Friday, December 28, 2018

Music Video - Despacito Luis Fonsi ft Daddy Yankee

Video Report - The World This Year: Our look back at 2018

Video Report - Riot Control: #French govt to buy more non-lethal weapons despite serious injuries

The U.S. needs a reset in its relations with Saudi Arabia

By Will Hurd
Fifteen months ago in Riyadh, I met Mohammed bin Salman, who was then deputy crown prince of Saudi Arabia, for the first time. During that meeting, I heard bin Salman say something I had never heard an Arab leader admit before — that Islamist extremism is a problem within Islam and must be solved by Muslims with the help of Western democracies. At the time, I never would have thought the crown prince would be implicated in the gruesome murder of a journalist. After becoming crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman began implementing much-needed social reforms in Saudi Arabia, including allowing women to drive and reopening movie theaters for the first time in decades. The next time I met him in Washington, he explained the importance of these reforms for revitalizing Saudi society and the economy. After all, a prosperous Saudi Arabia is very much in America’s interest. Like so many other Western officials, I had hopes that he would lead Saudi Arabia in a positive new direction free from oppression and political persecution.
The murder of Jamal Khashoggi has largely destroyed those hopes.
Freedom of the press underpins free societies around the world. Unfortunately, acts of violence and intimidation against journalists, such as Khashoggi’s atrocious murder, are all too common. As of Dec. 14, 34 journalists have been killed in retaliation for their work in 2018, according for the Committee to Protect Journalists, nearly double the number in 2017. The United States must not only unequivocally support international press freedom but also condemn all leaders who intimidate, imprison or murder journalists and dissidents, including Russian President Vladimir Putin, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Sanctioning any Saudi official involved in Khashoggi’s murder is the right decision and reaffirms America’s commitment to human rights and civil liberties. Now we face the challenge of balancing those values with U.S. security needs in the Gulf region. The U.S.-Saudi relationship has been an important part of our foreign policy in the Middle East for more than 70 years. Today, Saudi Arabia and its partners in the Gulf are crucial allies in the fight against terrorism, as well as efforts to counter the rogue and destabilizing regime in Iran. They are doing both in Yemen, where the Saudis and Emiratis are fighting al-Qaeda, the Islamic State and a rebel group backed by Iran. In the past three years, the Houthi rebels in Yemen have launched more than 130 Iranian-supplied ballistic missiles at Saudi cities. The Houthi advance has also raised the possibility that a hostile rebel group could seize power on Saudi Arabia’s southern border.
At the same time, the war has also created a serious humanitarian crisis with appalling civilian casualties, the destruction of hospitals, schools and water supplies, and more than 8 million people in need of emergency food aid. Here, too, we must urge both sides to do the right thing. The Saudi government must change its policies, or the United States will find it impossible to stand behind a regime that has joined the ranks of states willing to murder those who disagree with or criticize its policies. If the crown prince and the government of Saudi Arabia do not change course, then King Salman, the leader of Saudi Arabia, must rethink who should be his successor.
In the aftermath of Khashoggi’s murder, there must be dramatic and demonstrated change in policy in Riyadh. First and foremost, we need meaningful commitments from the Saudis that they will respect human rights. This will require frank conversations between U.S. officials and their Saudi counterparts. The crown prince should immediately release all imprisoned dissidents, including Raif Badawi, Samar Badawi and other women’s rights activists who were arrested earlier this year. The Saudis also must follow through on holding all of the officials involved in Khashoggi’s murder accountable.
In Yemen, meanwhile, diplomatic cooperation with the U.N. special envoy must continue to bring an end to the war and resulting humanitarian crisis. The recent cease-fire in the port of Hodeidah, a crucial entry point for humanitarian aid, is a welcome first step to relieving the suffering of the Yemeni people. Any work on a potential peace settlement must safeguard the well-being of Yemenis while preventing Iran or any terrorist groups from gaining a foothold on the Arabian Peninsula. Finally, Congress should require that future arms sales to Saudi Arabia be preconditioned on real social and human rights progress. Such a policy will take into account the importance of Saudi Arabia to our interests in the region while also standing up for our values. Saudi Arabia is a crucial ally in the Middle East, supporting U.S. efforts to fight terrorism and halt the ambitions of a hostile and increasingly aggressive Iran. But the murder of Jamal Khashoggi represented a blatant disregard for human rights and an unfortunate reversal from the hopes many of us had for the new Saudi leader. The crown prince and his government must change course, or there will need to be new Saudi leadership if the close, decades-long cooperation between Washington and Riyadh is to continue.

