Sunday, September 24, 2017

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Video Report - Angela Merkel: A profile by Anne McElvoy - BBC Newsnight

Video Report - Merkel’s ‘been around forever’: German youth on ‘everlasting’ Chancellor

Video Report - Heidelberg: City of Romanticism | DW English

Angela Merkel's done it again!

No change in Germany: Angela Merkel will stay on as chancellor. Germans like constancy. However, Merkel has some major tasks to fulfill during her fourth term in office.
For the chancellor, this result is simultaneously a validation and a dressing-down. Her CDU party has polled around 33 percent of the vote – a loss of almost 10 percent compared to 2013. And there will be six parties in the new Bundestag instead of five. The field of political competition has widened. Not only is the right-wing populist AfD entering parliament for the first time, it will be the third-strongest force within it. A new challenge for Angela Merkel. However, the election result also demonstrates that, even after suffering considerable losses in the CDU's worst result since 1949, Merkel is still comfortably able to govern.
This is not a political earthquake. The double-digit vote for the AfD was anticipated, as was the Social Democrats' continued decline. The free-market liberal FDP has returned to the Bundestag, which means that Angela Merkel now has two coalition options. The Grand Coalition is unlikely to be revived: The SPD is unhappy in the role of junior partner and won't want to take it on for another term. The only other serious possibility is a three-way coalition consisting of the CDU (black), FDP (yellow) and Green Party (green). This is being referred to as a "Jamaica coalition" after the colors of that country's flag. These are uncharted political waters: It could take quite some time to negotiate the formation of a government.
Merkel's fourth term
There will be no experiments. After the election, Germany remains as it was – a political, social and economic quiet zone. The agitation is elsewhere: in Erdogan's Turkey, Trump's USA, Putin's Russia and Brexit Britain.
Many people see these as worrying times for other reasons as well: Populism and the fear of terrorism are rampant. For the most part, however, Germany is pretty calm. This general election could almost be seen as a psychological certificate of health.
Merkel's legacy?
So it's four more years of Merkel – if she hangs on that long. This self-controlled Protestant has the reputation of being a woman of duty: If she starts something, she sees it through. But what exactly will she do?
As a long-term chancellor and the first woman to hold that office, she has already earned herself a place in the history books. What she hasn't yet done is pull off a really big political coup that could be her lasting legacy. Adenauer integrated the old Federal Republic into the West. Brandt's Eastern bloc policies led to Cold War rapprochement. Kohl oversaw German unification. Schröder reorganized the welfare state. How is Merkel going to make her mark?
In 2015 she made the surprising decision to open Germany's borders to more than a million refugees. She stuck to her course, between sympathy on one side and outrage on the other. She opposed a cap on immigration, taking the German constitution – which has no provision to limit the right to asylum – at its word. Now she has to tackle the resulting challenges: integrating those who stay, and repatriating "phony" refugees. It's a long-term project.
The world needs Merkel's calm
The EU, too, is in need of repair. The European family is squabbling: Ever the stepchild, Britain now wants to reinvent itself and make its own way in the globalized word. Its departure from the fold still needs to be negotiated. That alone is a mammoth task for Merkel. But the southern EU countries are rebelling, too; they're fed up with the German diktat of austerity. Merkel is seen as the keeper of the Holy Grail of the European ideal, but the debtor countries see Germany as a strongman who's blackmailing them. Merkel wants to – she has to – keep the family together. Otherwise calls for nation states to secede from the union will grow louder.
The trend towards megalomania among her counterparts abroad also weighs heavy on Merkel's shoulders. Trump is not the only one who wants to make his country "great again"; Putin and Erdogan are puffing up their chests and pursuing policies that proclaim their own self-importance. Internationally, Merkel is seen as the "Anti-Trump." She can withstand provocation without giving in to it. Her gestures, facial expressions and choice of words are always restrained. These days, nobody underestimates her. But it wasn't always like that.
Quiet resilience, and the 'Merkel Diamond'
Merkel made the leap to the Chancellery in 2005. She has governed twice in a Grand Coalition with the SPD and once in coalition with the free-market liberal FDP. One after another, all the alpha males in her own party have come to naught. Some acknowledged of their own accord that they didn't stand a chance against her; those who didn't were showered with praise and tactically sidelined. Christian Wulff got to be German president before a corruption scandal forced him to resign.
Merkel's triumph over her political rivals has been even more impressive. Between 2005 and 2017 she defeated a Social Democratic quartet of four "S" chancellor candidates (Schröder, Steinmeier, Steinbrück, Schulz) more or less single-handed. Policy-wise, too, she has seamlessly absorbed the opposition. The Social Democratic Party has been permanently diminished by her social-democratization of the CDU: Even die-hard SPD voters are defecting to Merkel.
And with her abandonment of nuclear energy, commitment to tackling climate change and refugee policy she has addressed key Green issues. She can even afford herself the occasional luxury: The same-sex marriage bill (a longstanding bone of contention for her party) was brought before and passed by the Bundestag shortly before the election – with Merkel herself voting against. Pragmatism like this has proved an undeniably successful strategy for her. She neutralizes the opposition. It's just that sometimes the CDU isn't sure any more what about her is still conservative. But for a party whose main concern is to hold on to power, the question of the blurring of its image is academic.
Her task from now on: to be the 'Anti-Trump'
Merkel's latest triumph at the elections is primarily based on trust. That was already the case in the last general election, in 2013. She needed only one sentence to promote her candidacy: "You know me." Her political style is similarly presidential. She is almost universally admired. Even young people think she's great. Most people under 25 can hardly even remember a time when Merkel wasn't in power.
To this day she is still only a mediocre orator, but with the "Merkel Diamond" hand gesture – the so-called "Triangle of Power" – she has created a classic of modern iconography. It's a piece of radical political minimalism, and her trademark. Staying calm. It's a peculiarly rare talent, which she must now put to good use if she wants to leave the political stage in 2021 as the consummate chancellor.
The New York Times elected her the "last powerful defender of Europe." Such praise and recognition now become an obligation. For a long time Merkel declined to say whether or not she would stand for a fourth term. Those close to her say it was the election of Donald Trump on 9 November 2016 that prompted her decision. She herself has said in the past that she didn't want to end up a "half-dead wreck," so she must feel she is up to this fourth term, both healthwise and politically. She has a mandate. Now she has to deliver.

