M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Saturday, February 23, 2013
China: Remarks from Abe 'mislead the world'

''Zarsanga''-Extreme measures: Pushto folk music queen’s awards up for sale
The Express Tribune


PAKISTAN: Sectarian killings -- the nexus between Saudi Arabia and the army of Pakistan is now being openly discussed

Pakistan: '' Say ‘no’ to Australian refuge ''
EDITORIAL: THE FRONTIER POSTFirst Secretary Australian High Commission Sherief Andrawos on Wednesday said the Jim O’Callaghan, assistant secretary of the humanitarian branch of the Department of Immigration and Citizenship Australia, had held a meeting with UNHCR officials last week and informed the UNHCR that Australia was willing to accommodate 2,500 families or 7,000 individuals of the Hazara community, keeping in view attacks on them in Quetta. Maya Ameratunga, deputy representative of United Nations High Commission for Refugees in Pakistan has also confirmed the report saying “Yes! we have started work on facilitating members of Shia minority and other people prone to sectarian violence for giving them refuge in Australia. The Australian government wants our assistance in this regard.” The resettlement process would be taken up after the return of UNHCR’s Country Representative Neil Wright to Pakistan from Geneva. “The resettlement process is a complicated issue as we have to identify the most vulnerable and affected families of Hazara Shia community in Balochistan,” Ms Ameratunga said, adding that they would soon give a list of 2,500 families to the Australian government. Indeed, it is a welcome report that gives some consolation to ailing souls of Hazaras in Pakistan. The Pakistanis must be very grateful for the sympathetic assistance the Australian Government is planning to offer to alleviate the sufferings of the 7000 Pakistani individuals. Resourceful Australians can afford to spend some money on ‘compassionate’ ground but the big question mark is if the immigration of the 7000 Hazaras will end the plight, agony and sufferings perpetuated by the extremists, militants, terrorists and on the top of it the drone attacks hitting millions of Pakistani people living in the areas bordering Afghanistan where the USA-led western allies including Australia have unleashed a war on terror in the pursuit of Al-Qaeda chief. He is no more but the spillover of terrorism in Pakistan has virtually brought country on the brink of collapse; terrorists have turned their guns and explosives to the Pakistan government for being the frontline state in the USA-led war on terror. Ferocious revenge of the militants has brought the industrial wheels to a grinding halt; top businessmen have either left the country or planning to desert their homeland along with their businesses and capital. The energy crisis has forced the people to spend hot and humid summer without power and winter without heating facility in chilly nights. In fact the country is pushed back to the Dark Age. Even the worst is scenario in the entire FATA where once well-established families are facing starvation in so-called relief camps yet Pakistan is footing the bill for the war on terror imposed on it. The government and the international donors too have turned their face off, on one pretext or the other. Hundreds of the minors, elderly women of the IDPs, members of once the most respectable families of the areas, have resorted to begging in the streets. Ironically the western allies are unmoved. Under these circumstances, the Australian government’s asylum offer to over 2,500 Hazara families of Balochistan may bring back some hope on the faces of the people in need. Will it put an end to source that brought all these miseries? No way is the answer. Had sufferings of the people been confined to just one Hazara tribe, the offer was more than welcome. Otherwise, the Australian offer is not the solution to the situation. The best advice, one would expect, is to help quell the source of trouble that is behind the unrest and repeated genocides in the country. If at all, the west including Australia wish to alleviate or share the sufferings of the people in Pakistan, the best discourse is to persuade the forces—including foreign militants or alleged Blackwater agents active in the region to serve their own interests -- to stay off and leave Pakistan alone to deal with the disgruntled elements. Too much foreign interference, for one reason or the other, in the internal affairs of Pakistan has made the matter extremely complicated. Pakistan needs realistic diplomatic help to whip off involvement of foreign hands in the country rather than offering minor gains here or there. The Pakistani rulers must also raise themselves to the occasion to rebuild the nation rather accepting such publicity-stunts being offered to them. Pakistan has done it before and can do the same now.
Brain Researchers Uncover Secrets of Memory
Much research on the human brain is focused on understanding how people form memories, store them and retrieve them. Now, a study by scientists at the University of California-Davis and the University of Texas Health Science Center in Houston is providing new insight into the process. As VOA's Greg Flakus reports, researchers at the two schools found that separate areas of the brain coordinate much like little radio stations -- to form memories involving time and space.
On blasting Morsi into space

BY: Sara Abou BakrEgyptians have done it again. After ousting a dictator two years ago, now they are sending their first elected civilian president into space.

