

M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
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The President revealed that he and the First Lady are using reverse psychology to prevent daughters Sasha and Malia from getting tattoos. Obama also laughed off his wife's 'single mother' gaffe.
Ahmadiyya Times
WOLF TO KERRY: PRESS PRESIDENT ZARDARI TO REPEAL DISCRIMINATORY VOTING RESTRICTIONS IN UPCOMING PAKISANI ELECTIONS - Current Law Discriminates Against Ahmadi Muslims by Requiring Voters to Reveal Religious Affiliations Upon Registering to VoteRep. Frank Wolf (R-VA) and 32 bipartisan Members of Congress last week sent a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry calling for an end to the disenfranchisement of four million Ahmadi Muslims in Pakistan. In the letter, the Representatives explained that a new presidential order can rescind the 2002 Pakistani executive order that excludes Ahmadis from joint electoral rolls and forces them to register to vote on a separate supplementary voter roll in time for the country’s general elections next month. “I am deeply troubled that Pakistan’s electoral system discriminates on the basis of religion, rendering the premise of free and fair elections a sham,” Wolf said, but added that “this pernicious regime of discrimination … is relatively easy to change.” Wolf, co-chairman of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, pointed out that in order to register to vote, each citizen must fill out a form stating his or her religious affiliation, adding “not only are matters of conscience wholly irrelevant to the exercise of this fundamental right of citizenship, but for Pakistan’s four million Ahmadi Muslims, this requirement blocks their right to vote.” The State Department’s own recently released annual human rights report confirmed this reality indicating that, “The government required voters to indicate their religion when registering to vote. To register to vote, the government required Ahmadis to declare themselves as non-Muslims. Ahmadis consider themselves Muslims, and as a result, the community was unable to vote.” Notably, even the Supreme Court of Pakistan has taken notice of the exclusion of Ahmadi Muslims from the joint electoral rolls, and has ordered authorities to explain how such a system can be consistent with equal right of all citizens, irrespective of religion, to vote. Appealing to shared principles of equality and justice, the letter urged: “Mr. Secretary, if this—the first time in Pakistan’s history that a democratically elected government peacefully passes power to another through elections—is truly to be a watershed moment, we cannot stand idly by and allow four million Ahmadi Muslims to remain disenfranchised and outside the electoral process.”
The full text of the letter can be found here.http://wolf.house.gov/uploads/ahmadi_pakistan.pdf
http://www.rferl.org/A powerful earthquake has hit eastern Afghanistan, near the Pakistani border. The U.S. Geological Survey said the earthquake had a magnitude of 5.7 and its epicenter was 11 kilometers from Mehtar Lam, the capital of Afghanistan's eastern province of Laghman, at a depth of 70 kilometers. The head of the Afghan Red Crescent in the eastern province of Nangarhar, Nangyalai Youfzai, told RFE/RL that the quake left 12 people dead in Nangarhar. The Afghan Health Ministry said in a statement the quake injured more than 100 people in Nangarhar. Hundreds of homes collapsed In Konar Province. Strong tremors were also felt in the capitals of Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kabul and Islamabad, respectively. The earthquake was felt as far away as India's capital of New Delhi.
The Express TribunePakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s (PTI) youth wing on Tuesday accused the party’s parliamentary board of taking bribes in exchange for allotting tickets to candidates for the upcoming polls. Addressing a press conference at the Peshawar Press Club, PTI youth wing provincial General Secretary Fahim Ahmad Khan claimed he was initially allotted a ticket to contest from PK-6. Khan alleged some people from the parliamentary board later demanded money from him, saying if he did not pay up, his ticket would be given to someone else. “Imran Khan himself recommended my name to the board for a ticket, but the members ignored me because they asked for money and I refused to pay. Thus, my ticket was given to another person,” Fahim alleged. “Initially, I was asked to pay Rs1.5 million. However, the amount later came down to Rs0.5 million. I was told to deposit the money to an account number that was sent to me. All this communication was done through the president of PTI youth wing backed by PTI’s provincial president and general secretary,” claimed Fahim. He accused Shah Farman, Parvez Khattak and PTI provincial president Asad Qaiser of demanding money from candidates. Fahim added a ticket for PK-40 Karak was to be issued to Altaf Qadir Khattak, but when he went to the returning officer (RO) he was informed his ticket had been issued to someone else. Former PTI district president Zafar Khattak also spoke at the press conference. He alleged the ticket for PK-1 Peshawar was sold for Rs10 million, while the rates of some other tickets were fixed at Rs5 million. Zafar maintained the PTI was violating its own rule of allotting tickets on merit. He said they [the youth wing] would start a campaign against corrupt politicians who are destroying the PTI’s image. However, the former office bearer said they would neither quit the party nor stop supporting Imran Khan. “We will go into Asad Qaiser and Parvez Khattak’s constituencies and tell voters to be careful of who they vote for,” said Zafar. The activists of the youth wing demanded PTI chief Imran Khan to form an inquiry committee to probe the accusations, and cancel the membership of those found guilty.