Arms Sales to Saudis Leave American Fingerprints on Yemen’s Carnage

By Declan Walsh and Eric Schmitt
When a Saudi F-15 warplane takes off from King Khalid air base in southern Saudi Arabia for a bombing run over Yemen, it is not just the plane and the bombs that are American.
American mechanics service the jet and carry out repairs on the ground. American technicians upgrade the targeting software and other classified technology, which Saudis are not allowed to touch. The pilot has likely been trained by the United States Air Force. And at a flight operations room in the capital, Riyadh, Saudi commanders sit near American military officials who provide intelligence and tactical advice, mainly aimed at stopping the Saudis from killing Yemeni civilians.
American fingerprints are all over the air war in Yemen, where errant strikes by the Saudi-led coalition have killed more than 4,600 civilians, according to a monitoring group. In Washington, that toll has stoked impassioned debate about the pitfalls of America’s alliance with Saudi Arabia under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who relies on American support to keep his warplanes in the air. Saudi Arabia entered the war in 2015, allying with the United Arab Emirates and a smattering of Yemeni factions with the goal of ousting the Iran-allied Houthi rebels from northern Yemen. Three years on, they have made little progress. At least 60,000 Yemenis have died in the war, and the country stands on the brink of a calamitous famine. For American officials, the stalled war has become a strategic and moral quagmire. It has upended the assumptions behind the decades-old policy of selling powerful weapons to a wealthy ally that, until recently, rarely used them. It has raised questions about complicity in possible war crimes. And the civilian toll has posed a troubling dilemma: how to support Saudi allies while keeping the war’s excesses at arm’s length. In interviews, 10 current and former United States officials portrayed a troubled and fractious American response to regular reports of civilians killed in coalition airstrikes.
The Pentagon and State Department have denied knowing whether American bombs were used in the war’s most notorious airstrikes, which have struck weddings, mosques and funerals. However, a former senior State Department official said that the United States had access to records of every airstrike over Yemen since the early days of the war, including the warplane and munitions used. At the same time, American efforts to advise the Saudis on how to protect civilians often came to naught. The Saudis whitewashed an American-sponsored initiative to investigate errant airstrikes and often ignored a voluminous no-strike list. “In the end, we concluded that they were just not willing to listen,” said Tom Malinowski, a former assistant secretary of state and an incoming member of Congress from New Jersey. “They were given specific coordinates of targets that should not be struck and they continued to strike them. That struck me as a willful disregard of advice they were getting.” Yet American military support for the airstrikes continued. While American officials often protested civilian deaths in public, two presidents ultimately stood by the Saudis. President Obama gave the war his qualified approval to assuage Saudi anger over his Iran nuclear deal. President Trump embraced Prince Mohammed and bragged of multibillion-dollar arms deals with the Saudis.
As bombs fell on Yemen, the United States continued to train the Royal Saudi Air Force. In 2017, the United States military announced a $750 million program focused on how to carry out airstrikes, including avoiding civilian casualties. The same year, Congress authorized the sale of more than $510 million in precision-guided munitions to Saudi Arabia, which had been suspended by the Obama administration in protest of civilian casualties. Nearly 100 American military personnel are advising or assisting the coalition war effort, although fewer than 35 are based in Saudi Arabia. American support for the war met stiff headwinds this fall, when congressional fury over the murder of the Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi combined with worries over civilian deaths in Yemen. In response, the Trump administration ended American air-to-air refueling of coalition warplanes over Yemen in November but has otherwise continued to support the war. This month, the Senate voted to end American military assistance to the war altogether, a sharp rebuke to the Trump administration, but the bill died when the House refused to consider it. The civilian toll is still rising. According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, November was the most violent month in Yemen since the group began tracking casualties in January 2016. There were 3,058 war-related fatalities in November, it said, including 80 civilians killed in airstrikes.
For decades, the United States sold tens of billions of dollars in arms to Saudi Arabia on an unspoken premise: that they would rarely be used. The Saudis amassed the world’s third-largest fleet of F-15 jets, after the United States and Israel, but their pilots almost never saw action. They shot down two Iranian jets over the Persian Gulf in 1984, two Iraqi warplanes during the 1991 gulf war and they conducted a handful of bombing raids along the border with Yemen in 2009. The United States had similar expectations for its arms sales to other Persian Gulf countries. “There was a belief that these countries wouldn’t end up using this equipment, and we were just selling them expensive paperweights,” said Andrew Miller, a former State Department official now with the Project on Middle East Democracy. Then came Prince Mohammed bin Salman. When the prince, then the Saudi defense minister, sent fighter jets to Yemen in March 2015, Pentagon officials were flustered to receive just 48 hours notice of the first strikes against Houthi rebels, two former senior American officials said. American officials were persuaded by Saudi assurances the campaign would be over in weeks. But as the weeks turned to years, and the prospect of victory receded, the Americans found themselves backing a military campaign that was exacting a steep civilian toll, largely as a result of Saudi and Emirati airstrikes. American military officials posted to the coalition war room in Riyadh noticed that inexperienced Saudi pilots flew at high altitudes to avoid enemy fire, military officials said. The tactic reduced the risk to the pilots but transferred it to civilians, who were exposed to less accurate bombings.
Coalition planners misidentified targets and their pilots struck them at the wrong time — destroying a vehicle as it passed through a crowded bazaar, for instance, instead of waiting until it reached an open road. The coalition routinely ignored a no-strike list — drawn up by the United States Central Command and the United Nations — of hospitals, schools and other places where civilians gathered. At times, coalition officers subverted their own chain of command. In one instance, a devastating strike that killed 155 people in a funeral hall was ordered by a junior officer who countermanded an order from a more senior officer, a State Department official said. The Americans offered help. The State Department financed an investigative body to review errant airstrikes and propose corrective action. Pentagon lawyers trained Saudi officers in the laws of war. Military officers suggested putting gun cameras on Saudi and Emiratis warplanes to see how strikes were being conducted. The coalition balked.
In June 2017, American officials extracted new promises of safeguards, including stricter rules of engagement and an expansion of the no-strike list to about 33,000 targets — provisions that allowed the secretary of state, then Rex W. Tillerson, to win support in Congress for the sale of more than $510 million in precision-guided munitions to the kingdom. But those measures seemed to make little difference. Just over a year later, in August 2018, a coalition airstrike killed at least 40 boys on a packed school bus in northern Yemen. Still, American leaders insisted they need to keep helping the Saudi coalition. America’s role in the war was “absolutely essential” to safeguard civilians, the general in charge of Central Command, Gen. Joseph L. Votel, told a charged Senate hearing in March. “I think this does give us the best opportunity to address these concerns,” he said. What the U.S. Knows
In March, Prince Mohammed paid a visit to Washington, where he was feted by President Trump. As the two leaders sat in the White House, Mr. Trump held aloft a chart with price-tagged photos of warplanes and other weapons. “$3 billion,” Mr. Trump said, pointing to the chart. “$533 million. $525 million. That’s peanuts for you.” The prince chuckled.
But in Congress, the mood was souring. In the March hearing, senators accused the Pentagon of being complicit in the coalition’s errant bombing, and pressed its leaders on how directly the United States was linked to atrocities. General Votel said the military knew little about that. The United States did not track whether the coalition jets that it refueled carried out the airstrikes that killed civilians, he said, and did not know when they used American-made bombs. At a briefing in Cairo in August, a senior United States official echoed that assessment. “I would assume the Saudis have an inventory system that traces that information,” said the official, who spoke anonymously to discuss diplomatically sensitive relations. “But that’s not information that is available to the U.S.” But Larry Lewis, a State Department adviser on civilian harm who worked with the Saudi-led coalition from 2015 to 2017, said that information was readily available from an early stage. At the coalition headquarters in Riyadh, he said, American liaison officers had access to a database that detailed every airstrike: warplane, target, munitions used and a brief description of the attack. American officials frequently emailed him copies of a spreadsheet for his own work, he said.
The data could easily be used to pinpoint the role of American warplanes and bombs in any single strike, he said. “If the question was “Hey, was that a U.S. munition they used?” You would know that it was,” he said. Capt. Bill Urban, a spokesman for Central Command, did not deny the existence of the database, but said that American officers only used coalition data to carry out their core mission: advising on civilian casualties, sharing intelligence on Houthi threats and coordinating the midair refueling that ended in November. “I will not speculate on how the United States could have used or compiled the information the Saudi-led coalition shared for some other function,” he said in a statement. “That is not the mission these advisers were invited to Riyadh to perform. That is not the way partnerships work.”
Other officials have said that collating information about use of American munitions in Yemen would be onerous and, ultimately, pointless. “What difference would it make?” the senior United States official in Cairo said. But legal experts say such information could be significant. Inside the State Department, there have been longstanding worries about potential legal liability for the American role in the war. In August, the United Nations’ human rights body determined that some coalition airstrikes were likely war crimes. Under American law, customers of American weapons must follow the laws of armed conflict or future sales may be blocked, said Ryan Goodman, a former Defense Department attorney who teaches law at New York University. Mr. Lewis, who left the State Department in 2017, said that in his experience, individual Saudi officers were often concerned or distressed by airstrikes that killed civilians but there was little institutional effort to reform the system. The Joint Incidents Assessment Team, the body set up to investigate errant strikes, worked diligently at first, he said. But when its findings were made public, the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs had removed any references that were critical of coalition actions. Asked if that was the case, the Saudi ambassador to Yemen, Mohamed Al Jaber, said, “The JIAT is an independent team,” and he referred any questions to them.
“I will not speculate on how the United States could have used or compiled the information the Saudi-led coalition shared for some other function,” he said in a statement. “That is not the mission these advisers were invited to Riyadh to perform. That is not the way partnerships work.” Other officials have said that collating information about use of American munitions in Yemen would be onerous and, ultimately, pointless. “What difference would it make?” the senior United States official in Cairo said. But legal experts say such information could be significant. Inside the State Department, there have been longstanding worries about potential legal liability for the American role in the war. In August, the United Nations’ human rights body determined that some coalition airstrikes were likely war crimes.
“I will not speculate on how the United States could have used or compiled the information the Saudi-led coalition shared for some other function,” he said in a statement. “That is not the mission these advisers were invited to Riyadh to perform. That is not the way partnerships work.” Other officials have said that collating information about use of American munitions in Yemen would be onerous and, ultimately, pointless. “What difference would it make?” the senior United States official in Cairo said. But legal experts say such information could be significant. Inside the State Department, there have been longstanding worries about potential legal liability for the American role in the war. In August, the United Nations’ human rights body determined that some coalition airstrikes were likely war crimes.
Under American law, customers of American weapons must follow the laws of armed conflict or future sales may be blocked, said Ryan Goodman, a former Defense Department attorney who teaches law at New York University. Mr. Lewis, who left the State Department in 2017, said that in his experience, individual Saudi officers were often concerned or distressed by airstrikes that killed civilians but there was little institutional effort to reform the system. The Joint Incidents Assessment Team, the body set up to investigate errant strikes, worked diligently at first, he said. But when its findings were made public, the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs had removed any references that were critical of coalition actions. Asked if that was the case, the Saudi ambassador to Yemen, Mohamed Al Jaber, said, “The JIAT is an independent team,” and he referred any questions to them. Obfuscation and impunity continue to characterize the coalition’s airstrike campaign. The coalition rarely identifies which country carries out an airstrike, although the vast majority are Saudi and Emirati, officials say. In July, King Salman of Saudi Arabia issued an order lifting “all military and disciplinary penalties” for Saudi troops fighting in Yemen, an apparent amnesty for possible war crimes. Over the summer, as Emirati warplanes pounded the Red Sea port of Hudaydah, General Votel and the defense secretary at the time, Jim Mattis, held at least 10 phone calls or video conferences with Saudi and Emirati leaders, urging them to show restraint, a senior American military official and a senior Western official said.
At least one of the conferences involved Mohammed bin Zayed, the crown prince of Abu Dhabi and the effective leader of the United Arab Emirates. “The Saudis are decent partners,” Gen. C.Q. Brown Jr., a former top commander of American air forces in the Middle East, said in an interview. “And sometimes our partners don’t always do things we would expect.” Short of halting all weapons sales, critics say the United States could pressure the Saudis by curtailing its assistance to the air war. Hundreds of American aviation mechanics and other specialists, working under Defense Department contracts, keep the Saudi F-15 fleet in the air. In 2017, Boeing signed a $480 million contract for service repairs to the fleet. But after the departure of Mr. Mattis, who resigned last week, the Defense Department will be helmed by Patrick M. Shanahan, an arms industry insider. Mr. Shanahan, the acting defense secretary as of Jan 1., spent more than three decades at Boeing, the F-15 manufacturer which has earned further billions from lucrative service contracts in Saudi Arabia.
Pentagon officials said that in his current job as deputy defense secretary, Mr. Shanahan had recused himself from decisions involving Boeing. Daniel L. Byman, a professor at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, said that a more robust policy toward Saudi airstrikes would not just be good for Yemeni civilians — it would also help the Saudis.
“This war has been a strategic disaster for the Saudis,” he said. The airstrikes have shown no sign of defeating the Houthis, and the Houthis’ foreign ally, Iran, has gained from Saudi Arabia’s clumsy prosecution of the war. “The United States needs to use its power to promote peace and stability in Yemen,” Mr. Byman said. “And it needs to protect its allies from themselves.”