Afghanistan - Da Zmungh Zeba Watan, Da Afghanistan Dai!!

Afghanistan - Ahmad Zahir "Khuda Bowad Yaret"

Pashto song dedicated to Dr. Najibullah

Afghanistan - Doctor Mohammed Najibullah -

Dr Mohammed Najibullah: The Afghan Prometheus

Dr. Mohammad Taqi
Mullah Abdul Razzaq was the Taliban ringleader who carried out the torture, killing, mutilation and desecration of the corpses — a war crime by any definition — at the behest of his Pakistani minders
“Strike harder, squeeze him, don’t leave any slack!

He’s very clever at finding ways out of impossible situations” — Aeschylus in Prometheus Bound.
Seeing the artist Dirck Van Baburen’s painting Prometheus Being Chained by Vulcan on a recent visit to Amsterdam’s Rijksmuseum brought to mind the above lines from the Greek tragedy and then immediately the imagery of the September 26, 1996 assassination of former Afghan President Dr Mohammed Najibullah by the Taliban. In Aeschylus’ work, the ‘power’ is giving instructions to the Vulcan to pin the mythical revolutionary down. There also seem to have been instructions in the case of Dr Najibullah’s assassination from a menacing power to its quislings. Peter Tomsen, the former US special envoy to Afghanistan, notes in his book The Wars of Afghanistan, “Najib’s entrapment and execution carried the hallmarks of a classic intelligence operation. The Taliban, on their own, would not have taken such elaborate precautions to avoid violating the UN’s diplomatic premises (where Dr Najibullah had taken sanctuary since stepping down in 1992).”

