to move beyond predatory politics, but the political elite continue to lead them on the basis of Byzantine games. Sadly, several significant messages that were conveyed by the large turnout and preliminary results are overlooked by Afghan leaders: First, voters said "no" to regress, be it Taliban-style or based on platforms offered by conservative candidates within the system; second, they expressed their dissatisfaction with Hamid Karzai's two-term presidency; and third, they demonstrated awareness of the democratic process and used it to voice their opinion, moving away from the culture of violence. Outgoing president still a player Preliminary tallying has confirmed a slight move away from ethnic politics. Ghani, an ethnic Pashtun, received a percentage of votes from the northern mostly non-Pashtun provinces. Abdullah attracted voters from the south and the east, the so-called Pashtun belt, even though he is considered a leader of the Tajiks. The general assumption was that he whom Karzai chose would be the winner. The president's skilful manoeuvrings in internal Afghan politics during the past 10 years had built a perception that he would always win. By the time the campaign season officially kicked off, Karzai's unannounced choice appeared to be Rassoul, a former foreign minister and the president's confidant since 2001. According to one conspiracy theory, the Afghan president was plotting a Putin-Medvedev style arrangement by amending the Afghan constitution after Rassoul's victory and replacing the presidential form of government to a parliamentary one, whereby Karzai would regain control by becoming prime minister, while Rassoul would serve as the figurehead president. His Plan B, the theory went, was that in case his candidate did not achieve a clear win, Karzai would take the lead in forming a coalition of all top candidates, ensuring continued relevance for himself in the future government. The announcement of preliminary results triggered a series of meetings and negotiations between the top three candidates and with the outgoing president. Abdullah is said to have had several meetings with Karzai and Rassoul. A couple of such parlays were also purported to have taken place between Ghani, Karzai and Rassoul. Team members from all sides are constantly engaged in talks. Rumours abound about all sorts of deals in the making. One scenario pictures Abdullah and Rassoul teaming up. What has prevented the conclusion of such a deal so far is, according to some sources, that Abdullah believes he will be the undisputed winner with well over 50 percent of the votes, and therefore does not deem Karzai or Rassoul to be in a position to set conditions for a deal. The latest buzz has it that to strengthen his bargaining position vis-a-vis Abdullah, Karzai has now dropped Rassoul and has made overtures to the Ghani camp. A Karzai-Ghani alliance would place the president - and possibly Ghani - in a favourable negotiating position with Abdullah. Why, one might wonder, if there is a good chance that Abdullah will garner the highest votes would he try to seek a deal with Karzai? Why is Ghani's team insisting that their candidate will end up as the winner? Why are Rassoul's proponents still optimistic about his presidency, even though the preliminary results put him at slightly above 10 percent? Deal-making vs democratic process The Ghani camp insists that if the Independent Elections Commission (IEC) and the Elections Complaints Commission (ECC) conduct a transparent and honest tallying, Abdullah's total votes (after fraudulent ballots are deducted) will drop to below 50 percent, necessitating a runoff between him and Ghani. In this scenario, they are predicting to receive additional Pashtun votes that during the first round went to Abdullah and Rassoul, resulting in a Ghani win in the second round. The international community and particularly Washington do not favour a runoff, which will be costly and a security headache. The delay in swearing in the new president will also present governance problems, not to mention further suspension of the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA), which Karzai has refused to sign with the US. It is therefore more convenient to avoid a runoff, support a coalition of major stakeholders and call it a success in democratising Afghanistan. Seeking deals and coalitions are deemed necessary because there is a perceived threat that the Pashtuns, as the largest ethnic group, may not accept Abdullah as the country's president. On the other side too, some members of Abdullah's team are throwing threatening statements to the effect that anything short of their candidate's win, will turn Kabul into a bloodbath. "Afghanistan is not yet ready for a straight-forward, winner-takes-all, democratic process," argue many politicians these days. "Leaving out any major player will drag the country back to violence." If stability can only be assured by forming a coalition of all three candidates, who will form the political opposition that is necessary for a healthy democracy? More curiously, why does an outgoing president continue to be a major player in the negotiations? If a deal is struck preventing a runoff, we shall never know if the announcement of one candidate as winner of the elections would have been acceptable by the nation. Both electoral bodies have already lost people's trust due to decisions and activities that were perceived to have been influenced by power centres, be it the presidential palace or some of the candidates. Moreover, the threat of violence is being used effectively to push for a coalition or as yet another "corporation with the same old shareholders", as the critics call it. If, on the other hand, the powers that be allow completion of the election process and one winner emerges, the best scenario would be for the next president to genuinely reach out to competent people in his rivals' teams and recruit them. This will raise his administration's competence and will portray him as a national leader capable of rising above petty politics. A conceptual framework under the title of "national unity government" already exists. It was an initiative launched by Ahmad Wali Massoud and prepared by a group of intellectuals in consultation with political leaders, including the presidential candidates. The scheme, which may need some adjustments and refining, calls for the losing candidates to present a number of well-reputed technocrats from their teams to the winning candidate. The latter, in turn, is to show flexibility and wisdom and form an inclusive and competent government. The idea is to have a widely participatory and capable government, while breaking away from the tried and failed coalitions of past years. Afghans' formidable show of support for the democratic process on April 5 has since been hijacked by their leaders and the international community. The US and its partners are, once again, supporting expediency at the expense of principles. The brief shining Camelot moment of the people of Afghanistan has ended, but setting the country back on the right track can still be achieved.