Pashto Music Video - زر زری شالونه - ساره سحر

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Pashto Music Video - Laila Khan - Guzzraan Na Kegi

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For Pakistan, 2018 was just another year of the generals

Pakistan’s military feels that it has created unity of command in 2018 without a military coup.
Pakistan ends 2018 with a sharply devalued rupee, greater dependence on foreign largesse, lower credit rating, and even less democracy than before.
The year witnessed the imprisonment of a former prime minister and the selection of a new one – Imran Khan – hailed as the country’s saviour by some and seen as an inexperienced and dimwitted demagogue by others.
The turbulence in Pakistan’s politics began well before 2018 and will probably continue for years to come. But this was the year when the all-powerful military stopped pretending that elected civilians run the country’s affairs.
Everybody knows that the military has been Pakistan’s most powerful institution since 1951. But after the collapse of the military regime headed by General Pervez Musharraf in 2008, it was assumed that the generals had learnt their lesson. Instead of assuming power directly, they seemed willing to share responsibility for running the country with elected politicians.
The politicians pushed for greater control over policy-making in the last decade. The 18th amendment to Pakistan’s constitution enhanced the authority of the provinces, giving them greater control over economic resources.
There was deference to the military’s concerns in foreign policy and matters pertaining to national security. But the two generals succeeding Musharraf as chief of army staff went to great lengths to keep up appearances of constitutional governance and civilian rule. Many around the world bought into the idea of gradual democratisation of Pakistan.
All that changed once the current army chief, General Qamar Bajwa, threw down the gauntlet to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Bajwa was not content with a personality cult for himself, like the one General Raheel Sharif had built. Nor did he focus solely on getting an extension in his three-year tenure, as General Ashfaq Kayani had preferred, although he still has another year in office and might seek that coveted extension.
Bajwa’s approach has been to virtually take over the civilian apparatus of state and to run the country, not from parliament or the presidency, but from General Headquarters (GHQ.)
“The military and the civilian government are on one page” is the new mantra in Pakistan.
The courts, especially the Supreme Court headed by Justice Saqib Nisar, seems to give judgments dictated by the military and any judge who does not toe the line is sidelined or removed. The media is tightly controlled and the general heading Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) is the virtual czar over the flow of information to Pakistan’s citizens.
After installing Imran Khan as the Prime Minister through an election that did not offer a level playing field to his rivals, the military has reverted Pakistan to where it was before the 2008 election that resulted in Musharraf’s removal from office. It is interesting that many of Khan’s ministers and close advisers are all individuals who held government positions under Musharraf.
From the generals’ point of view, things could not be better. They have an ostensibly civilian government in place, which can get the blame for Pakistan’s myriad problems, while the generals run the government. Who needs the title of president or chief martial law administrator (CMLA) when you can act as a ventriloquist and get the president, prime minister, and cabinet ministers to say and do exactly what you want?
The Pakistani military, like all militaries, is motivated by patriotism and its plan for effectively remaining in charge stems from several wrong assumptions. It assumes that diverse opinions and policy prescriptions are damaging for Pakistan; that politicians and independent thinking civilians are untrustworthy and lacking in national spirit; and that learning from the past means determining whom to blame rather than figuring out what those mistakes might have been.
That is why there has been a remarkable consistency in the core beliefs and thoughts of Pakistan’s top military commanders.
General Bajwa ended the year with the proclamation that Pakistan was the target of “a hybrid campaign”, in which “our own people” are major protagonists.
“Mostly misguided by ambitions, blinded by hate, ethnicity or religion or simply overawed by social media onslaught, some of our own boys and girls readily fall victim to such dangerous or hostile narratives,” he declared, implying that having a single narrative was all that was needed to protect Pakistan.
This way of thinking assumes that the normal exchange of ideas in a democracy is undesirable and is not unique to Bajwa. Pakistan’s first military ruler, Field Marshal Ayub Khan, spoke in a similar vein and most army chiefs since then have insisted on shutting down debate about what really ails Pakistan.
While the military leadership waged war against alternative narratives, Pakistan was put on the grey list of the UN’s Financial Action Task Force (FATF) that deals with money laundering and terrorist financing. Pakistan also ended up on the United States’ ‘countries of concern’ list in relation to religious freedom.
Dealing with internationally designated terrorist groups or protecting religious minorities simply do not feature among concerns of those who rule Pakistan, even if Imran Khan says it does. The country’s low ranking in most international indicators – its low literacy (which fell by 2 per cent over the last four years) and poor human capital – also are issues that get little mention and even less attention in the national discourse.
In international relations, deteriorating ties with the United States and India were put down to those countries’ arrogance. In the view from Islamabad, there is smugness about the ‘all-weather friendship’ with China coupled with the assumption that Pakistan’s strategic location makes it so important that some combination of powers would always be available as the country’s allies.
But the state of the economy is definitely a cause for anxiety. 2018 ended with the State Bank of Pakistan lowering its forecast for economic growth from 5.8 per cent to 4 per cent. The Pakistan rupee went through considerable devaluation during the year, foreign exchange reserves declined to precarious levels, and the stock market did not have a good year.
Pakistan found itself at the doorstep of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for its 13th bailout since the 1980s, with most analysts predicting that it would come with tough conditions.
Khan approached Pakistan’s few remaining friends in the international community –China, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – for loans and deposits to stave off a budgetary and foreign-exchange crisis.
The Saudis promised  $3 billion in the form of a deposit with the State Bank, of which $1 billion has been a delivered. The UAE promised another $3 billion deposit with the central bank. Saudi Arabia also announced that Pakistan would be allowed to defer payments on $3 billion of oil purchases for one year to preserve foreign exchange reserves. Negotiations with China for additional funds continued through the end of the year.
The Saudi and UAE deposits in the State Bank are short-term loans and at the end of the day, Pakistan needs to expand exports and increase remittances from overseas Pakistanis. There is no sign that exports would rise without a restructuring of the economy and growth in remittances was also flat.
There was no understanding among the men who rule Pakistan that economic performance is often linked to political stability and predictability as well as all the other things –like higher literacy, quality of education, human capital, openness to new ideas, social trust, ease of travel – that they do not wish to discuss.
With judicial manipulation, election interference, jailing and enforced disappearances of opponents, and a clampdown on the media, Pakistan’s military feels it has created unity of command in 2018 without a military coup. The generals and civilian ministers are said to be on the same page.
In 2019, we will find out whether the writing on that page will lead to a better outcome for Pakistan and Pakistanis than has been their fate for the several decades of military ascendancy.