Ambassador Tomsen has also noted, “Four Taliban, including, by one account, a Pakistani ISI officer disguised as Taliban, drove directly to the UN compound in a Japanese Datsun pickup. Their mission was to lure the former Afghan president out of the diplomatically protected UN premises.” Mullah Abdul Razzaq was the Taliban ringleader who carried out the torture, killing, mutilation and desecration of the corpses — a war crime by any definition — at the behest of his Pakistani minders. In her recent book The Wrong Enemy, the New York Times reporter Carlotta Gall has corroborated the US diplomat’s detailed account of murder most foul. The Pakistani security establishment did not want the Afghan Prometheus out alive. He had withstood the combined Pakistani-Arab-US onslaught through Afghan rebels and Arab mercenaries even after the Soviet withdrawal. In fact, Dr Najibullah inflicted the most humiliating defeat on the ISI-backed mujahideen in the March 1989 battle of Jalalabad after the Soviet pullout. But the Pakistani junta was perhaps more wary of Dr Najibullah’s Afghan nationalist credentials and a larger than life stature that he had attained on both sides of the Durand Line after the Soviet departure. His opponents knew that, if left alive, Dr Najibullah would continue to stand resolutely against Pakistani meddling in Afghanistan.

Dr Najibullah was born in Kabul in 1947 to Mr Muhammad Akhtar, an Ahmadzai Pashtun of the Ghilzai tribal confederacy. The family originally hailed from Paktia. Dr Najibullah spent a few years in Peshawar where his father was posted as a trade attaché with the Afghan consulate. Dr Najibullah went to the Habibia High School and then to the faculty of medicine at Kabul University. He was one of the leading lights of the student wing of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). His Kabul background drew him to the rather Persianised Parcham (the flag) faction, named thus after its party organ, of the PDPA. He was imprisoned at least twice during King Zahir Shah’s era for political activities on campus. He, along with his schoolmate Mahmud Biryalay — a stepbrother of the Parcham leader Babrak Karmal — contributed prolifically to the party organ. He got his medical degree in 1975 but never did practice medicine. Dr Najibullah became a member of the unified PDPA’s central committee in 1977, member of the Revolutionary Council after the Saur Revolution in 1978 and was elevated as a full member of the politburo in 1981. When the Khalq (the people) faction of the PDPA purged the Parchamites, especially Babrak Karmal’s confidants, after the 1978 revolution, Dr Najibullah was exiled to Iran as an ambassador. He was drawn closer to Babrak Karmal perhaps due to similar backgrounds but had a diametrically opposite style of leadership.
While Karmal was rather standoffish, Dr Najibullah was a people’s man who could relate to the Afghans in Kabul and the countryside with equal ease. Dr Najibullah had the intellect of the Parcham ideologue ustad (teacher), Mir Akbar Khyber, finesse of a western democrat and craft of a tribal leader. His linguistic prowess in both Persian and Pashto was breathtaking and his oratory remains unmatched in contemporary Afghan history. Dr Najibullah had the voice and delivery command of a seasoned broadcaster. He was at equal ease talking in Marxist jargon at a PDPA plenum, to the Afghan troops in Jalalabad garrison and to the tribal assemblies (jirgas). The doctor sure knew how to take his audience and indeed his people’s political pulse. The Parcham faction was certainly a numeric minority in the PDPA when Dr Najibullah became the Afghan president in 1986 and the party’s general secretary. His knack for understanding the ethno-tribal complexities of Afghanistan was remarkable and was the primary reason for the support that he did manage to muster, especially after the Soviet exit.

From encouraging non-Marxist nationalist groups to eventually changing the PDPA’s name to the Hizb-e-Watan (National Party) with a clear national democratic charter rather than an overtly communist agenda, all contributed to Dr Najibullah’s longevity at the helm in Kabul. I would venture to say that the only modern Afghan leader, whether monarch, Marxist or republican, that comes close to Dr Najibullah’s leadership style and ability was Sardar Muhammad Daud Khan, whom the PDPA had toppled and replaced.