In Paid Family Leave, U.S. Trails Most of the Globe

U.S: What do possible spending cuts mean for you?
Visit NBCNews.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy
It’s just six days away from the across-the-board spending cuts and there’s no deal in sight. Hundreds of thousands of government employees could be furloughed and economists warn the economy could suffer in the long run.
Refusing to See the Obvious in Afghanistan
http://carnegieendowment.orgOn 4 February, Afghan president Hamid Karzai and Pakistani president Asif Ali Zardari met near London at the invitation of British prime minister David Cameron. The summit was also attended by the two nations’ foreign ministers, top military leaders and intelligence chiefs, and seems to have been successful in a number of areas. The two heads of state vowed to work toward a peace deal for Afghanistan within six months, reaffirmed their aim to conclude a strategic partnership, backed the opening of an Afghan office in Doha to conduct direct negotiations with the Taliban and reaffirmed their hopes of signing an agreement to strengthen ties on economic and security issues later this year. The sudden abundance of apparent goodwill in the Afghan–Pakistani relationship stems from the fear that dramatic instability — and even civil war — could result when foreign troops leave Afghanistan in 2014. Chaos would devastate Afghanistan of course, but it would damage Pakistan too.Yet behind this apparent convergence of interests lie deeper contradictions that will colour any Afghan–Pakistani settlement. Pakistan supported the Afghan Taliban for almost two decades, but now fears that Afghanistan may become a sanctuary for terrorist groups that target the Pakistani state. Islamabad already suspects Kabul of supporting, at least passively, anti-Pakistan groups as a way to compensate for its conventional military inferiority vis-à-vis Pakistan. This fear of terrorism seems to have temporarily superseded traditional Pakistani anxieties about issues such as India’s influence in Afghanistan or the resurgence of Pashtun irredentist claims. But these issues will continue to worry Pakistan. It is particularly concerned about Pashtun separatism, which finds expression in traditional secular forms but is also articulated around Islamist principles. The Taliban on both sides of the Afghan–Pakistani border is supportive of Pashtun tribesmen, and the so-called Durand Line — the putative border between Pakistan and Afghanistan — remains unrecognised by Afghanistan. Kabul has insecurities of its own, too. In the short term, any peace deal will have to involve the Afghan Taliban, which refuses to negotiate with an Afghan government that it views as a puppet of the United States. The Pakistani government has not yet demonstrated its capacity or willingness to bring the Taliban to the bargaining table. This, in turn, feeds President Karzai’s suspicions that Pakistan is deliberately preventing the Taliban from entering into negotiations with his government. The recent release of Afghan Taliban prisoners by Pakistan, supposedly to facilitate the dialogue between the group and the government in Kabul, has done little to assuage these fears. Some of the released prisoners are even suspected to be back in battle in Afghanistan. These mutual suspicions do not augur well for a strategic partnership. By definition, such a partnership should be based on a convergence of strategic interests, but even the most charitable view of the Afghan–Pakistani relationship sees only very limited shared goals. The two countries’ shared economic interests have so far proven insufficient to allow them to overcome their deep-seated mistrust of one another. It is a mistake to believe — as many in Washington and London seem to — that a peace agreement in Afghanistan will be the product of a bilateral settlement between the Afghan and Pakistani governments. The consolidation of the Afghan state and the strengthening of its sovereignty should come first. No sustainable improvement of relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan is likely without a stronger Afghan state. With the Afghan presidential election on the horizon in 2014, the objective of any third party, mediator or facilitator should be the creation of a provisional unity government that represents all of the country’s major stakeholders. Reconciliation within Afghanistan will create new opportunities for Afghan–Pakistani partnerships. A stronger Afghan state is the best guarantee against any predominant foreign influence in the country, and would deprive regional actors of the ability to use Afghanistan as a battlefield in a proxy war. It would also enable some Afghan–Pakistani cooperation in security matters, without which any economic cooperation will inevitably remain limited. Time is running short, and the London summit probably reflects nothing more than a Western desire to find an honourable way out of Afghanistan. Not much can be expected from a process that tries to broker a peace deal between an isolated lame-duck government in Kabul and an absentee insurgent group supported by a third party with a history of sabotaging all attempts at reconciliation. Any lasting settlement will have to include regional actors like Pakistan. But the more urgent task is for Afghans themselves to undertake a meaningful dialogue before the election. Such a dialogue would give a sense of the actual strength of each of the country’s political actors, foster coalition building and most importantly help identify minimum common political platforms. As modest as this seems, it would constitute a first and crucial step toward real stability in Afghanistan.
Talk of peace with Pakistan Taliban angers victims
Associated Press