Pakistan's Shia Genocide: Another Professor Shot Martyred By ASWJ-LeJ Terrorist In Karachi
http://en.shiapost.com/
A Shia professor embraced martyrdom and his colleague was injured when the Yazidi nasbi takfiri terrorists of banned Sipah-e-Sahaba ambushed them near Liaquat Underpass on Monday. According to Shiite News, Professor Saifuddin Jafari and his colleague were going to somewhere in his car when notorious terrorists of banned Yazidi takfiri nabsi outfit Sipah-e-Sahaba/Lashkar-e-Jhangvi/ ASWJ opened fire upon them near Gharibabad –Liaquatabad Underpass. Terrorists were riding of motorcycles and fled the scene. Professor Shamsuddin was a professor in Government College of Technology. His injured colleague was identified as Shakil. Shia parties and leaders have condemned the murder of Shia professor. They demanded military operation to liquidate the terrorists.
International influence needed to reform Pakistan's military
Former member of parliament and former presidential media advisor, Farahnaz Ispahani, knows the Mir brothers well. Presenter: Sen Lam Speaker: Farahnaz Ispahani, former Pakistani member of parliament and former presidential media advisor, and current public policy scholar, Woodrow Wilson Research Centre, Washington DC ISPAHANI: I know Hamid and his brother very well. And his brother in particular, is known to be a very sensible and scrupulous journalist. He is not the kind of person to have made an allegation like this, unless there was substantial evidence. I cannot say for a fact, because I have not seen the details myself, but the source that is making these statements about the ISI (Inter Services Intelligence), I can say that Amir Mir and Hamid Mir himself, had talked about this before. There was a bomb placed under his car, just last year, and he was lucky to have survived. This was not an attempt to scare him, this was an attempt to kill him. LAM: Pakistan's government has a special commission to investigate the attack. Who exactly is under investigation here - might the army and indeed, the ISI be part of the brief? ISPAHANI: I think that's highly unlikely. You'll probably remember the Abbottabad Commission that was set up to look into Osama bin Laden, and why Osama bin Laden had been found by the Americans living inside Pakistan, with many wives and children, for so many years and who had protected him, and who had given him cover, et cetera. That report, like many other reports that have tried to look into what the Pakistani military or what the Pakistani military intelligence had done in the past - those reports never see the light of day in any complete form. I have a feeling that whoever they put on the Commission, even if there is a Commission, we still don't know really who killed the prime minister Benazir Bhutto. LAM: So the fact that prime minister Nawaz Sharif, just last month pledged to offer greater protection to journalists, that's a hollow promise? ISPAHANI: Well, I think when the prime minister said it to the CPJ (Committee to Protect Journalists) I'm sure he believed it, but the point is, that since he said it, our friend and well-known journalist Raza Rumi, he nearly lost his life. His driver had close to 20 bullets pumped into him, 25 year old driver, dead. Raza Rumi has had to leave the country. So where are the protections? You know, so I do believe that perhaps Mr Nawaz Sharif would like to have done something, but the state seems to be falling apart. And Karachi in particular, has become almost a war zone in some ways. Political party workers are dying, people are dying because they're from the Shia sect. People are dying because they're journalists. LAM: These cities are lawless, partly because the military and the ISI either won't or can't do anything. So who will be in a position to rein in these rogue elements within the military and also the ISI? ISPAHANI: The Pakistan army has become so powerful, they now need to step in and support the civilian government. They have the guns, our police do not have that. They have the latest technology, our police do not have that. But they have to stop playing their own games. It's time for the world to get a little serious. Like in any civilised country, the military and the military intelligence services have to report to the prime minister, and all countries like Australia, like the United Kingdom, like the United States of America and Canada, and all of these countries have got to tell the people that they deal with in Pakistan, whether it's the military, or the civilian side, or the journalistic community, enough is enough! There'll be no more aid, there'll be no more relationship. This has to end. LAM: So you think the pressure has to come from outside? That within Pakistan there's no one strong enough to rein in the military and the ISI? ISPAHANI: Many people have stood up. Our people are very brave in Pakistan. Our reporters are very brave, activists are very brave, our politicians are very brave, but we have lost too many people. We are bleeding. So if