Syed Ali Raza Abidi - Pakistani Party Blames Security Establishment for Killing of Former Lawmaker

By Salman Masood
A prominent secular political party on Wednesday accused Pakistan’s powerful security establishment of assassinating one of its former lawmakers a day earlier.
Syed Ali Raza Abidi, 46, was killed in a drive-by shooting on Tuesday evening outside his home in Karachi, a volatile city that is Pakistan’s commercial and economic hub. The party he once represented, Muttahida Qaumi Movement, called it a “coldblooded assassination” that was “part of a crackdown on the party by Pakistan’s military establishment.”
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or M.Q.M., controlled the politics of Karachi for decades, but has come under increasing pressure in recent years after a crackdown by security forces. The party’s founding leader, Altaf Hussain, has lived in self-imposed exile in London for the past two decades.
Critics said M.Q.M. maintained iron-fisted control over the city through fear and intimidation with a network of armed enforcers. The crackdown by security forces dismantled much of the party’s militant networks. The M.Q.M. fragmented into several factions, with each group vying for political legitimacy and control over Karachi.
Mr. Abidi was a well liked politician who had a large Twitter following and good relations with parties across the political spectrum.

He belonged to the Shiite Muslim sect, which has been targeted by extremist Sunni Muslim groups in the past.
“He was a liberal, progressive politician who was very vocal against religious extremism, sectarianism and intolerance,” said Owais Tohid, a veteran journalist and political analyst. “He was well entrenched in the civil society and campaigned for the rights of the religious minorities and the oppressed. His killing has come as a big shock,” he added.“He told me about receiving death threats when I spoke with him earlier this month,” Mr. Tohid said. “He said he was thinking of leaving the country. There could be political reasons behind his killing due to internal rivalries or his activism for rights groups.”
Mr. Abidi said in September that he was leaving the M.Q.M. But in recent weeks, he had been working to unite the different factions of the party.
His assassins seemed well trained and thorough. Two attackers followed Mr. Abidi’s S.U.V. as it pulled outside his residence in an upscale neighborhood of Karachi. CCTV footage showed one attacker getting off the motorbike as he took a few steps toward Mr. Abidi, who was sitting in the driving seat of the vehicle. After shooting multiple times, the attackers sped away.
On Sunday, two members of a breakaway faction, Pak Sarzameen Party (P.S.P.), which is considered close to the security establishment, were killed. The police said they were investigating the recent spate of killings, but it was too early to tell whether they were linked.
They said they were also looking into whether there were sectarian motives behind the latest attack.


It is very much unfortunate that the banned takfiri terrorist outfit Sipah-e-Sahaba’s ringleader was among a delegation of religious scholars and ulema who visited Miramshah and Mir Ali areas in North Waziristan tribal district where they were briefed about return of peace and normalcy in the region.

There, notorious head of banned militant outfit M Ahmed Ludhianvi’s presence cannot be called a prudent decision on the part of the power that be. The delegation in which renowned Shia Islamic scholars such as Allama Amin Shaheedi, Allama Iftikhar Hussain Naqvi, Allama Arif Hussain Wahidi, Deobandi cleric Mufti Mohammad Naeem, Sunni Bralevi Mohammad Raghib Hussain Naeemi, Pir Mohammad Aminul Hasanat and Council of Islamic Ideology chief Dr Qibla Ayaz were included, controversial figures and particularly heads of banned militant outfits should not have been part of that delegation.

The delegation also visited local garrison where they were briefed on the prevalent environment in North Waziristan, army’s operation against militancy and endeavours for socioeconomic uplift of people of the area. Genral officer commanding 7 Division, Major General Mumtaz Hussain, while interacting with ulema highlighted the measures being taken for development and economic revival in North Waziristan. The delegation appreciated the efforts and resolve of security personnel against militancy.

Later, the delegation drove through Miramshah city, witnessed Sarbankai Model Village, Miramshah bus stand, reconstructed market, DHQ hospital, Army Public School and Stadium Complex.
Thereafter, the delegation went to nearby Mirali town and besides interacting with Maliks they also visited Pak Sweet Homes Orphanage. The delegation members later departed for Islamabad.

However, for an ordinary Pakistani citizen, it is painful to see that those hatemongering who remains involved in terrorism, inciting people to violence against others in the name of sectarian differences, are produced as Mr. Clean. It was a wrong message and brings a bad name to Pakistan and tarnish its image.