Bangladesh: Protesters want more than death sentences

Bangladesh students rally over war crimes trials
http://www.thehindu.comThousands of students have rallied in Bangladesh’s capital demanding death to Islamic political party leaders who are on trial for alleged war crimes during the country’s 1971 independence war. Eight top leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami, the country’s largest Islamic party, are being tried on charges of mass killings, rapes and arson during Bangladesh’s nine-month war of separation from Pakistan. Earlier this month, a tribunal convicted party leader Abdul Quader Mollah of mass killings during the war and sentenced him to life in prison, a verdict considered lenient by many Bangladeshis. On Saturday, about 5,000 students shouted “Death to the killers” as they rallied in Dhaka, the capital. The government says it will appeal Mollah’s sentence before the Supreme Court this coming week, asking for the death penalty for the 65-year-old.
State of Indigenous Languages in Pakistan
By Fazal Baloch Since 2000, February 21st is regularly observed as the International Mother Language Day all over the world. Feb 21st is one of the gory episodes, Pakistan encountered in the post partition period. On this bleak day at Dhaka police opened indiscriminate fire on Bengali students, demonstrating for the implementation of Bengali as the national language in the then Eastern wing of Pakistan. A number of students died in the incident. The day is marked as the Language Movement Day in Bangladesh to honour the sacrifices of the students who laid their life to protect their distinct lingual identity. The seed of discomfort sowed by this massacre latter turned into a giant tree bearing the fruit of an independent statehood for the Bengali masses. Recognizing the sacrifices of Bengali students, in Oct 1999 the UNESCO announced to commemorate this day as the International Mother Language Day. Now the day is aimed at spreading worldwide awareness about various languages, their literature, cultural heritage and above all, to preserve those languages which are steadily slipping to the edge of extinction for certain socio-political and geographical reasons. It is more than six decades since Pakistan has witnessed the deadly Urdu-Bengali riots yet state of affairs remains more or less the same. Centuries old indigenous languages like Balochi, Pashtu, Sindhi, Punjabi and the likes are compartmentalized as regional or sub-national languages. They are continued to be outrightly neglected and denied the due recognition. Life has never been smooth sailing in Pakistan for indigenous languages given the hegemony of a dominant language especially Urdu which is the mother language of less than 10% of the total Pakistani population. Except for Sindhi and Pashtu in few parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwah, children are altogether denied basic education in their relative mother languages. It was only during the reign of Nawab Bugti in the late 80s when Balochi was briefly included in school curriculum. But the process was wound up with the end of Bugti’s rule in the early 90s. Such types of discriminatory policies on the part of the state has developed a sense of alienation and discomfort amongst the native speakers of these indigenous languages. Dominance of major languages over suppressed ones leads to the socio-cultural and linguistic slavery of the oppressed masses. This sort of servitude breeds a myriad of hassles for aboriginal speakers. It dumps them into the abyss of inferiority complex that the language they speak may not brave the challenges of the time. The monopoly of Urdu over Balochi, Pashtu, Sindhi and Punjabi which have a far longer life history than that of Urdu can be seen in this perspective. A section of the Pakistani intelligentsia is driven by the delusion that if the indigenous languages are given the national status they may cause a certain type of anti-state sentiments amongst the speakers of these languages which may not bode well for the unity of the federation. In May, 2011, the National Assembly rejected a private member bill submitted by Marvi Memon, seeking national status for six indigenous languages alongside Urdu including Balochi, Sindhi, Pashtu, Punjabi, Saraiki and Shina. The bill, which stirred the hornet bee, was declared as a move to undermine Pakistan and otherwise to the vision of Mohammad Ali Jinnah who ignoring the linguistic diversity of Pakistan, imposed Urdu as the national language of the newly created state. The mindset which stayed behind the rejection of that bill is the main barrier in the way of promotion of indigenous languages which needs immediate redressing. The actual idea behind the imposition of Urdu as the national language was to create a sense of uniformity amongst various ethno-linguistic entities of Pakistan by tying them with ‘one language one religion’ string. Though it has emerged as the lingua franca across the country, it has not yet managed to take over the place of mother languages in the heart of indigenous people living across the length and breadth of the country. A language is not a mere tool of communication encompassing a set of alphabets, a certain type of phonemes and orthography. Rather it is an integral part of one’s socio-cultural identity. Since time immemorial, it has been an identity symbol and sense of pride for people around the world. Thus the ignorance of a language amounts to the ignorance of a social identity, cultural entity and a sense of pride. It is unfortunate that after the lapse of more than six decades, Pakistan is yet to acknowledge its linguistic and cultural diversity. The official apathy and negligence has posed a serious threat to the survival of a number age-old languages in Pakistan. In 2011 UNESCO identified 28 endangered languages in Pakistan. Of these languages, six are categorized as ‘severely endangered languages’ and these includes Chilisso, Dameli, Damaaki, Gowro, Kalasha and Kalkoti. The disappearance of these languages from the scene will be a colossal culture loss and a serious blow to the linguistic diversity of Pakistan. The government should materialize some result oriented measures to ensure that treasure trove of these languages are passed on to the younger generation which is one of the most effective ways to preserve any language from extinction. It is time the linguistic dictatorship, which has been imposed sine the inception of the country, was lifted and the due national status of all indigenous languages were acknowledged.The Baloch Hal
Hazaras demand joint parliamentary session over Quetta killings