you are interested enough to call me, to to ask me about this, I will say to you, this is time for the world to acknowledge that it is time to help Pakistan. If you look for example, at countries like Chile and Argentina, and others in latin America, which were military juntas and repressive and totalitarian, and today they've become stronger economically, they've become democracies, et cetera, because of external pressure, some because of internal pressure and some because of a combination of both. So the people of Pakistan are now reaching out - we are fighting at every level, but we need the world to hear us. And I hope that your show and others like it, will help shed light on this issue.The Geo News channel presenter's brother, Amir Mir, has accused the powerful military intelligence service, the ISI of being responsible for the attack.
http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/radio/program/asia-pacific/international-influence-needed-to-reform-pakistans-military/1298628
Pakistan: Senate committee accepts resolution to unban YouTube

The Senate Standing Committee on Human Rights has accepted a resolution to unban YouTube in Pakistan. According to the committee, Pakistan Telecommunications Authority (PTA) chairman had said that there was no benefit of banning YouTube as blasphemous content was available on other websites. Members of the committee were of the view that an entire library cannot be shut because of some objectionable content. The video sharing website was banned in Pakistan on September 17, 2012 after refusing to remove blasphemous content.
Fractured State of Pakistani Taliban Calls Peace Deal Into Question
When the Pakistani Taliban said they were willing to make peace, many Pakistanis were skeptical that the militants had truly abandoned their dream of transforming the country into an Islamic caliphate. But since talks with government negotiators officially started last month, the question is not just whether the Taliban wish to deliver a deal, but whether they even can. An eruption of violent rivalries and internal disputes in the past month has strained the militants’ cohesion, cast doubt on their ability to make peace, and raised the prospect of a militant surge into Afghanistan. Most immediately, an outbreak of infighting between rival Taliban commanders in the hills of Waziristan left at least 40 militants dead and exposed a violent rift in the movement’s operational heartland, according to Taliban members and locals. That fight stemmed from a leadership crisis that started with an American drone strike in November that killed the group’s commander and inflamed internal arguments — including a debate over whether to prioritize the fight against Pakistan’s army, or to send more fighters into Afghanistan as American troops are leaving. And a series of bomb attacks during a supposed six-week cease-fire has raised the possibility that the very idea of making peace has divided the Taliban, with militant cells splintering off rather than speaking with the government. “We will know where the Taliban stand when they put their demands on the table, but I’m not hopeful,” said Asad Munir, a retired army brigadier and former head of the Inter-Services Intelligence spy agency’s Peshawar office. “There are so many complications. Ultimately, I don’t think these talks can succeed.” Despite their ferocity, the Pakistani Taliban, formally known as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, have never been a very united fighting force. Since its formal emergence in 2007, the group has been an umbrella organization for Islamist militants — estimates run from 15 to 30 organizations — scattered across the tribal belt along the Afghan border. The unruly coalition was held together by the steely grip of leaders from the Mehsud tribe and anchored in the jihadi havens of North and South Waziristan where a wide variety of Pakistani and international militant groups hold sway. But the American drone campaign loosened the Mehsud dominance, with missile strikes that killed Baitullah Mehsud, the Pakistani Taliban founder, in 2009; his deputy, Wali ur-Rehman, in May of last year; and the second leader, Hakimullah Mehsud, in November. Now the Taliban is led by a lame-duck figure, Maulana Fazlullah, who has struggled to keep his commanders in line. Mr. Fazlullah came to power in November with solid hard-liner credentials — his supporters had flogged criminals and attempted to kill Malala Yousafzai, the teenage activist — but a less impressive military record. He was driven from his native Swat Valley, 200 miles northwest of Waziristan, by a Pakistani military operation in 2009. Now, according to Pakistani and Afghan officials, he is sheltering in the eastern Afghan province of Kunar. “Fazlullah is not a strong leader because he was defeated, he left Pakistan and he remains across the border,” said Rahimullah Yusufzai, a veteran journalist who helped the government make initial peace overtures to the Taliban. The Taliban chose