#PPP - #PAKISTAN - Bilawal vows to ‘fight back’

Jamal Dawoodpoto
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Chairman Asif Ali Zardari on Thursday launched a broadside at the ruling Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government, saying ‘price-hike tsunami had sunken the entire economy and those who had pledged to give 10 million jobs and five million houses had increased gas and electricity tariffs instead.
Addressing a gathering of hundreds of party’s workers and activists, who had come there to observe the 11th martyrdom anniversary of his slain mother and ex-prime minister Benazir Bhutto, the PPP chairman said, “Prime Minister Imran Khan should have been trained if he was to be given government.”
A country’s future can’t be changed with chicken eggs, said Bilawal in a jibe at PM Imran’s idea of improving the country’s economy through poultry business.
Bilawal said that Imran wanted to end 18th Amendment and crush provincial autonomy, which would never be allowed. “PM Imran was brought in to reintroduce one-unit system in the country,” he alleged and asked: “What was the purpose of running campaigns for Kalabagh Dam when three provincial assemblies had rejected it?” “It seems that reservation of Sindh is being thrown in the dust bin, but those in powers seemed to be least concerned,” he added.Referring to the report of the Supreme Court-mandated Joint Investigation Team in the money laundering case, the PPP chairman said that the JIT report was nothing but a pack of lies.
“If institutions were investigating benami accounts then they should also investigate ‘benami accounts of Prime Minister Imran Khan. We hope that courts will discard the misleading report. Neither public nor I accept report,” said the PPP chairman. “I want to send this message to all powers that I will fight your conspiracies and will fight your arrogance,” said Bilawal. He said that PPP Jiyalas were his biggest asset.
He said Shaheed BB was still awaiting justice and asked when killers would be brought to justice. He said that ideology of Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and vision of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto both were the key to a modern and brighter Pakistan. In his address, former president Asif Ali Zardari said that his party and its leadership were not scared of the tactics being applied by ‘ladla’, the favoured one and they would face them in the courts.
The PPP co-chairman said that he faced the opponent’s tactics earlier too and will not back down from facing them again. “They have started to sound like a broken record. Apart from uttering gibberish on television, they don’t know what to do,” he remarked.
He said that PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari is his and Benazir Bhutto’s son and no one could scare him and vowed to fight his political opponents “in court and everywhere else”.Zardari, who made scarce mention of his late wife in a speech meant to mark Benazir Bhutto’s 11th death anniversary in Garhi Khuda Bukhsh, criticised the incumbent PTI government and claimed that it pales in comparison to the PPP.“They did nothing in their 100 days,” he said, reminding the party supporters that he had ousted Gen Musharraf and “launched the Benazir [Income Support Programme] card”, among other things, in his own first 100 days as president.
“They will be unable to run the country despite foreign support by friendly countries,” he said.
The PPP had specially organised a congregation to mark the martyrdom anniversary of Benazir Bhutto. She was assassinated in a gun and bomb attack in Rawalpindi on December 27, 2007.

’جج، جنرل اور علیمہ خان سمیت سب کا احتساب چاہتے ہیں

چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ کوئی مقدس گائے نہیں،

جج،جنرل اور علیمہ خان سمیت سب کا احتساب ہونا چاہیے۔
میڈیا سے گفتگو میں بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ بزدل خان کی طرح بھاگنے والے نہیں،ای سی ایل میں نام آنے کی وجہ سے کوئی تحریک نہیں چلائی جائے گی۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ پیپلز پارٹی عوام کیلئے جمہوریت کیلئے سیاست پر یقین رکھتی ہے، ہمیں نہ این آر او چاہیے، نہ کٹھ پتلیاں این آر او دینے کی پوزیشن میں ہوتی ہیں۔
پی پی چیئرمین نے کہا کہ جن جرنیلوں کے سوئس اکائونٹس نکلے ہیں،جن ججوں کا نام پاناما میں آیا ہے اور علیمہ خان کو این آر او دیا گیا ہے ،ہم سب کا احتساب چاہتے ہیں۔

Text of speech of PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari at Garhi Khuda Bux on the occasion of 11th martyrdom anniversary of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto today

بسم اللہ الرحمن الرحیم
نعرے تکبیر اللہ اکبر ۔۔۔نعرے رسالت یا رسول اللہ۔۔۔نعرے حیدری یا علی
نعرے بھٹو
وقت کے گذرنے پر تم جو بھول جاؤگے ہم تمہیں بتائینگے بے نظیر کیسی تھی زندگی کے ماتھے پر وہ لکیر جیسی تھی۔

