Sunday, October 3, 2010

Musharraf again

The News
Editorial:
Political analysts and psychologists have written extensively on the phenomenon of power – and how it can nurture a hunger for more. In the case of Pakistan's leaders, there is a marked reluctance to accept that their days in power are over. From his flat in London former president Pervez Musharraf continues to lay plans for a return to power, though it is far from certain if these are shared by anyone other than the few cronies he retains. But this does not deter the retired general from expressing, yet again, his 'vision' for Pakistan – a country with a "constitutional role" for the army. As we knew already, for him this is the panacea for Pakistan's instability. He would like to remake Gen Kayani in his own image and would have him effect a coup. How that will lead to stability is a secret known only to Musharraf, unless he has redefined the word stability to mean the havoc his regime played with this country's institutions. May we remind the retired general that for all his tough talk during the days he held sway, about not shedding his "skin"– i.e., his military uniform – he had to lose it, and with it his teeth too, in terms of power. The army has had to make a conscious effort to repair the damage done to its standing and reputation under his misrule.
Musharraf apparently hopes to use the new party he has launched, the grandiosely named All-Pakistan Muslim League, as a means to propel himself back into political office and to the power he was always reluctant to part with. To his credit, the general, at the press conference he addressed in London, did confess to having made "mistakes" – notably the NRO. To describe the NRO as a mistake is something of a coy understatement, given the terrible repercussions it has had and for which Pakistan continues to suffer to this day. Other wrongs too were spoken of and an apology made for them, call it graciousness. What Musharraf does not appear to realise, continuing to predict new military coups and other events in typically bombastic fashion, is that almost no one wants him back. While they may indeed by fed up with President Zardari and a government that has failed to deliver on virtually every front, this does not necessarily mean they wish to have their own future and that of their country thrust into Musharraf's hands once more. After all, his last stint in power amounted to little less than a disaster. The militancy, despite his claims that he was combating it, witnessed a sharp growth: it was under his watch that terrorism degenerated into suicide attacks. Among the tactics he used to create a political vacuum and sideline popular mainstream parties, he oversaw the establishment of the MMA. A large number of Pakistanis believe that the results of his hidden deals with Washington were tantamount to Pakistan's surrendering its sovereignty to the US. What makes his talk of "constitutional role" for the military infuriating, and annoying, is the way he behaved with the judiciary, doing everything in his power to destroy it. It is for this specific purpose that he staged his virtual coup of Nov 3, 2007– which ultimately led to his own political demise.
It is no surprise, therefore, that successive surveys in the past have demonstrated Musharraf's lack of popularity, as did the general elections of February 2008. There is no reason for us to believe that he has somehow become popular now. This is a reality the 'exiled' leader needs to accept. Today he remains a man rejected by the people of his own land. He would do them and himself a service by rather pursuing the games of golf and cards with which he reportedly occupies his time. He should leave politics for those better able to lead Pakistan out of its crisis, much of which is his legacy.

Musharraf again

The News
Editorial:
Political analysts and psychologists have written extensively on the phenomenon of power – and how it can nurture a hunger for more. In the case of Pakistan's leaders, there is a marked reluctance to accept that their days in power are over. From his flat in London former president Pervez Musharraf continues to lay plans for a return to power, though it is far from certain if these are shared by anyone other than the few cronies he retains. But this does not deter the retired general from expressing, yet again, his 'vision' for Pakistan – a country with a "constitutional role" for the army. As we knew already, for him this is the panacea for Pakistan's instability. He would like to remake Gen Kayani in his own image and would have him effect a coup. How that will lead to stability is a secret known only to Musharraf, unless he has redefined the word stability to mean the havoc his regime played with this country's institutions. May we remind the retired general that for all his tough talk during the days he held sway, about not shedding his "skin"– i.e., his military uniform – he had to lose it, and with it his teeth too, in terms of power. The army has had to make a conscious effort to repair the damage done to its standing and reputation under his misrule.
Musharraf apparently hopes to use the new party he has launched, the grandiosely named All-Pakistan Muslim League, as a means to propel himself back into political office and to the power he was always reluctant to part with. To his credit, the general, at the press conference he addressed in London, did confess to having made "mistakes" – notably the NRO. To describe the NRO as a mistake is something of a coy understatement, given the terrible repercussions it has had and for which Pakistan continues to suffer to this day. Other wrongs too were spoken of and an apology made for them, call it graciousness. What Musharraf does not appear to realise, continuing to predict new military coups and other events in typically bombastic fashion, is that almost no one wants him back. While they may indeed by fed up with President Zardari and a government that has failed to deliver on virtually every front, this does not necessarily mean they wish to have their own future and that of their country thrust into Musharraf's hands once more. After all, his last stint in power amounted to little less than a disaster. The militancy, despite his claims that he was combating it, witnessed a sharp growth: it was under his watch that terrorism degenerated into suicide attacks. Among the tactics he used to create a political vacuum and sideline popular mainstream parties, he oversaw the establishment of the MMA. A large number of Pakistanis believe that the results of his hidden deals with Washington were tantamount to Pakistan's surrendering its sovereignty to the US. What makes his talk of "constitutional role" for the military infuriating, and annoying, is the way he behaved with the judiciary, doing everything in his power to destroy it. It is for this specific purpose that he staged his virtual coup of Nov 3, 2007– which ultimately led to his own political demise.
It is no surprise, therefore, that successive surveys in the past have demonstrated Musharraf's lack of popularity, as did the general elections of February 2008. There is no reason for us to believe that he has somehow become popular now. This is a reality the 'exiled' leader needs to accept. Today he remains a man rejected by the people of his own land. He would do them and himself a service by rather pursuing the games of golf and cards with which he reportedly occupies his time. He should leave politics for those better able to lead Pakistan out of its crisis, much of which is his legacy.