Mr. Fazlullah, many believe, to quell feuding between rival factions of the Mehsud tribe. But the violence hardly abated after Mr. Fazlullah’s nomination, and it began looking like an all-out turf war in Waziristan this month. Taliban fighters ambushed each other’s camps, bombed convoys, and took prisoners over six days of tit-for-tat bloodletting in the same remote, forested valleys where C.I.A. drones have attacked militant compounds. By the time tribal elders brokered a hasty truce earlier this month, 40 to 60 people had been killed according to most estimates. Ostensibly the fighting stemmed from a simmering rivalry between two hotheaded commanders — Khan Sayed Sajna, a onetime contender for the Taliban leadership, and Shehryar Mehsud — who are battling for dominance of the Mehsud wing of the Taliban. Mr. Sajna, considered the stronger of the two, sent a message to his rival that “there cannot be two swords in a single sheath,” according to a senior Taliban commander. But the fight was about more than clashing egos. According to militant and Western officials, the Sajna group is partly funded by the Haqqani network, a notorious militant group that uses its base in the Pakistani tribal areas to mount audacious attacks on civilian and military targets in Afghanistan. The network’s leader, Sirajuddin Haqqani, wants to draw more Mehsud fighters into his fight against the Afghan government; as a result, he is pushing the Taliban to make peace in Pakistan. As ever in tribal politics, money is a deciding factor: The Haqqani network draws on the proceeds of a vast criminal and fund-raising empire that spans Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Persian Gulf states. The Haqqanis also enjoy a close relationship with the ISI intelligence agency, which has cultivated ties for decades, although the extent of the Pakistani influence remains an open question among experts. Mehsud tribal elders also favor negotiations. Weary of years of war, including Pakistani military bombardment and the displacement of tens of thousands of villagers, community leaders are pressing the Taliban to talk to the government, said government officials and Waziristan residents. The Taliban’s fractious nature also leaves it vulnerable to other, mutually hostile influences. Foreign jihadists from Al Qaeda and Uzbekistan, who live among its members in North and South Waziristan offer money and a fanatical ideology. And recently, Afghan intelligence has gotten in on the act, hoping to steer the Taliban away from Afghanistan. In Kabul, former and serving government officials described a policy of sanctuary and limited financial assistance to Taliban factions that wish to resume fighting inside Pakistan. “It is about convincing these guys about who they should be bothering,” said one former official, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “If they want to cause problems in Pakistan, that is something that is not going to be discouraged.”By DECLAN WALSH
The Afghan spy agency, the National Directorate of Security, has penetrated the Taliban most successfully at the eastern end of the border with Pakistan, where Mr. Fazlullah and his supporters are hiding. Afghan officials said Mr. Fazlullah has received sanctuary and some money; one of his spokesmen is frequently found outside nearby Jalalabad. Another Pakistan Taliban operative lives under the spy agency’s protection in Asadabad, the capital of Kunar Province, where he produces militant propaganda videos.
The embryonic Afghan attempt to cultivate proxies within the Pakistani Taliban is a response to a widespread perception that the ISI intelligence agency is trying to push the war from Waziristan into southern Afghanistan as American troops withdraw. “They want to move all the vipers and snakes on to the Afghan side and let them fight it out here,” said the former Afghan official. Equally, though, Afghan officials recognize that Taliban factions are highly unreliable allies. And a Western analyst cautioned that it would be a mistake to see the Taliban purely as puppets of the various spy agencies in the region. “They’ll take money from whoever is handing it out, as long as it suits them,” the analyst said, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “But they’ve very much got their own mind.” As ever, though, militant alliances are constantly shifting and reliable information is hard to obtain. Ascertaining the exact motivation of competing factions can be akin to Soviet-era Kremlinology. Mr. Fazlullah’s weakness is just one factor in decision making. Unlike the rigidly hierarchical Afghan Taliban, Pakistan’s insurgency has a decentralized, almost acephalous quality in which most power rests with the ruling shura, or leadership council. And the tribal strife comes against a background of unprecedented Taliban expansion in the rest of Pakistan. In the past year, the movement has expanded its reach in Karachi, strengthened ties to like-minded militant groups, and increased fund-raising through extortion and kidnapping.