ظلم کے نشانے پر ایک تیر جیسی تھی ،بے نظیر بھٹو بس بے نظیر جیسی تھی ،اس ملک کے طول و عرض سے آئے ہوئے پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے جیالوں آپ سب کو میرا سلام ،آج اس تاریخ دن کو اس تاریخ لمحے کو جس روز میری ماں اور آپ کی بی بی کو ہم سے چھینا گیا شہید کیا گیا (11)سال بیت چکے ہیں میرے لیے ان کی جدائی کے لمحات کو الفاظ کی شکل میں بیان کرنا ان حسین یادوں کو بھلانہ اس درد کو سمیٹنا اور اس خلا کو پْر کرنا جو ان کی شہادت کے بعد پیدا ہوا نا ممکن ہے ،زندگی کے اس کٹھن سفر میں اگر میرے لیے کوئی امید ہے ،کوئی سرمایا ہے تو وہ بی بی شہید کے جان نثار ہیں ،بی بی شہید کے کارکن ہیں جو ان کی شہادت کے (11)سال گزرنے کے باوجود آج یہاں لاکھوں کی تعداد میں جمع ہوئے ہیں اس ملک کے کونے کونے میں پھیلے ہوئے بی بی شہید کے بھائی اور بہنیں ہیں جو آج بھی بی بی شہید کی یادوں کے دیپ جلائے بیٹھے ہیں ،
ساتھیو!میں نے اپنی تعلیم مکمل کرنے کے بعد (2016)سے جس سیاسی سفر کا آغاز کیا اس مقصد اور اس کی منزل صرف اور صرف بی بی شہید کے اس قوم سے کیے ہوئے وعدوں کو نبھانا ہے ، مساوات کے اس خواب کو پورا کرنا ہے جس کو پورا کرنے کے لیے شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے اپنی جان دی۔
اور معاشرے سے استحصال کو ختم کرنا ہے جس نے اس ملک کے غریب عوام اور صفید پوش طبقے کو جکڑ رکھا ہے۔
لیکن دوستو !مجھے اندازہ نہ تھا کے صر ف ان (2) سالوں میں کس طرح میرے سامنے دیواریں کھڑی کی جائینگی ،کس طرح میری راہ میں کانٹے بکھیرے جائینگے اور کس طرح میری ذات پر حملے کیے جائینگے
لیکن شاید اہلِ یذیدکو اس چیز کا اندازہ نہیں کے اس بلاول کی رگوں میں بھی شہید محترمہ بے نظیر بھٹو کا خون دوڑ رہا ہے ،شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کا خون دوڑ رہا ہے اور آج میں شہیدوں کے مزار کے سامنے کھڑا ہوکر ان تمام قووتوں کو واضع پیغام دینا چاہتا ہوں کے قسم ہے مجھے اس شہیدوں کے لہو کی ،قسم ہے مجھے ان شہید کے قربانی کی اور قسم ہے گڑھی خدا بخش کی اس مقدس مٹی کی میں تم سے لڑونگا تمہاری سازش سے لڑونگا ،تمہارے جھوٹ سے لڑونگا ،میں تمہارے ہر ظلم کے آگے ڈٹ جاؤنگا اور تمہارے غرور کو پاش پاش کر دونگا ۔
شاید اس (SELECTED)وزیر اعظم کو اس چیز کا اندازہ ہی نہیں کے اس وقت وفاق کی بنیادیں کتنی کمزور ہو چکی ہے اور ایک چنگاری سب کچھ راک کے ڈھیر میں بدل سکتی ہے کیا وجہ ہے کے (KPK)میں نوجوانوں کی ایک تحریک زور و شور سے اٹھ کھڑی ہوئی ہے؟
کیوں اس تحریک میں لوگ جوک در جوک شامل ہو رہے ہیں ؟
میں (2)سال سے کہتا آرہا ہوں کے ان نوجوانوں کو دیوار سے مت لگاؤ ،ان کی بات کو سنو، ان کا گلا مت گھوٹو پر مجال ہے کے اس ملک کے ٹھیکیداروں کو کوئی احساس ہوا ہو۔
میں پوچھتا ہوں کے کیا وجہ ہے کے مہینوں سے کوئٹہ میں کھلے آسمان تلے بیٹھی میری سیکڑوں بلوچ ماؤ ں اور بہنوں کے مطالبات نہیں سنے جارہے ؟
ان کے پیارے سالوں سال سے کیوں لاپتہ ہیں ؟
اگر وہ مجرم ہیں تو انہیں عدالتوں میں کیوں پیش نہیں کیا جارہا؟
لیکن مجال ہے کے اس ملک کے ٹھیکیداورں کو کوئی احساس ہو ، میں پوچھتا ہوں کے کیا وجہ ہے کے (3)صوبائی اسمیبلیز سے کالاباغ ڈیم کے خلاف کرارداد منظور ہونے کے باوجود کالاباغ ڈیم بنانے کے لیے (CAMPAIGN)چلائی جارہی ہے ؟
کیا وجہ ہے کے سندھ کے مفادات اور اعتراضات کو ردی کی ٹوکری میں پھینکا جارہا ہے؟
لیکن مجال ہے کے اس ملک کے ٹھیکیداروں کو کوئی احساس ہو ۔
میں پوچھتا ہوں کے کیوں گلگت بلتستان سے سوتیلا سلوک کیا جارہا ہے؟
اگر وہاں پر (FCR)کا خاتمہ ہو ا تو پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی نے کیا اگر وہاں پر پہلی دفعہ وزیر اعلیٰ اور اسیمبلی وجود میں آئی تو پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی نے دی پر کیوں گلگت بلتستان (70)سالوں سے سرزمین بے آئین ہے ؟
وہاں کے عوام اب شاید زیادہ عرصہ بے انصافی نہ برداشت کریں لیکن مجال ہے کے اس ملک کے ٹھیکیداروں کوئی احساس ہو ۔اور تو اور جناب میں پوچھتا ہوں کے میاں صاحب کو سزا دلوانے کے بعد جو نعرے پنجاب میں لگے اس کا کوئی تصور بھی کر سکتا تھا ؟
جس طرف نظر دوڑائیں غم اور غصے کی ایک لہر ہے لیکن مجال ہے کے اس ملک کے نام نہاد ٹھیکیداوروں کو کوئی فکر ہو ،
وہ تو اپنی طاقت کے نشے میں مست ہے دیکھنے سے کاصرہے کے ملک ہاتھ سے نکلا جارہا ہے ۔
آج ملک کی بھاگ دوڑ ایک نہ تجربا کار کے ہاتھ میں دے دی گئی ہے ،یہ کیسا وزیر اعظم ہے جس کو اپنے وزیراعظم ہونے کا بیوی سے پتا چلتا ہے اور روپے کے گرنے کا (TV)سے پتا چلتا ہے ،اس سے پہلے (100)دنوں میں ملک کو مہنگائی کی (TSUNAMI)میں ڈبو دیا ،ملک کی معیشت کو ایسے نہج پر لاکھڑا کیا جہاں سے واپسی کا کوئی راستہ نظر نہیں آرہا ایک کروڑ نوکری اور (50)لاکھ گھروں کا وعدہ کرنے والے نے مہنگائی اور بے روزگاری کا طوفان اٹھا دیا ہے نام نہاد تجاوزات کے خلاف آپریشن کے نام پر لاکھوں غریب اورسفید پوش پاکستانیوں کو گھر کی چھت سے محروم کردیا ہے بجلی مہنگی ،گیس مہنگی ،مہنگی ہوئی روٹی اور نان یہ ہے خان کا نیا پاکستان اور پوری قوم یہ سوال پوچھ رہی ہے ۔
کے تاریخ کی سب سے بڑی دھاندلی کے بعد (R.T.S)کو فیل کرانے کے بعد نتائج (3)دن تک روکنے کے بعد (95%)فیصد (Form 45)غائب کرنے کے بعد عوام کو ووٹ چوری کرنے کے بعد الیکشن میں سب سے بڑی دھاندلی کرنے کے بعد جو کھلی تو اصغر خان (CASE)سے بھی بڑا (SCANDLE)بنے گا اگر خان صاحب کو حکومت دینی ہی تھی تو تھوڑی تیاری ہی کرادیتے آپ نے بے نامی (ACCOUNTS)کی (INVESTIGATION)تو کی اگر ہمت ہے تو بے نامی وزیر اعظم کی
(INVESTIGATION)کرو اس کو یہ تو سکھا دیتے کے کرکٹ کے کھیل میں اور حکومت کرنے میں زمین آسمان کا فرق ہے ،اس کو یہ تو سمجھا دیتے کے مرغی اور انڈوں سے قوم کی تقدیریں نہیں بدلی جا سکتی ،ملک اور قوم کی تقدیر بدلنے کے لیے ثابت قدم ہونا پڑتا ہے اپنے وعدے پورے کرنا ہوتے ہیں قربانی دینی پڑتی ہے ،اور انفرادی کے بجائےِ اجتمائی سوچ رکھنی ہوتی ہے لیکن خان صاحب تو کہتے ہیں کے (U-Turn)لینا اعظیم لیڈرز کی نشانی ہوتی ہے خان صاحب آپ کو یہ عظمت مبارک ہو۔
زرا نظر دوڑا کر دیکھیں اس مزار میں وہ لوگ دفن ہیں جنہوں نے جان کی قربانی تو دے دی پر (U-Turn)نہیں لیا ۔
لیکن ساتھیو!
میں سمجھتا ہوں کے خان صاحب کو لانے کا اصل مقصد کچھ اور ہے عمران تو وہ کٹھ پتلی ہے جو اس ملک کو (One-Unit)بنانا چاہتا ہے اور ملک میں (One Party Rule)لانا چاہتے میں وہ ملک میں (18)اٹھارویں ترمیم کے ذ ریعے صوبوں کو ملنے والے حقوق ختم کرنا چاہتے ہیں ،وہ (NFC)کے ذریعے صوبوں کو ملنے والے مالی اختیارات واپس لینا چاہتے ہیں ،وہ صوبوں کے قدرتی وسائل جیسے کے گیس اور معدنیات پر وفاق قبضہ چاہتے ہیں اور وہ ملک میں (One-Unit) نظام کی راہ ہموار کرنا چاہتے ہیں ہم پر دباؤ اس لیے ڈالا جارہا ہے کے وہ چاہتے ہیں کے میں (18)اٹھارویں ترمیم ختم کرنے میں ان کا ساتھ دیں وہ چاہتے ہیں کے میں عوام کے حقوق کا سودا کروں وہ چاہتے ہیں کے میں غریبوں کی بات نہ کروں اور ان گبروں سے غداری کروں۔