Nawaz Sharif is totally brainless

Former Pakistani President Parvez Musharraf told that the former Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was 'totally brainless'.

Buzz up!
Parvez Musharraf, who launched a new political party All-Pakistan Muslim League (APML) in London on Friday, Oct 1, told that Nawaz Sharif had failed to deliver on the two occasions he was elected.


"I worked with him for an entire year and noticed that Nawaz Sharif is totally brainless," said Musharraf during a rally in Britain.

Musharraf seized power from Sharif in a bloodless coup in 1999 and ruled Pakistan for nine years. Now he has been living in exile in London after being forced to quit power in 2008 following democratic elections.

During the rally he asked Pakistanis to forgive him for past mistakes. He also told his supporters that he wants to end his self-imposed exile in London and begin efforts to return to power in Pakistan.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa female singers re-emerge

Once silenced by Taliban threats, female singers have again found their voice in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP).

The leader of the resurgence is Ghazala Javed, whose rise to stardom has lured other women into the KP music industry.

“Ghazala really filled the vacuum of good Pashtu singers,” said Musarrat Mohmand, a Pashtu singer in her mid-20s. “I was also fond of music. That is why I opted to sing despite social barriers, militant threats and restrictions from family. … I have to continue for my love for music as well as to financially support my family.”

Urooj, Musarrat’s younger sister, is following Musarrat’s footsteps, saying Musarrat’s popularity inspired her to sing. “I would definitely select standard lyrics, music and composition to gain durable popularity among the fans,” Urooj told Central Asia Online.

Even Afghan women — including Pashtu singer Sapna Tahir and Naghma — have built a Pakistani fan base with their melodious voices.

Swat has proven to be the most fertile region, producing almost half of the singers, musicians and dancers of KP.

“Swat has produced many legends not only in singing but in acting, composing and other fields related to showbiz,” said Mudassir Zaman, a music lover and singer who hosts various television and radio shows.

Famed Swati performers include Bakht Zameena — a popular singer in Afghanistan purportedly killed by militants — and Rahim Shah, who sings for Indian films. Others are Karan Khan, Ghazala Javed, Shaz Khan, Musarrat and Urooj.

The emperors of Swat promoted music, helping breed a love of the art, Mudassir said.

New Pashtu TV channels and radio stations have opened the door for a number of new singers, both male and female, he added.

Emerging singers are helping their community recover from years of terrorist intimidation. Pashtu music nose-dived when militants shot Shabana, a popular dancer and singer from Swat Valley, and displayed her corpse in “Slaughter Square,” now called Farooq Shaheed Square, to convey the message that music was prohibited in the region. That was the breaking point for many Swat performers, who left the region.

But “the situation in Swat is normal now. Almost all the singers and their families who had migrated to other places have returned home,” Qazi Jamilur Rahman, the police chief of Malakand division, told Central Asia Online. “They are playing music and holding functions as they were doing before the militancy in the area.” But the revival of Pashtu music is not without its problems.

Ihtishamul Haq Toru, president of the Cultural Journalists and Artists’ Association of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, criticised substandard songs and low quality CDs — some even put out by non-Pashtuns.

“Some Pashtu TV stations and cheap CDs played a key role in ruining the Pashtu music industry. We need to take collective measures to restore the old glory of Pashtu songs,” said Toru, who wants to establish a musical academy.

The government, promoters and others concerned by substandard music, poetry and dances need to preserve the integrity of Pashtu music, Nisar Mahmood, a senior journalist covering music and cultural events for The News, said. “We lack the quality music of the old days, when classical music would sweeten the environment,” Nisar said.

But the biggest threat to music was and remains the militancy.

“Terrorism has destroyed a number of music shops as well as our musical assets,” said Abaseen Yousafzai, chairman of the Pashtu Department of Islamia College University. “It is the duty of the culture department and other government offices to preserve music so that it remains in the same shape for our coming generations.”

He praised all singers who withstood Taliban threats to keep the art alive.

Women singers still face risk, even with the Taliban out of power. Some families do not let their female members sing professionally.

One tragic case is Ayman Udas, a budding Pashtu singer and poet, who was shot to death — allegedly by her brothers, who subsequently fled —in Peshawar last year. Some said it was because her family opposed her singing.