That complexity is what makes striking a peace deal such a challenge for the Pakistani government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.
His government has staked much hope on the peace talks, betting that the Taliban can be persuaded to lay down their arms. Officials said they saw the Taliban’s announcement of the cease-fire’s end on Wednesday as a negotiating ploy, not the collapse of the whole process. The Taliban, too, insist that talks will continue. To win the Taliban’s confidence, the government has agreed to free at least 12 low-level Taliban prisoners and is considering demands for several hundred more. But the crunch will come when the Taliban make a formal list of demands. The omens are not promising. Already, one hard-line commander with links to Al Qaeda, Omar Khalid Khorasani, has announced that he will not settle for anything less than the imposition of Shariah law across Pakistan. Such statements greatly worry Pakistanis who say that the Sharif government has already conceded too much to Taliban militants who may be using the talks to build legitimacy among ordinary Pakistanis — all the while priming their weapons for the next round of fighting.
Pakistan-Saudi Relations: Friends or Masters?
The secret or not-so-secret trips by the Saudi royal family do not make headlines, but a recent one, in which Pakistan’s federal government was given US $1.5 billion as a “gift,” did – and for many days. No one believes the story of this being a free lunch. Most people are convinced that Riyadh would expect something in return, such as providing support to Saudi policy in Syria and allowing proxies to fight there. Strengthening ties with Pakistan may also be an attempt to weaken Islamabad’s links with Tehran, which had developed during the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP)’s tenure. The PPP government, led by Asif Ali Zardari from 2008-2013, is perhaps the only significant phase in Pakistan’s history in which relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan were strained. According to Wikileaks, a 2009 cable revealed that the Saudi King Abdullah described Zardari as “the rotten head that was infecting the whole body”. Other cables suggested that Riyadh was keen for Pakistan’s military to replace the political government. Such anguish was possibly because of Islamabad’s overtures to Iran. Furthermore, there were rumours of the Zardari-led PPP government trying to discourage contacts between the Saudi diplomatic mission in Islamabad and various militant groups. During a meeting around 2009, the then interior minister had said that the Saudi ambassador was sent off (not declared persona non grata) to Riyadh as he was caught giving money to a militant leader. Despite Zardari’s several visits to the Kingdom, the situation was not as warm as expected. Although the PPP government ultimately failed to curb militancy as it had little control over its mechanics, the above-cited incident is a significant indication of the role that the Saudi intelligence and government, in general, played in Pakistan. The links between various Deobandi and Salafi militant groups and Saudi Arabia date back to the late 1970s and early 1980s. Reportedly, a number of militant outfits, including the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) established in the early ’80s and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) set up later in the 1990s, received Saudi funding. But this was not the only source of funding for terrorist organisations. Money came from other Arab states as well such as Libya, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Some Gulf States have permanent bases in South Punjab, which are used for both hunting and making contacts with various stakeholders that include the militants. Over the years, there was an increase in both financing and sources of terror. The ’80s and the ’90s saw a steady flow of Saudi nationals, who came to Afghanistan via Pakistan to initially fight against the former Soviet Union and then establish the Islamic emirate in Afghanistan led by Mullah Omar. Many militants from South Punjab claim to have seen Arab nationals in Afghanistan and later in training camps in Pakistan’s Northern Areas such as Mansehra. Osama bin Laden represents a trend in Arab militancy that found safe havens in South Asia. Bin Laden also helped establish numerous militant outfits such as Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), which was partly financed by Al Qaeda. The Arab influence in Pakistan’s society and state seems to have gradually and systematically grown. However, the first glimpse of such influence dates back to the end of the ’70s, as a result of the proliferation of Pakistani manpower going to the Middle East. It was not only money which returned with these people, but social influence as well. Later, the cooperation between the states to fight the war in Afghanistan bolstered the Arab influence. The manifestation of the social impact is visible in the form of Al-Bakistan and Al-Bunjab car registration plates that are now seen more commonly in Pakistan. Such influence might have not grown so fast had it not been for the relationship between the two states and its critical institutions. Although the ISPR was wary of giving figures for the number of soldiers and officers that go to Saudi Arabia to fight, former military personnel talk about the times when a division strength was dispatched to the Kingdom. Pakistani armed forces have been going to serve the Saudi monarchs since the time of General Ayub Khan. In