Like Daud Khan, Dr Najibullah was an Afghan first and foremost. His creed most certainly was Afghan nationalism and his ultimate agenda was national reconciliation that he pushed with utmost sincerity. He was prophetic in warning about the dangers of the Pak-Saudi-US backing of the jihadists and foretold its disastrous impact on Afghanistan and the region in speech after speech. His National Reconciliation Policy and the 1988 Geneva Peace Accords have even more relevance today to negotiate peace within Afghanistan and to keep the intruders out.

Dr Najibullah was immensely popular among the Pashtun nationalist rank and file in Pakistan. However, while many of the Pakistani Pashtun leaders stood by him, the top ones did not take up his languishing in the UN compound seriously. Not so much as a strike was called in the almost five years that Dr Najibullah remained confined in that ill-fated building. Those who routinely talked of greater Afghanistan and Pashtunistan were perhaps too vested in Islamabad’s politics to see how and why the Afghan Prometheus was being tied down. A full treatise is in order to discuss the orientation of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan but suffice it to say that both major Pashtun parties, minus a few individual leaders, let Dr Najibullah down. RIP Dr Najibullah. To rephrase Aeschylus, you were too audacious and unyielding in the face of bitter pains, and you spoke too freely.


A police station of Rawalpindi district of Punjab police has registered a case against Syeda Nusrat Zehra, a Shia woman over hosting a mourning congregation in her house to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Hussain (AS) and his companions.

She was booked under section 153 A for hosting a programme inside her house that has deeply shocked the Shia Muslims of Pakistan who have condemned the biased Punjab government for denying Shia Muslims legal and constitutional right.
Azadari is cultural and religious right of Shia Muslims and no Pakistani law deny this right to Shia Pakistanis but biased pro-terrorist hatemongering clerics who are allied with the PMLN government have launched a campaign to make a pretext for Punjab government and police to harass Shia Muslims in the name of objections by Deobandi neighbourers.
Shia Muslims complained that Punjab government was an ally of banned terrorist outfits and together with them, Punjab government was playing a dirty game to limit the Azadari.

In Pakistan, once-fringe Islamist radicals are making their way into mainstream politics