By Sonya RehmanIn an interview with The Diplomat, Nazish speaks about the challenges of being a female journalist in Pakistan, and reporting on sensitive issues in a country that has been called “the most dangerous for journalists.” You recently traveled to Peshawar to report on the deplorable state of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in the Jalozai camp. As a journalist, how important is empathy and compassion when interviewing those affected by war and tragedy? Empathy and compassion are imperative for journalists to nurture. If you are reporting about victims of war, ethnic violence or displacement – such as the IDPs – and you are not compassionate, you are missing the whole point. The absence of empathy and compassion will also paralyze your reporting and you will never get to hear the complete story and hence never get to tell the complete truth. Often when I interview people who have been affected by war and tragedy, they complain about how journalists come to them and ask brutal, insensitive questions and take photos of them without their permission. They feel used and deceived. That is absolutely unethical and undermining. Do not doubt me when I say, I have learnt the greatest lessons of courage and wisdom from invisible people we often ignore thinking they are dumb and poor and weak, because they are victims. Trust me, they are smart, and they know a lot about the world. I understand that you’re currently traveling for work. What story are you working on? I'm currently working on a story about Veeru Kohli, a bonded laborer in interior Sindh who was freed with the help of an NGO in Hyderabad called Green Rural Development Organization (GRDO). She is standing for elections now against established, powerful and rich feudals who have been threatening her and her supporters. Kohli now lives in a place called Azad Nagar with two beds, five mattresses, cooking pots and a bank account with life savings of Rs. 2,800 (approx $27). Wanting to interview her took me to Azad Nagar in the outskirts of Hyderabad, where I met dozens of landless Haris [members of the scheduled Hindu caste] and farmers who had been freed either by Kohli's activism or by GRDO. They all had gathered to greet me at the arrival, and complained about the media ignoring them (save news reports of Kohli standing for elections) and not supporting them when powerful politicians threatened their lives. I hope to help them by writing about their stories, the strength that they show by standing with each other between threats on their lives and hefty offers of bribes. These are the people who change the fate of a nation: the poor, the dignified and the powerful. Pakistan has often been called “the most dangerous country for journalists.” Given your work and experience in the field over the years, do you agree with this assessment? When we say “the most dangerous country for journalists” what do we actually mean? Do we mean Pakistan as a country is dangerous for journalists? Is it the state that has made reporting difficult? Or the military? Or militancy? It is important to make the distinction first. We [Pakistan] have been called “the most dangerous place for journalists” for three consecutive years by global journalism forums and support groups such as the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders. Both organizations also work as advocacy groups, maintaining data on journalistic killings, arrests and other abuses around the globe. While their studies have been very important in highlighting journalistic issues, I feel there should also be a study of patterns that aims to determine the cause of danger. Patterns that determine what countries are dangerous for journalists for what particular reason. Such mapping can particularly help us figure out how to solve the issue of reporting dangers specific to each location. Let me explain. In Pakistan the dynamics are unique. We are at war but we are not at war. We have a government that supports freedom of expression, but we have a state that does not support the free flow of information. There are some intelligent, passionate and courageous journalists in the country who want to invest themselves in getting the truth out, but are restricted by unsupportive editorial policies and are often put in danger by unsupportive organizations at times of threats. Do you see the conflict in each instance? In countries like Syria, Mexico and Libya, journalists have been hurt during situations when conflict is in action. Recently, when Syria was rated the most dangerous country for journalism, it was due to war. In some countries journalists are outright harassed if they report, such as Russia, China, Egypt and Iran. So you see how the term “the most dangerous place” is defined in each instance. In Pakistan, the government openly supports media but does not give protection to its reporters in the field. Media organizations that are run by conglomerates and the Saith culture further dilapidates the chances of journalists’ safety. Tribal journalists working in the harshest conditions, between the military and militants, reporting on the war in the northern regions, are not even paid or given logistical support, let alone provided any protection when they are on duty. So you see, where reporting is made possible in Pakistan and the structure is there, reporters here still don’t feel free, because they know if they tell the story it may take their lives. So, I would say, yes, it is the most dangerous place, but there is an infrastructure that makes reporting possible and the problem of danger and safety is solvable. What have your greatest challenges been working as a Pakistani female journalist covering current affairs, social issues and human interest stories in the country? To be honest, as a reporter, when I am on the field interviewing people, especially war victims, I feel I have a greater advantage being a woman. People open up more easily and they also respect you. Being a female journalist has made it easy for me in gaining people’s trust to hear their stories. My male counterparts have often had difficulties getting the stories from people. But of course, there is also a greater challenge – and that is security. Since I work independently, I have to travel on my own sometimes, without a male colleague, often attracting uninvited attention, being hit on by all kinds of men – often senior analysts whom you respected before they asked you out and offered you wine. In our culture, which is deeply conservative and judgmental towards women, people think because you are a woman you are incapable of understanding things. There are times they spoon-feed you, and there are times when sources will simply not give you information or ‘access’ because they think, you are incapable of the task simply because you are a woman. It’s quite irritating and has often brought out the worst in me. There have been instances which led me to think I needed anger management! What advice would you give to other Pakistani female journalists like yourself vis-à-vis personal safety on the field during reportage? Always keep your eyes open and pepper spray handy. If this amuses you, I also learned some boxing. Sadly it’s been futile so far – never got to punch anyone. What has been the high point of your career? The greatest highs of my career have been the lowest paying times of my life, which would be now. [Laughs] When I don’t have enough money to upgrade my laptop, I miss that consistent financial support I had while working for GEO [a local television channel], when everything was company-paid – travel, communication, on-set meals. I never realized I was spending so much on a production. But of course, the best time in my career only came with the independence of ideas. Being an independent journalist I now choose my own stories that interest me. I am not bound to work according to an organizational bias or editorial policy. Of course this is just the beginning and there is a whole world for me to further unravel. At times I am financially challenged, but it’s worth it. As a young journalist, how do you foresee the future of journalism in Pakistan taking shape? “Foresee” is a big word. It’s hard to say actually. How journalism is as a career in any country has to do with both the political and economical situation. There will always be issues and stories to report on, but during conflict and in struggling economies like Pakistan, it becomes really hard for a journalist to survive in the profession. Yet, Pakistan is becoming deeply unstable and the country will be in the global spotlight for a long time. So the importance of reporting from Pakistan will always be there. You travel regularly within Pakistan to bring to light stories that are infrequently reported by the local media. What inspires you to choose subjects and stories to interview and report on? It all started with my urge to write the book that I am currently working on; the research of which required me to conduct field work in war zones and conflict areas. Living in Karachi, one of the most populous and diverse cities of the world, the issues that have mattered to me for most of my life were the big issues: foreign policy, the larger picture of sectarian conflict in the country, the aerial view of militancy and terrorism. When I started traveling for my research to places like FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas], Gilgit-Baltistan and interior Sindh and Punjab, I met people: People who worked day and night to build the economy unit by unit; who had directly been affected by war or conflict, had lost a loved one, a breadwinner of the family; who saw the bloodshed and were escaping it in IDP camps and leaving their homes behind; who struggle for one piece of bread, literally, and who sold all their savings to save the life of an ailing mother. These are the people I have a relationship with, and I work for them. It’s that never-ending story of a survivor that keeps calling me whenever I go.