Pakistan: Dealing with extremist thugs
Daily TimesBy: Dr Haider Shah The carnage in Quetta is the deadly outcome of our glorification of violent extremism as an instrument of internal and external policies As the election days are drawing closer, the national scene is getting murkier and bloodier. Without mincing any words, the ‘prophet of doom’ Mr Rehman Malik has issued a warning of more mayhem. Whether the sudden surge in violent attacks along sectarian lines is a string of unrelated incidents or part of well-planned conspiracy to derail the upcoming elections is anybody’s guess. The water tanker-led explosion is reverberating in the national discourse, rendering our social psyche extremely bruised. Last time the provincial government of Balochistan was sent packing in order to appease the grief-stricken and wailing relatives of the victims of a genocidal bomb attack on the Hazara community. I had then termed the move a Paracetamol tablet to soothe the pain on a very temporary basis. The demon of religious hatred has struck again with deadlier consequences. Now the leaders of the Hazara community have gone a step further, asking the army to take charge and provide them with security. It is a case of not seeing the wood for the trees. The carnage in Quetta is the deadly outcome of our glorification of violent extremism as an instrument of internal and external policies. What we see today has not happened overnight. It is the result of our gradual drift towards religious extremism. When heroin is puffed on for the first time, it brings ecstatic delight. The long-term consequences, however, soon come home to roost. In the wake of unrest and uproar over rising extremist attacks, there are three worrying strands of thinking that need to be addressed. First, the conspiracy theory lovers are again ducking the real problem and are laying the blame at the doorstep of international conspirators. Second, some commentators are treating the Hazara problem as a mere security lapse and are therefore looking for easy, surface level remedial measures. Third, there appears to be a complete lack of will on the part of various organs of the state on the question of developing a strategic response to the existentialist threat posed by extremist outfits. Let us consider these interrelated concerns one by one. The condemnation of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) by Imran Khan after it accepted responsibility for the latest attack on the Shia community in Quetta came to me as a pleasant surprise. One however wishes he finds time to read Saleem Shahzad’s book, which details how extremist groups have developed a well-knit network through al Qaeda strategists. Condemning LeJ while refusing to acknowledge the dangers that the Taliban-led network poses to our internal security can at best be expressed as the state of confusion that characterises certain sections of our political leadership. The pleasant surprise over the naming of the LeJ also proved short-lived, as the very next day the ‘messiah’ of Pakistan was again blaming international players for the Quetta situation without naming any of these players. Let us, for the sake of argument, accept that foreign powers are remote-controlling the extremist incidents. Why is that they are so successful in making us slit each other’s throats while they themselves live in peace and harmony? Why cannot we do the same in their countries and egg them on to have sectarian wars among various Christian groups? Perhaps we are an easy prey because we already have accumulated heaps of the ammunition of hate and animosity all around us. While stocking our houses with inflammable powder, we keep meddling in the affairs of other countries and then expect no reprisals at the same time. In our case it is known to all that merely a matchstick is required to set an Ojhri camp-style violence in motion. Violence is like a demon that resides inside our brains. It gets nourished and grows in size and power when we hate fellow countrymen on the basis of personal faith. Very early on in Pakistan’s history we began a violent hate-ridden campaign against one community on the basis of faith and took great happiness in vilifying it through our constitution and then sanctioning physical attacks on them. Encouraged by that success and glamorisation of violence, now the demon is stronger and attacking another faith community. As we remain silent, the demon will continue growing in size and vigour and in the end devour us all. For considering the remaining two points, I would recall how the government of the East India Company (EIC) in the early 19th century dealt with a troubling source of the law and order problem in the then Indian society. The source of trouble was traced to the wandering groups known as ‘Thugs’ who operated as gangs of professional assassins. Disguised as travellers, these Thugs would befriend other travellers and after gaining confidence would strangle their hapless victims by tossing a handkerchief or noose around their necks. Like their Taliban counterparts, these Thugs also performed the killings for religious devotion, in honour of the Hindu goddess Kali. They worked so discreetly that the British rulers only became aware when some of their own men started disappearing without a trace. In those times, when no modern facilities of intelligence were available, the EIC administrators launched a successful operation with the help of specific Anti-Thuggery and Dacoity Laws and strict enforcement. William Bentinck is credited with eradicating the menace of the Thugs by relentless effort. If the government and its intelligence and law-enforcement agencies are determined, I do not see any reason why we cannot eradicate the thugs of 21st century Pakistan.