ہم نے ایوب کا سیاسی انتقام اور جیلیں دیکھی ہیں ،
تم کس کھیت کی مولی ہو؟
تمہاری کیا حیثیت ہے۔
تم تو صرف ایک کٹھ پتلی ہو۔
تمہاری ڈوریں تو کوئی اور ہلا رہا ہے۔
دنیا دیکھ رہی ہے یہاں تک کہ غیر جانبدار حلقے یہ سوال کر رہے ہیں کہ یہ کیا احتساب ہے،
جس کا نشانہ صرف اور صرف اپوزیشن کے رہنما ہیں۔
کیوں حکومتی وزیر، وزیراعظم اور اس کا خاندان اس سے بالا تر ہے؟
نیب کی پھڑتیاں صرف اپوزیشن کو گرفتار کرنے کے لئے کیوں ہیں؟
یہ کیسا نیب ہے کہ پروفیسرز کوتو ہتھ کڑیاں لگا کر پیش کیا جاتا ہے،
انہیں زیرِ حراست ہلاک کر دیا جاتا ہے اور علیمہ خان اور علیم خان کے خلاف کوئی کاروائی نہیں ہوتی؟
اور یہ جو مزاق ہمارے ساتھ کر رہے ہیں ایک تو میں واضع کر دوں کہ یہ JIT رپورٹ جھوٹ جھوٹ اور سفید جھوٹ ہے۔
نہ میں اس کو مانتا ہوں اور نہ ہی اس ملک کی عوام اس کو مانتی ہے۔
Honourable Court کو بیوقوف بنانے کی کوشش کی جا رہی ہے۔
Honourable Court کو گمراہ کرنے کی کوشش کی جارہی ہے۔
Honourable Court کو Political Engineering کے لئے استعمال کرنے کی کوشش کی جارہی ہے، مگر مجھے یقین ہے کہ Honourable Court اس جھوٹی JIT رپورٹ کو ردی کی ٹوکری میں پھینک دیں گے۔
یہ تو چلے تھے Money Laundering کی تفتیش کرنے اور ڈھونڈ کے لے آئے Laundery والا۔
یہ کیسا نظام ہے کہ شہید S.P طاہر داوڑ کو اسلام آباد سے اغوا کرنے اور مارنے والوں کا تو سراغ لیکن میرے ناشتے کا بل بھی مل جاتا ہے۔
یہ کیسا نظام ہے کہ FIA سالہا سال سے پڑے اصغر خان کیس کی تو تفتیش نہیں کرتی ،
جھانگیر ترین کے باورچی اور مالی کی جائیداد پر JIT نہیں بناتی،
لیکن ہمارے صدقے کے بقروں اور دھوبی کا بھی حساب لیا جاتا ہے۔
میرے اوپر وہ کیس ڈالے جارہے ہیں جب میں ایک سال کا تھا۔
دوسرا کیس وہ ڈالا جا رہا ہے جب میں 6 سال کا تھا۔
اگر میں اتنا تیز بچا تھا ؟مجھے تو ستارہ امتیاز ملنا چاہیے تھا۔
اور یہ مجھے Notices بھیج رہے ہیں۔
آج پھر صدر زرداری کے ساتھ ظلم کیا جا رہا ہے۔
پہلے ہی 11 سال جیل میں گزارے ، ان cases کیا بنا؟
ٹانگ پر بم لگانے کے کیس کا کیا ہوا؟
باعزت بری ۔۔۔
ARY Gold کے کیس کا کیا ہوا؟
باعزت بری۔۔۔
منشیات کے کیس کا کیا ہوا؟
باعزت بری۔۔۔
BMW کے کیس کا کیا ہوا؟
باعزت بری۔۔
پولو گراؤنڈ کے کیس کا کیا ہوا؟
باعزت بری۔۔۔
خون کے کیس کا کیا ہوا؟
باعزت بری۔۔
انشاء اللہ اس بار بھی باعزت بری ہی ہوں گے۔
اور تو اور ہماری گھر کی عورتوں پر بھی Cases بنائے جا رہے ہیں۔
آج ہماری تیسری نسل کو جھوٹے Cases میں عدالتوں میں گھسیٹا جا رہا ہے۔
مگر ہمیں انصاف کب ملے گا؟
ؓبھٹو شہید کے عدالتی قتل کا انصاف کب ملے گا؟
بی بی کے قاتلوں کو کب کٹھرے میں کھڑا کیا جائے گا؟
بی بی شہید کے قتل کا انصاف کب ملے گا؟
وہ قوم کی بیٹی تھی۔
وہ قوم کی لیڈر تھی۔
وہ 11 سال بعد آج بھی انصاف کی منتظر ہے۔
وہ لڑکی لعل قلندر تھی۔
1۔جو کریا کریا ماتم ہے ۔۔۔اور بستی بستی آنسو ہے
2 ۔ صحرہ صحرہ آنکھیں ہیں۔۔۔ اور مقتل مقتل نعرے ہیں۔
3۔ وہ سنگ ستاروں کو لے کر۔۔۔ وہ چاند چمکتا نکلے گا۔
4۔ جو قتل ہوئی ۔۔ وہ خوشبو ہے۔۔ تم کتنا راستہ روکو گے۔
5۔ وہ عورت تھی۔۔ یا جادو تھی۔۔ جو سر پر چڑھ کر بولے گی۔
6۔ ہر زنداں کے ہر مکفل کو۔۔ وہ چابی بن کھولے گی۔
7۔ اور شور ہواؤں کابن کر۔۔ وہ آنگن آنگن بولے گی۔
8۔ تم زندہ ہو کر مردہ ہو۔۔وہ مردہ ہو کر زندہ ہے۔
9۔ تم خاکی وردی والے ہو۔۔ یا کالی داڑہی والے ہو۔
10۔ تم نیلے پیلے اُودے ہو۔۔ یا گورے ہو یا کالے ہو۔
11۔ تم اپنے ہو پرائے ہو۔۔یا ادھیاروں کے پالے ہو۔
12۔ وہ شام شفق کی آنکھوں میں ۔۔وہ سوہنی ساکھ سویروں کی۔
13۔ وہ دُکھی دیس کی کوئل تھی ۔۔ یا تھر میں برکھا ساون کی۔
14۔ وہ پیاری ہنسی بچوں کی۔۔ یا موسم لُڈیاں پاون تھی۔
15۔ تم کالی راتیں چوروں کی۔۔ وہ پنکھ پکھیرُو موروں کی۔
16۔ وہ بہن کسانوں کی پیاری۔۔ وہ بیٹی مل مزدوروں کی۔
17۔ وہ قیدی تھی زندانوں کی۔۔ عیاروں کی، سرداروں کی، جرنیلوں کی، غداروں کی۔
18۔ وہ ایک نہتی لڑکی تھی۔۔اور پیشی تھی درباروں کی۔
19۔ وہ بیٹی تھی پنجابوں کی۔۔ خیبر کی ،بولانوں کی۔
20۔ وہ سندھ مدینے کی بیٹی ۔۔ وہ نئی کہانی کربل کی۔
21۔ وہ خون میں لت پت پنڈی میں۔۔بندوقیں تھیں،بم گولے تھے۔
22۔ وہ تنہا پیاسی ہرنی تھی۔۔ اور ہر سُو قاتل ٹولے تھے۔
23۔ رُت چناروں سے کہنا۔۔ وہ آنی ہے، وہ آنی ہے۔
24۔ وہ سندر خواب حقیقت بن۔۔ چھا جانی ہے، چھا جانی ہے۔
25۔ وہ بھیانک سپنا آمر کا۔
26۔ وہ دریا دیس سمندر تھی۔۔ جو تیرے میرے اندر تھی۔