http://www.sbs.com.au/
BY: SHAMILA N. CHAUDHARYThe life of a Pakistani politician is fraught with life-threatening situations. In recent years, several high-profile politicians have been assassinated: former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007, and Punjab Governor Salman Taseer and Minority Affairs Minister Shahbaz Bhatti in 2011. The dangerous trend has continued this month with the targeting of lower-profile candidates running for office in the upcoming May 11 parliamentary elections. In these instances, the Pakistani Taliban or religious extremists were the perpetrators, choosing their targets for either "un-Islamic" secular and progressive values or their perceived cooperation with the United States against Pakistani militants and in the war in Afghanistan. Beyond the tragic loss of life, the assassinations have the added casualty of limiting the space within which Pakistani leaders can safely operate. Taliban attacks have pressured willing and able voices against extremism into silence on issues — such as minority rights, girls' education and trade with India — that Pakistani society must publicly debate in order to fully embrace and institutionalize them. Those who remain vocal do so at great personal and professional risk: Pakistan's Ambassador to the United States Sherry Rehman faces charges in Pakistani courts for her support of revisions to the blasphemy law. In the context of upcoming polls, even more worrisome is that the specter of assassination and violence could affect the election outcome, and potentially the representation of key Pakistani constituencies. Pakistani Taliban spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan announced the group's intention to target candidates and party workers affiliated with the ruling coalition's Awami National Party (ANP), Pakistan People's Party (PPP), and Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM). ANP and MQM candidates and activists have already been injured or killed-fear tactics intended to directly handicap the ruling coalition's chances of returning to power. Another side effect of the Pakistani Taliban's killing spree is that the specific pressure on the ANP could skew the Pashtun vote. After the 2008 election, many had high hopes for the secular party based in the Pashtun-concentrated Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. But even then security threats from the Pakistani Taliban prevented ANP from fully taking advantage of the mandate the voters had given it. ANP was viewed as a potential counter to the influence of religious parties like Jamiat-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), which swept national and provincial elections during the Musharraf years as part of a coalition of religious parties known as the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal. The Pakistani Taliban's renewed targeting of ANP could improve the chances of religious parties who have, in the past, shared common ideological ground with them. The influence of religious parties has typically been downplayed, but what they are selling might have a new buyer. A survey conducted by the British Council earlier this year revealed that 38 percent of Pakistani youth surveyed believed Islamic law is better suited for Pakistan than democracy. But the Pakistani Taliban has also threatened some religious parties, such as JUI, for cooperation with the federal government. The real worry is not the return of religious parties but the disenfranchisement of Pakistani Pashtuns, who may decide to stay at home on election day to avoid violence. This is the last thing the Pakistani state needs in a province that borders the ungoverned tribal areas and where the notion of a greater Pashtun homeland-"Pashtunistan"-exists in spirit if not fully in practice. ANP also faces threats in Karachi, where the growing Pashtun population has become ensconced in the city's gangland-style political culture. Any handicaps for Karachi's Pashtuns in the upcoming elections could also potentially worsen the security situation there. The PPP, which led the previous government with ANP as a coalition partner, faces similar challenges in reaching voters. President Asif Ali Zardari has been reluctant to participate in large public rallies during this campaign, and for good reason. The memory of the 2007 assassination of his wife, former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, following a rally in Rawalpindi is still fresh among PPP leadership. Fears of assassination have kept Zardari out of the public eye for most of his term and now limit how much his son Bilawal Bhutto, the PPP's heir apparent, campaigns on behalf of the party as well. Bhutto could have rallied the party's base at a time when the PPP needs it the most. Besides the PPP stronghold of interior Sindh, nowhere else is PPP guaranteed to dominate. Voter outreach is especially critical in north and central Punjab, the traditional domain of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and where Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) has made inroads. Most elections analysts believe that if PTI can continue to tap into PML-N's base of support, especially among urban educated youth, then PPP's chances in Punjab are inadvertently strengthened. It can also benefit from the fact that the strength of PTI's "tsunami" appears to be tapering off. If PPP can access voters who are falling off the PTI bandwagon, it could have a chance in chipping away at PML-N's lead. But PPP cannot rely solely on PML-N's failures or PTI's wane. For the time being, Pakistani Taliban threats continue to keep the most influential PPP politicians far from Punjab where it matters the most. Even more tragic is the possibility that ANP will be forced to boycott the elections. While much of the elections focus has been on the historic political transition afoot in Pakistan, the threats serve as a reminder of the tough road ahead for whoever manages to survive and come out on top.