Pakistan: Tomorrow never comes
The Frontier PostRepeated mass killings in terrorist attacks have left the nation in total disarray—non-stop chatter Interior Minister Rehman Malik is no different. On Wednesday, Rehman Malik put up a flimsy defense in the Senate to his failure against the security lapses that gave vent to terrorism particularly in Balochistan and in other provinces, saying that the real ire of terrorist attacks should be chief ministers because law and order was responsibility of provincial governments under the 18th Amendment. If that is the case why is he poking his nose in the provincial affairs? A question many need to ask. Anyhow, he went on to say that ‘instead of criticizing him summon all the four chief ministers and ask them what’s going on why didn’t they act on the intelligence shared by the federation. Perhaps in the heat of the moment he forgot that the province of Balochistan is governed by the governor not by a chief minister hence the responsibility for provision of security to life and property rests on the federal government. ‘Knowledgeable’ Malik, sharing his ‘valuable intelligence’ with the Senate says there exists a nexus among Al-Qaeda, LeJ and Balochistan Liberation Army and Sipah-e-Sahaba and Jaish-e-Muhammad and are also involved in terrorism, and added that he provided a list of 3117 suspected terrorists, of which, 31 operatives of Lahore-based LeJ, had recently been arrested in Karachi. Even worst followed in his rhetoric that the Punjab houses hubs of terrorists and warned of direct intervention if the provincial government failed to eliminate the terrorists. The menace of terror continued throughout the term of the incumbent government, express Interior Minister should also tell the people despite inability of the provincial governments for nearly five years, what he is waiting for why the issue has not dealt forthwith. Perhaps, Malik is waiting for tomorrow that never comes. Like him, the ISI too attempted to absolve itself in a report submitted to the Supreme Court of Pakistan of intelligence debacle that resulted systematic cleansing of Hazaras. The worst part is the two—the ISI and Malik—have pointed the fingers at the Punjab—a relatively safe province to live—of having some linkage with the banned outfits. Secondly, the reports say that explosives were purchased and transported from Lahore to Quetta to carry out Hazaras’ massacres. Indeed, there is no mechanism in place to check dealings of chemicals in the province. Earlier, a call for placing bar on the sale of chemicals and material being used in explosive-making was heard from Afghanistan and now it is coming from within the country. The Punjab Chief Minister, who had managed the province relatively better, must not take the finger pointing easy rather should launch a hot pursuit against the terrorist hubs operating in the province if there is any. Even serious are the reports of Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah’s suspected association with the LeJ operative Malik Ishaq and others—a charge that Rana denies. Yet the reports had been in the air for quite some time that he had been active to bring some extremists from South Punjab, willing to surrender militancy, into mainstream politics. Whatever the role he had played in South Punjab does underscore a need for immediate scrutiny at the highest level. Over 44 percent of country’s religious schools, said to be breeding extremism, are working in South Punjab which may have formed the basis for the Interior Minister to belief that out of 1,764 persons associated with the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Jaish-e-Muhammad, 726 belonged to South Punjab. Again he knows yet he failed to move the authorities concerned to introduce uniform syllabus under a watchful regulatory authority. Agree or not, the fact is the federal and provincial governments, though claim to have been fighting out terrorism, have failed to do enough to stem extremism. Now the internal situation has become extremely critical rather the country is at the crossroads. Much-wanted decisions to save Pakistan should have come much earlier. Alas! Lack of political will to transform the country is hurting today. The incumbent government has, for sure, failed to prioritize the issues confronting the nation hence Rehman Malik seems engaged in fighting a lost case for the rulers since the role of the Interior Ministry sounds of a post office sending and receiving the dispatches, having no say in the Administrative hierarchy at any level. Now term of the government is going to expire in less than a month time thus the government is left with no time to deliver at any front. If they hope for tomorrow it never comes.
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