27۔ وہ سُوندہی مٹی سندھڑی کی۔۔ وہ لڑکی لعل قلندر تھی، وہ لڑکی لعل قلندر تھی،وہ لڑکی لعل قلندر تھی۔
28۔ تم زندہ ہوکر مردہ ہو۔۔ وہ مردہ ہو کر زندہ ہے۔
تم کتنے بھٹو مارو گے۔۔ہر گھر سے بھٹو نکلے گا۔
یہ کہتے ہیں کے صدر زرداری کے یہ کیا وہ کیا ،میں مانتا ہوں کے صدر زرداری کے جرائم کی فہرست طو یل ہے ،ان کا سب سے بڑا جرم یہ تھا کے بی بی کی شہادت کے بعد پاکستان جل رہا تھا اور سندھ سے ایک نعرا اٹھا تھا تو انہوں نے پاکستان کھپے کا نعرا لگایا۔
ان کا جرم یہ تھا نواب اکبر بگٹی کی شہادت کے بعد صدر زرداری نے بلوچ عوم سے ان گناہوں کی معافی مانگی جو ایک فوجی آمر نے کیے تھے ۔
ان کا جرم یہ تھا کے انہوں نے آغازِ حقوق بلوچستان کیا ۔
ان جا جرم یہ تھا کے انہوں نے سنگاپور سے گوادر پورٹ لیکر چائنہ جو دی جس سے (CEPC)جیسا عظیم منصوبہ شروع ہوا ۔
ان کا جرم یہ تھا کے انہوں نے اٹھارویں ترمیم کر کے (1973)کے آئین کو اصل شکل میں بحال کیا ۔
ان کا جرم یہ تھا کہ انہوں نے جو ملک گندم (Import)کرنے پر مجبور تھا اسی ملک کو ایک سال میں گندم (Export)کرنے والا ملک بنا دیا ۔
؂ان کا جرم یہ تھا کے انہوں نے تاپی اور ایران ،پاکستان گیس (Pipe Line)جیسے منصوبے شروع کیے اگر یہ منصوبے مکمل کرنے دیے جاتے تو آج یہ گیس کا بحران نہ ہوتا ،
ان کا جرم یہ تھا کہ انہوں نے کشکول لیکر گھومنے کے بجائے (Aid)نہیں (Trade)کی بات کی ان جرائم کی فہرست بہت طویل ہے مگر صدر زردار ی کا عزم صرف یہ ہے کے شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو اور محترمہ بے نظیر بھٹو کے وعدوں کو تکمیل کرنا ہے اور آج میں آپ سے کہتا ہوں کے آؤ آج گڑھی خدا بخش کے اس میدان میں ہاتھ اٹھا کر اسی عزم کا پھر اظہار کریں اپنے آپ کو ایک نئی لڑائی کے لیے تیار کریں ،وہ لڑائی جو لڑتے لڑتے بھٹو شہید نے پھانسی کا پھندا چوما ،وہ لڑائی جو لڑتے لڑتے بی بی شہید نے اپنی جان قربان کردی ہم اسی لڑائی کو جاری رکھیں گے اور میں یہ لڑائی اگلے مورچوں پر خود لڑونگا ۔
بولو ! تم میرا ساتھ دوگے؟
میرے ساتھ لڑوگے ؟
میرے ساتھ جدوجہد کروگے ؟
ہم اس ملک کو کٹھ پتلیوں سے نجات دلائینگے
آؤ ایک بار پھر پا کستان پیپلز پارٹی کے پرچم تلے اکٹھا ہو کر ان غیر جمہوری قووتوں کا مقابلہ کریں ،
ہم اس ملک کی جمہوریت پر ہر حملہ روکیں گے
،ہم اس ملک کے اداروں پر ہر حملہ روکیں گے ،
ہم عوام پر ہر حملہ روکیں گے
ہم صوبائی خود مختاری پر ہونے والہ ہر حملہ روکیں گے،
ہم آزادیِ اظہار پر ہونے والا ہر حملہ روکیں گے،
ہم اٹھارویں ترمیم پر ہونے والا ہر حملہ روکیں گے ۔
ہمیں ہر دور میں عدالتوں میں گھسیٹا گیا ،جھوٹے مقدمے بنائے گئے ،ہمیں رسوا کیا گیا ،ہم کل بھی ان عدالتوں میں پیش ہوئے تھے ،ہم آج بھی ان عدالتوں میں پیش ہوں گے ،ہم نہ صرف ان عدالتوں میں پیش ہوں گے بلکہ ہم عوام کی عدالت میں بھی جائیں گے ،ہم پہلے بھی سرخرو ہوئے تھے ہم اب بھی سرخرو ہونگے کیوں کے ہم نے بھٹو شہید کا پرچم تھامہ ہوا ہے ہم نے بی بی شہید کا علَم اپنے ہاتھ میں اٹھایا ہے ،ہم ان ظالموں کا مقابلہ کریں گے ،جن کا مقابلہ بھٹو شہید نے کیا ہم ان طاقتوں کا مقابلہ کریں گے جن کا مقابلہ بی بی شہیدنے کیا ،اور آخری فتح ہماری ہوگی کیوں کے آخر میں فتح صرف حق اور سچ کی ہوتی ہے ۔
اس دور کے رسم رواجوں سے ، ان تختوں سے ان تاجوں سے ،
جو ظلم کی کوکھ سے جنتے ہیں ،انسانی خون سے پلتے ہیں ،
جو نفرت کی بنیادیں ہیں اور خونی کھیت کی کھادیں ہیں
وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں ،جو چاہے مجھ پر ظلم کرو
وہ جن کے ہونٹ کی جنبش سے ،وہ جن کی آنکھ کی لرزش سے ،
قانون بدلتے رہتے ہیں اور مجرم پلتے رہتے ہیں
ان چوروں کے سرداوروں سے انصاف کے پہرے داروں سے
وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں ۔۔۔وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں جو چاہے مجھ پر ظلم کرو
مذہب کے جو بیوپاری ہیں وہ سب سے بڑی بیماری ہیں
وہ جن کے سوا سب کافر ہیں ۔ جو دین کا حرفِ آخر ہیں
ان جھوٹے اور مکاروں سے مذہب کے ٹھیکیداروں سے
وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں۔۔وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں، جو چاہے مجھ پر ظلم کرو
میرے ہاتھ میں حق کا جھنڈا ہے، میرے سر پر ظلم کا پھندا ہے ،
میں مرنے سے کب ڈرتا ہوں ،میں موت کی خاطر زندہ ہوں
،میرے خون کا سورج چمکے گا تو بچہ بچہ بولے گا،
وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں ۔۔وہ باغی تھی میں باغی ہوں ، جو چاہے مجھ پر ظلم کرو