fact, old officers narrate an incident when the Saudi government returned Ahmadiyya officers from Pakistan, when they found out about their faith. People still talk about the Pakistani contingent that had assisted the Saudis in 1979, at the time of an attempted internal takeover of the Kaaba by a group of Salafi rebels. In fact, the popular myth is that one of the reasons that the Saudi monarchs would not let any harm come to Pervez Musharraf is because he was leading the Pakistani contingent then. Incidentally, Pakistan’s role in the 1979 operation is over-emphasised. The Saudis had also sought help from western intelligence and their military. The military’s presence in the Kingdom is not limited to the army. Ostensibly, there is almost a tradition to send a senior naval officer as ambassador to Saudi Arabia. The military cooperation, however, is more of a one-way traffic in which a lot depends on Riyadh’s desire. The recent agreement to enhance defence cooperation indicates a possible increase in arms purchases that will be limited to small and light weapons or equipment mainly manufactured at the Pakistan Ordnance Factories, Wah. The Saudis and even other Arab states have never shown any keen interest in major weapons systems like submarines, gun and missile boats or fighter aircrafts that Pakistan assembles. This is mainly because of the fact that the Saudis and other Arab states have a traditional dependency on western equipment and would rather purchase from the original equipment manufacturer (OEM) than Pakistan, which has limited control over the supply chain used for making major weapon systems. Most Arab countries with which Pakistan has defence ties prefer to procure trained military manpower. Another example of such preference was in the form of recruitment of retired military personnel in 2011 for dispatch to Bahrain. These men, hired by the military’s private foundations, were sent to Bahrain to curb the Shia insurgency. Contrary to what we would imagine that this is about Arab dependency on Pakistan, it is the latter that may be dependent on the former because of money earned through the process. Keeping a large standing military busy, especially when the age of conventional wars is virtually over, is quite a task. Pakistan sends about 10,000 military personnel annually on UN missions. This is in addition to those dispatched to Saudi Arabia and other Arab states. The arrangement is beneficial both for the armed forces and the individual as part of the salary is retained by the military. Given the possibility of a reduction in the UN’s requirement for peace-keeping missions, the Arab states will become important for Pakistan’s military as a lucrative posting for its personnel. Furthermore, the US$ 1.5 billion and more money that may be contributed by other Arab states is welcomed by the military as a source of financing that will keep the organisation afloat. Though the Pakistan military is never short of funds, it has not had major modernisation since the 1980s. It needs equipment for which money is essential. The government of the PML-N probably shares this perspective. Given the dearth of resources, the inability to raise money through taxes and the pressure of numerous problems such as electricity shortages, the Sharif government would be happy to see an increase in its money supply. The news that these funds were given as a “gift” may not be taken lightly as Sharif is considered close to Riyadh’s heart. Not only does the Saudi royalty view him as “their man in Pakistan,” they have good memories of the Pakistani prime minister. The Saudi crown prince was the only foreign dignitary who was taken on a trip to Pakistan’s nuclear facilities after the atomic tests in 1998. This adventure also indicates that the political government in Islamabad and GHQ, Rawalpindi may be on the same page as far as Saudi Arabia is concerned. Leaders of the present government have not just spent a considerable amount of time in Saudi Arabia, they also have financial investments in the country and financial connections with the Saudis. In fact, both the Bhutto and Sharif regimes had contacts in the Arab world. While the Sharifs have their eggs in the Saudi basket, the Benazir Bhutto family has links in the UAE, where her family has its primary base. Many amongst Pakistan’s elite launder their money through Arab countries of the Gulf and Saudi Arabia. It is rumoured that the Sharif government plans to repay the Saudis through initiating some old plans such as leasing out agricultural land in the desert of Cholistan. The Saudi/Arab-Pakistani connection has come under some criticism. However, a question worth asking: Can the elite of Pakistan afford to say ‘no’ to the ‘freebies’ from Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries? Given the country’s economic scenario, we continue to look outside for resources. The Arab money may appear ‘dirty’ to some, but this may well be a possible replacement for the American funding that is likely to be reduced as US and NATO forces pull out of Afghanistan.By Ayesha Siddiqa
Pakistan: Pro-Taliban group of Omer Khorasani has attacked Hamid Mir