By Pamela Constable
One candidate was from a banned group, its leader under house arrest for past ties to armed militants. The other was from a movement built around the cult of an assassin and the belief that blasphemers against Islam deserve death.
Few people noticed the campaign posters pasted in many run-down alleys that featured these obscure, bearded figures and religious messages. Instead, the nation was waiting to see which of two mainstream political parties would win a crucial parliamentary election in Lahore this past Sunday.
But when the final results were announced, the two hard-line Muslim candidates had placed third and fourth in a race with numerous other contenders, winning 11 percent of the vote. It was a stunning debut for two Islamist groups that had shunned electoral politics but built devoted public followings, inspired by figures who used violence in the name of defending their faith.
It was also a sign that such groups, long considered to be at the fringes of Pakistani society, are making unprecedented inroads into the mainstream life of an impoverished, fast-growing country of 207 million. More than 90 percent of Pakistanis are Muslim, and many have felt increasingly frustrated by a lack of opportunities and justice under multiple leaders from the wealthy elite.
This development coincides with new accusations from the Trump administration that Pakistan is giving shelter to anti-Afghan militants and “agents of chaos,” which it has denied. The emerging religious groups have no connection with Afghanistan, but they have condoned violence against Hindu-led India or to support the honor of Islam.
The timing is also significant because the Lahore contest was seen as a prelude to national elections scheduled for next year. The ruling Pakistan Muslim League-N and the opposition Pakistan Justice Movement came in first and second, respectively. But the two fringe religious campaigns did well with just a fraction of the publicity and effort, and with literally no prior political experience.
“The resurgence of the religious ultraright in politics ought to be a matter of concern for state and society,” the editors of Dawn, Pakistan’s leading daily paper, wrote Wednesday, noting that both candidates ran as independents at the last minute after their parties had problems registering.
“Testing by stealth the viability of mainstreaming militant groups is unacceptable,” they wrote. “The two radical campaigns bode ill for next year’s general election.”
Pakistan has several Islam-based parties, some of which are anti-West and pro-sharia but have been participating in the democratic electoral system for years. None has ever won a significant role in power, except from 2002 to 2008, when a coalition of religious groups governed the conservative northwest province now called Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Until now, though, extreme parties mostly have built support through mosques and religious appeal. Some have changed their names, added front groups, embraced popular causes and carried out charity work to soften their image. Some have benefited from selective government tolerance and appeasement, even when accused of terrorism by Pakistani or international officials.
The party that backed candidate Sheikh Yacoob in the Sept. 17 race was the latest of many offshoots of Lashkar-e-Taiba, a radical anti-India militia accused of masterminding a terrorist siege in Mumbai in 2008. After that, it rebranded itself as Jamaat-ud-Dawa, a religious teaching institute, and founded a separate charity to provide disaster relief. A month ago, it established its first political party, the National Muslim League.
But the central figure behind all these groups remains Hafiz Saeed, 68, the fiery cleric who founded Lashkar in 1987 and has been a relentless crusader against alleged Indian abuses of Muslims in Kashmir, a contested border region. The popularity of that cause — and of Saeed — has made Pakistani authorities reluctant to imprison him or fully enforce their own ban on his organizations.
“People love Hafiz Saeed, and we see him as a hero,” Yacoob, 46, a Saudi-trained Islamic scholar, said in an interview during his campaign, which featured the benign party symbol of a power-saving lightbulb. He said he found “a lot of silent support” for Saeed when going door-to-door, and he dismissed accusations of Saeed’s role in the Mumbai siege as “all Indian propaganda. It was never proved in court.”
Other groups with extreme creeds have appealed to Pakistanis who are not connected to Islamist militancy but who feel a deepening attachment to Islam and view it as under attack — whether from the West, domestic secular forces or muscular Hindu leadership in next-door India.
This is the case with the Movement in Service to the Messenger of God, the anti-blasphemy group on the Sept. 17 ballot. It arose in 2010, when a Christian peasant woman was sentenced to death for blasphemy and the Punjab provincial governor, Salman Taseer, suggested that the harsh anti-blasphemy laws needed to be revised. Mumtaz Qadri, one of Taseer’s guards, shot him dead out of religious conviction. Last year he was hanged for murder, but to some Pakistanis he has become a cult figure.
“Ours is a long struggle for the respect of the prophet and for those who gave their lives for him,” said Allama Khadim Rizvi, the movement’s founder. He said the group already is making plans to participate in next year’s national elections. “If we win, we will serve the people and struggle to establish Islamic rule in this country, based on Islamic justice for all,” he said.
The Lahore results also have triggered a renewed debate on the sensitive subject of how state authorities, especially security and intelligence agencies, treat various banned or extremist groups. The issue already is raising official hackles and disputes here because of the Trump administration’s accusations that Pakistan is providing sanctuary for anti-Afghan militant groups.
Both the anti-blasphemy and pro-Kashmir movements have been unofficially tolerated because of their public popularity, and Pakistan’s intelligence agency has long been reported to abet Lashkar-e-Taiba in its various incarnations. Saeed has been repeatedly placed under house arrest, then allowed to return to his fiery pulpit in Lahore on Fridays. The activities of Qadri’s devotees have been watched carefully but left alone.
Some analysts suggest it is better to allow such groups to join the political process, assuming it will de-radicalize them. Others say it is a dangerous mistake, because it will legitimize extreme views and stir up sectarian fights. A new chance to test these theories will come in just one month; since Yacoob’s candicacy did so well in Lahore, an official of the Saeed-led group Jamaat-ud-Dawa has now registered to compete as an independent in another parliamentary race in the northwest city of Peshawar on Oct. 26.
“By participating in the electoral process, these outfits are trying to spread their influence in society. This is alarming, because it means that sectarianism and friction will increase,” said Hasan Askari Rizvi, a political analyst in Lahore. “They cannot win elections and come to power. There is no planned effort to bring them into the mainstream. They can only cause problems, because their agendas haven’t changed. They just want to control more and more segments of society.”