shiapost.comState sponsored Pro-Taliban group of Omer Khorasani has attacked Geo News senior anchorperson Hamid Mir in Karachi on Saturday. According to reports, the terrorists of Omer Khorasani group ambushed Mir’s vehicle as soon as it came out from the Airport onto the city’s main artery Shara-e-Faisal near the Natha Khan bridge. He received bullet injuries and was shifted to a private hospital. Hamid Mir had told his family, friends, colleagues’ army and government officials that if he was attacked the some officials from the ISI and its chief Lt. General Zaheerul Islam would be responsible. Hamid Mir’s brother, Amir Mir has blamed ISI chief Lt. General Zaheerul Islam to assassinate Hamid Mir. Karachi police chief, Shahid Hayat said Hamid Mir has been shot thrice, one bullet has pierced his intestine while the other two have wounded his leg and pelvic area. Hamid Mir has been shifted to the operation theater and a brief from the doctors treating him is awaited. Pakistan’s army condemned the incident of firing on senior journalist Hamid Mir in Karachi, a spokesman of the ISPR said. The spokesman said that an independent inquiry must immediately be carried out to ascertain facts. The spokesman, however, said that raising allegations against ISI or head of ISI without any basis is highly regrettable and misleading. The statement came after unidentified gunmen shot and wounded senior journalist Hamid Mir near airport in Karachi Previous Attack In November 2012, explosives were found under the vehicle of Mir in Islamabad when he had gone for some work with his driver and parked his car for a little. The bomb disposal squad was immediately called in to remove the bag after which it was revealed that the bag contained half kilograms of explosive material that was diffused by the squad. Mir had vowed to raise his voice for truth and justice.
Pakistan: Attack on Hamid Mir was carefully planned, reveals probe
Pakistan: Hamid Mir & Media Ethics

Pakistan: PPP to move resolution against attack on Hamid Mir

Geo management distances itself from Mir’s allegations
The management of the Jang and Geo News group on Sunday distanced itself from the allegations levelled against the ISI with its anchors claiming that the Mir brother’s allegations did not reflect the media outfit’s stance on the issue. Soon after the attack on Mir, most media houses had aired allegations against the ISI and its director-general for over 14 hours since the attack took place. Geo anchorperson Amir Liaquat Hussain claimed during a talk show that the allegations against the ISI and its DG were not a policy of the media group. He said the allegations were only from the family of Hamid Mir and not from the media house’s management. Later, another anchorperson, Najam Sethi in his programme Apas Ki Baat welcomed Amir Liaquat’s statement, stating that it was a wise decision by Geo group to clarify that it had no link with statements of Hamid Mir’s brother regarding involvement of the DG ISI in the attack on the journalist.http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/
Pakistan: Asia Bibi’s appeal put off again
The Express Tribune

Fear of polio virus: India, Georgia place curbs on Pakistanis
The Express Tribune,India and Georgia have made it compulsory for Pakistani travellers to get anti-polio vaccine prior to entering their territory, reveals a letter of the Ministry of National Health Services, Regulation and Coordination. The letter titled ‘International Certification of Vaccination for Prophylaxis’ was written to Health Department. It explains what measures the department has to take to issue the polio vaccination certificates to the travellers, who plan to visit these two countries. “This is in continuation of this ministry letter dated 24 Feb, 2014 on the above noted subject regarding compulsory polio vaccination of travellers going from Pakistan to India and Georgia,” the letter says. It says that the directorate of Central Health Establishment (CHE) has already been directed to coordinate with the provincial health departments, executive district officers (EDOs), district health officers (DHOs), and complete the requisite formalities on top priority. The letter says the port health officer under the directorate of the CHE as well as designated public sector tertiary care hospital in all provincial headquarters are authorised to administer Oral Polio Vaccine (OPV) and issue vaccination certificate to the travellers. Requesting anonymity, a World Health Organisation (WHO) official said that currently two countries had imposed travel restrictions on Pakistan but several others might also follow suit. “The Independent Monitoring Board for Polio Eradication and the WHO Executive Board will have their meeting around May 20, 2014. Considering putting curbs on countries where polio exists is on the agenda,” he said. The official said two countries had made it mandatory on travellers of all ages to get polio vaccination certificate six weeks prior to their visit. “If other countries do the same then Pakistan may have to face problems and arrange vaccination for a large number of travellers,” he maintained. He said Pakistan had the worst record of polio eradication in the world. In 2013, 11 cases of polio were reported in Afghanistan compared to 30 in 2012. However, In Pakistan, 58 cases were reported in 2012 and 85 in 2013 – a 40% increase. He said 47 cases of polio had been reported in Pakistan during this year, he said. “The virus from Pakistan has reached Syria and even Palestine. If we calculate the number of polio cases since last May, above 70 polio cases are reported just in North Waziristan where total population is around 700,000. We have to eradicate polio to avoid the restrictions,” he added. An official of the Expanded Programme on Immunisation said they had received the letter from the ministry and the relevant EDOs, medical superintendents were asked to follow the guidelines for issuing the polio immunisation certificate.
US condemns attack on Hamid Mir
Pakistan: Attack on Hamid Mir
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/The attempted assassination of TV anchor and journalist Hamid Mir in Karachi on Saturday, April 19, 2014, is a grim reminder of the dangers facing media persons in Pakistan. Not for nothing has it been dubbed the most dangerous country in the world for journalists. Clearly, the schedule and travel plans of Hamid Mir were known to his attackers, given that he had just left the airport on the way to his office and was ambushed en route. His family and employers have been at pains to highlight a written message Hamid Mir had conveyed some time ago that if anything happened to him, the trail led to the ISI and particularly its chief, Lt-General Zaheerul Islam. ISPR has refuted the charge and described it as unfortunate and misleading when there is no proof of the assertion. Condemnation of the attack and calls for a thorough and independent investigation have come tumbling out from all quarters, including the government and military top brass. The latter, in particular, are obviously interested in clearing the name of the ISI. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has announced a three-member judicial commission will be set up to investigate the incident. He has also announced a reward of Rs 10 million to anyone providing credible information that could help track down the attackers. While these lines are being written, there are also reports of a high level meeting being held by the prime minister to discuss the issue. Meanwhile the Sindh Information Minister Sharjeel Menon has promised a thorough inquiry and investigation, but has asked for federal help in the endeavour. This is a reasonable demand since the entrails of whatever conspiracy lies behind the attempted murder of Hamid Mir could be difficult to trace at just a provincial level. Hamid Mir received three bullets, and the presence of mind of his driver allowed him to shake off the pursuing attackers and managed to get him to a hospital in time. Hamid Mir is reportedly recovering in hospital after a successful surgery to remove the bullets. We all wish him a full and speedy recovery. Journalist bodies countrywide have mounted protests against the attack, calling it not just an attack on Hamid Mir but a full, frontal attack on the media and freedom of expression. Everywhere the cry has gone up that such tactics and attacks meant to silence the media will not be allowed to succeed. Attacks on the media and journalists seem to be intensifying since the start of this year and acquiring a sinister pattern. Earlier attacks on the Express group and particularly its TV anchor Raza Rumi in Lahore, in which he was fortunately relatively unscathed but in which his driver was killed, point to the slate of possible suspects. In Raza Rumi’s case, the gang responsible has recently been rounded up in Lahore and identified as belonging to the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a banned extreme sectarian group. However, given the controversy that has arisen as a result of the revelation of Hamid Mir’s allegations against the ISI, the matter assumes even more important dimensions requiring investigations that get to the bottom of the mystery. It may be recalled that some months ago reports spoke of a hit list of the Taliban that included media house owners, prominent journalists and even the unnamed editor of an English newspaper. Since Raza Rumi’s and Hamid Mir’s names were both reportedly on the hit list, it has by now acquired very sinister and important dimensions. Needless to say, the government and all state authorities not only need to cooperate in the investigation into this latest atrocity against a prominent journalist, the authorities and media houses also need to revisit the risks run by working journalists and chalk out security and other safety measures to safeguard those who strive to bring the truth into the light of day, a seemingly noble endeavour, but not without risk to life and limb from variegated enemies, as the track record of journalists killed, attacked and threatened in Pakistan over the years shows.
Pakistan: Another attack on the media

Pakistan: cannot afford dictatorship

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