Great Central Asia: US Counter Measure To China-Pakistan Economic Corridor – Analysis

By Ajmal Sohail
China’s ambitious global geo-political objective has raised concern among American strategists, which China attempts to Isolate America at the global level. The claim has become more evident during the G20 summit when China curbed president Trump effort to pass a joint declaration in order to condemn North Korea’s recent ICBM test.
Newly, the Pentagon alleged China and there was also a pop up in the main stream media indicating that China has stationed several thousand troops in Pakistan most probably at the Gwadar Port, in order to establish counter balance for America’s strategic partner India and America itself. Gwadar Port is a warm-water, deep-sea port situated on the Arabian Sea at Gwadar in Baluchistan the socalled province of Pakistan.
According to the Pentagon reports, China has also dispatched troops to the Wakhan district of Badakhshan province of Afghanistan to safe guard its bordering areas alongside Afghanistan. Furthermore, the Indian security agencies have suspected China attempts to encircle India, the reports designates, that Beijing has also taken over some ports in Sri-Lanka, Bangladesh and Myanmar to embroil India and possibly America; the claims were later declined by the Chinese authorities.
According to the China’s defense ministry statement, the country sent off troops to its overseas naval base in Djibouti. This is being seen as a major step forward for the country’s expansion of its military presence abroad.
The base will ensure China’s performance of missions, such as escorting, peace-keeping and humanitarian aid in Africa and West Asia. It will also be conducive to overseas tasks, including military cooperation, joint exercises, evacuating and protecting overseas Chinese and emergency rescue, as well as jointly maintaining security of international strategic seaways.
Chinese troops are stationed just a few miles from Camp Lemonnier, the only permanent US base in Africa. The US Department of Defense had stated that the base, along with regular naval vessel visits to foreign ports, echoes and intensifies China’s growing influence.
Beijing seeks to gain access to natural resources and open new markets and therefore, it has made extensive infrastructure investments throughout the African continent.
China has chosen the port of Djibouti because of its strategic location; the Port of Djibouti is located in Djibouti City, the capital of Djibouti. It is situated at the crossroads of one of the busiest shipping routes in the world, 20 miles across from Yemen and in destroyer range of the pirate-infested western edge of the Indian Ocean.
Moreover, China will challenge US in Meddle East especially in Syria, the China-Arab Exchange Association and the Syrian Embassy have recently organized a Syria Day Expo crammed with hundreds of Chinese specialists in infrastructure investment. It was a sort of mini-gathering of the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), billed as “The First Project Matchmaking Fair for Syria Reconstruction”. The Chinese authorities has recently, announced that Beijing plans to invest $2 billion in an industrial park in Syria for 150 Chinese companies. Beijing wants to stretch its Road and Belt initiative to Aleppo of Syria and from there to Mediterranean and Africa.
In this respect, Counter Narco-terrorism Alliance Germany recommends, the American strategists need to launch counter measures in the region in one hand to abolish isolation of America and on the other hand undermine Chinese and Russian efforts.
America has to strongly support and equip Baluch separatists in order to establish an independent Baluchistan.
As soon as Baluchistan is liberated and independent, Sino-Pak Economic Corridor and the Russian Eurasia Economic Union would be dismantled.
In addition, America should intensify the efforts to set up Great Central Asian throughout Afghanistan and Baluchistan, in fact, this is already happening. Within the past eight months the Foreign Ministers of both Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan have traveled to Kabul, and Aghan President Ashraf Ghani has visited all northern neighbors of Afghanistan. Turkmenistan is forging ahead with the TAPI gas pipeline across Afghanistan to Pakistan and India, and Uzbekistan, which already provides Kabul with electricity, is planning a second phase of railroad construction in Afghanistan. In the same spirit, the World Bank’s CASA 1000 project will soon be sending electricity from Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Conclusion, if America desires to restrain Chinese initiatives in the region, Washington should step up Great Central Asia and genuinely sponsor Baluchistan independence. The independence of Baluchistan would be the turning point to institute Great Central Asia; the land locked Great Central Asia would find its way to the Arabian Sea. That would open a window of opportunity for Washington to dispatch its warships to the region in order to observe the freedom of navigations.

ملاله یوسفزۍ د ولسمشرغني په بلنه افغانستان ته ځي

د انځو خیریه ټولنې بي بي سي ته ویلي چې د نوبل جایزې ګټونکې ملاله یوسفزۍ د افغان په 

پرون ملالې له افغان ولسمشر اشرف غني سره د ملګرو ملتونو د ۷۲ عمومي غونډې په څنډه کې وکتل. ملالې په ټوېټر لیکلي ول: "ولسمشر غني او ما په افغانستان کې د نورو ښځینه ښوونکو پر اړتیا خبرې وکړې".
د دغې کتنې پر مهال ولسمشر غني ملالې ته افغانستان ته د ورتګ بلنه ورکړې چې ملالې دغه بلنه منلې ده.
د ملاله خیریه ټولنې زموږ همکار عادل شاه زیب ته ویلي، ملالې له ولسمشر غني سره کتنه کې په منځنۍ زدکړو کې د ښځو زدکوونکو او ښوونکو پر زیاتولو ټینګار کړی.
د ملالې خیریه ټولنې په وینا، ولسمشرغني له ملالې مننه کړې او ورته یې ویلي چې ته د "افغان نجونو لپاره الهام بخښونکې یې" او زموږ حکومت د نجونو زده کوونکو او ښوونکو زیاتولو لپاره هڅې کړي دي خو لا اوس هم لا ډېر کار مخ کې پاتې دی.
ولسمشرغني ملالې ته ویلي چې ده په سوات کې ډېر وخت تېر کړی او په زړه کې یې د دغې سیمې مینه او کلتوري یادونه اوس هم تازه دي.
د پاکستان په اړه د ملالې اندېښنه
ملاله یوسفزۍ د پاکستان له لومړي وزیر شاهد خاقان عباسي سره هم لیدلي او ترې غوښتي یې دي چې د پاکستان په کلیو او تېره بیا په خیبرپښتونخوا او بلوچستان کې د نجونو د تعلیم لپاره دې هلې ځلې وشي.
رد انځور حقوق@MALALA
Image captionله کیڼ لوري ملاله یوسفزۍ، د پاکستان لومړی وزیر او د ملاله یوسفزۍ پلار ضیاوالدین یوسفزی.
هغې له عباسي غوښتي چې په لرې پرتو سیمو کې د ښوونیزو ادارو په جوړولو سره هر ماشوم ته معیاري زدکړو لار برابره کړي.
د پاکستان له لومړي وزیره سره د خبرو پر مهال ملالې له ښاغلي عباسي غوښتي چې که د افراطیت ختمول غواړي د ماشومانو تعلیمي نصاب کې دې داسې بدلونونه راوستل شي چې د هغې له لارې د ماشومانو په شخصیت کې له ماشوموالي نه زغم او د برابرۍ فکر پیدا شي.
د بېلګې په ډول یې د پښتونخوا کالام یاد کړی چې په کې ۱۹ ښوونځي دي او یوازې یو یې د نجونو دی.
له نورو مشرانو غوښتنه
ملاله یوسفزۍ د ملګرو ملتونو د سرمشریزې په اوږدو کې د نړۍ له نورو مشرانو سره هم د نجونو د زدکړو پر ملاتړ او پراختیا خبرې کړې دي.
Image captionملالې د فرانسې له ولسمشر یمانوېل مکرون سره هم د نجونو د زدکړې په اړه خبرې کړي.
د ملالې پلار ضیاالدین یوسفزي وايي، په نیویارک کې د یو شمېر هېوادونو له مشرانو سره په کتنو او نورو غونډو کې ملالې پر ملګرو ملتونو او نړیوالو هېوادونو غږ وکړ چې زدکړه او په تېره بیا د نجونو تعلیم ته دې لومړیتوب ورکړي.
رد انځور حقوق@MALALA
Image captionملاله د ناروي له لومړۍ وزیرې سره.
ملالې پر دې خواشیني څرګنده کړې چې دوه کاله وړاندې د ملګروملتونو د اوږدمهالو پرمختیايي موخو، اس ډي جي سرمشریزې کې یو شمېر هېوادونو ژمنه کړې وه چې په ښوونیزې بودیجې کې به زیاتوالی راولي خو دا کار تراوسه نه دی شوی او هماغه پخوانۍ بودیجه ده.
په افغانستان کې د ښځینه ښوونکو کمښت
ولسمشر غني هم د ملګرو ملتونو سرمشریزه کې د وینا پر مهال ومنله چې افغان ميرمنو بې شانه خواریو کې، ځانونه هر خطر ته سپر کړل، خو دوی تر وروستۍ کچې، په ټولنه کې له پامه غورځول شوې دي.
د هغه په خبره، دا حالت د منلو نه دی، ځکه د ښځو غښتلتیا د افغانستان د راتلونکې لپاره حیاتي ارزښت لري.
افغانستان کې د نجونو زدکړه پراخه شوې، خو ټولنیز دودونه، د ښوونځیو لرې والی او کمښت، همدارنګه د ښځینه ښوونکو نشتوالی یې د زدکړو خنډ دي.
رد انځور حقوقGETTY IMAGES
افغانستان کې ښوونکې کمې دي، ان تر تېر کال پکتیکا کې یوه ښوونکې هم نه وه.
د افغانستان د پوهنې وزارت د معلوماتو له مخې دا مهال افغانستان دوه لکه ۲۳ زره ښوونکو کې ۳۳ سلنه ښوونکې لري، چې تر اوو میلیونو زدکوونکو ته درس ور کوي.
دغه وزارت د روان کال مارچ کې وویل، چې تر راتلونکو دریو کلونو ۳۰ زره نور ښوونکي هم ګوماري چې ډېری به یې ښوونکې وي.
ملاله یوسفزۍ
ملاله یوسفزۍ د ۱۹۹۷ کال د جولای په ۱۲مه د پښتونخوا په سوات دره کې زېږېدلې.
په ۲۰۱۲ کال کې د طالبانو په ډزو تر ټپي کېدو وروسته د درملنې لپاره برتانیا ته ولېږدوله شوه.
ملالہ یوسف زئید انځور حقوقEPA
له جوړېدلو وروسته په ټوله نړۍ کې د نجونو د تعلیم لپاره د هڅو سمبول او مدافع وګرځېده.
په ۲۰۱۳ کال کې ملالې او د هغې پلار ضیاو الدین یوسفزي په نجونو کې د پوهاوي رامنځته کولو لپاره د ملالې بنسټ جوړ کړ.
د نوبل جایزې ګټونکو په ډله کې ملاله یوسفزۍ ترټولو کم عمره وه چې د ۲۰۱۴ کال په ډسمبر کې یې دغه جایزه خپله کړه.
ملاله یوسفزۍ تېر اګسټ کې د برتانیا اکسفورډ پوهنتون کې زدکړو ته لار پیدا کړه.
۲۰ کلنه ملاله یوسفزۍ ډېر ژر اکسفورډ پوهنتون کې زدکړې پیلوي.
له اکسفورډ فارغ شوي ځینې کسان په نوبل نازول شوي، خو ملاله داسې څوک ده چې دې ادارې ته له تللو مخکې د نوبل ویاړ لري.

Malala meets world leaders at UNGA to discuss girls’ education

Pakistani rights activist and Nobel Peace laureate Malala Yousafzai met leaders from around the world on the sidelines of the 72nd session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, where she urged them to focus on education for girls.
Malala’s Twitter timeline from this week shows glimpses of her one-on-one meetings with presidents and prime ministers from around the world.
She met Argentina’s vice president Gabriela Michetti and asked her to focus on education when Argentina hosts the G20 summit next year.

During her meeting with Afghan president Ashraf Ghani, she talked about the need for more women teachers in Afghanistan.

Malala and Netherlands' prime minister discussed the country's commitment to education in conflict.

The 20-year-old Nobel laureate asked Prime Minister of Norway Erna Solberg to continue supporting girls' education.

She had a "great discussion" with French president Emmanuel Macron about education. 

And, of course, she also met Pakistan's PM Shahid Khaqan Abbasi on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session. 
"Honoured to meet PM Shahid Khaqan Abbasi. We are in agreement that the future of Pakistan relies on education," she tweeted.