د تعلیم مبارزې ملالې یوسفزۍ ویلي دي چې هغې د طالبانو پر ضد پروپیګنډه نه کوله، بلکې د هغوی د سوچ او مفکورې مخالفه ده. نوموړې دا خبره د مشال راډیو له خبریال عبدالحي کاکړ سره په یوه ځانګړې مرکه کې کړېده، چې نن د اکتوبر پر نهمه نېټه پر هغې د برید یو کال پوره کېدو په مناسبت ده. ملالې وویل، کله چې طالبانو په سوات کې د نجونو پر تعلیم بندیز ولګاوه نو دې یې مخالفت وکړ او د تعلیم او ښځو حقونو لپاره یې هلې ځلې پیل کړې. ملاله په نړیواله توګه د تعلیم مبارزې په توګه پېژندل شوې ده او د ۲۰۱۳ز کال د سولې نوبېل انعام لپاره هم په کتار کې ده. دا لومړی ځل دی چې تر ویشتو وروسته ملالې د پښتو ژبې له یوې رسنۍسره خبرې کوي.
Wednesday, October 9, 2013
Wednesday is the anniversary of the day she was shot. And on Friday, Ms. Yousafzai is the odds-on favourite to become the youngest winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. If Ms. Yousafzai wins the Nobel, there will be quiet joy in her native Swat Valley – school-aged girls there are reportedly praying in secret for her victory – as well as loud outrage from a Taliban movement that condemned her once more this week as an enemy of Islam and threatened to try again to kill her. Far away from all that, there might also be celebrations in the offices of the world’s biggest public relations firm, Edelman – which lists the likes of Starbucks and Microsoft alongside Ms. Yousafzai in its roster of clients – as well as those of McKinsey & Company, a management consulting firm that makes billions by advising governments around the world. Ms. Yousafzai’s story is certainly worthy of telling. But she’s had an unprecedented amount of help getting her message out. “Her life is a miracle,” her father, Ziauddin Yousafzai, told an interviewer this summer. “I think I’m not the only person who owns her as a daughter. She’s owned by everybody. She’s the daughter of the world.” But would the world have adopted Malala if she had stood up against, say, child labour in the production of iPhones, instead of the friendless Taliban? Or if she’d been wounded by a U.S. drone strike? Or if she didn’t speak such fluent English? The global Malala Movement has led to a backlash in her native Pakistan, where some view her as a tool of the West, used to embarrass their country, culture and religion. “In certain segments of society in Pakistan, whenever someone is backed by the West, there’s an instant suspicion that arises in the minds of Pakistanis,” Shiza Shahid, the head of the Malala Fund and a long-time family friend, said in a telephone interview from Islamabad. “There are segments in society who have felt that about Malala, which is unfortunate, because she is a girl whose heart beats very deeply for Pakistan.” It was Mr. Yousafzai, an educator who ran a school for both boys and girls in Swat, who first introduced his daughter to the world. In 2009, he invited a New York Times documentary maker into the family’s home to talk about an edict from the Taliban – which then controlled the Swat Valley – banning girls in the region from attending school. An 11-year-old Malala quickly became the star of the show, telling the camera in English, “I want to get my education. I want to become a doctor,” before burying her face in her left hand, obviously despairing that she would realize those dreams. The shooting last year – a brute attempt to silence the girl and her campaign – brought Ms. Yousafzai more attention than ever. As she miraculously staged a full recovery, political heavyweights around the world came to see what her father saw. She was lifted into the global limelight, a Gandhi for Muslim girls. Among the first to visit Ms. Yousafzai after she was evacuated to a hospital in Birmingham, England, was former British prime minister Gordon Brown, now a United Nations special envoy for global education. He asked the family what he could do for help, and they requested that Ms. Shahid, who was then working for McKinsey, help them deal with the media storm. Mr. Brown put in a call to McKinsey senior partner Dominic Barton, who had occasionally advised Mr. Brown while he was prime minister, and asked him to lend Ms. Shahid to the Malala Fund. It wasn’t a tough sell. Public relations-savvy businesspeople and politicians knew a winning cause when they saw one and were quick to jump on board. Edelman took up Ms. Yousafzai’s cause pro bono, setting up a five-person “Malala press office” in London, headed by well-known speechwriter Jamie Lundie. They’ve been carefully doling out media access to their client to coincide with her book launch and Nobel Prize week. There’s still a three-week waiting list of journalists who want to talk to her. Megan Smith, the high-profile vice-president of Google, joined Ms. Shahid on the Malala Fund board, and the fund’s first donor was actress Angelina Jolie, who put $200,000 toward the education of 40 girls in the Swat Valley. Last year, while Ms. Yousafzai was still in hospital, Prime Minister Stephen Harper was one of the first global leaders to sign a petition calling for her to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Jonathan Yeo, who sat down with Ms. Yousafzai to paint her for a portrait that hangs in Britain’s National Portrait Gallery, says he initially had reservations about the publicity machine swirling around his subject. “I had concerns generally. She’s this figure that so many other people are projecting their ideas onto. ... There are people circling around her who are looking to, perhaps, piggyback on the goodwill around her and the purity of her cause. People looking to promote their own causes or simply launder their reputations,” Mr. Yeo said. But his worries were eased after he met Ms. Yousafzai. “She sees it all, and she’s very clear about it,” he said. “I was impressed by how wise beyond her years she was.” Ms. Shahid, who first met an 11-year-old Malala when she was one of 20 girls who attended an educational retreat organized for girls from the Swat Valley, says the organizations and politicians who have gravitated to Ms. Yousafzai simply recognized the potency of her story. “A lot of people were already fighting for this [universal education for girls], but in Malala they found the most perfect symbol of all that they were fighting for, because her story showed the tragedy of what is happening – thousands of girls across the world are being denied their voice, denied their basic rights. But it also showed just what is possible if a girl is educated, if she is given back her power.” On being a girl When I was born, people in our village commiserated wth my mother and nobody congratulated my father. ... I was a girl in a land where rifles are fired in celebration of a son, while daughters are hidden away behind a curtain, their role in life simply to prepare food and give birth to children. - From I Am Malala On being nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize On the shelves of our rented living room are awards from around the world – America, India, France, Spain, Italy and Austria, and many other places. I’ve even been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, the youngest person ever. When I received prizes for my work at school I was happy, as I had worked hard for them, but these prizes are different. I am grateful for them, but they only remind me how much work still needs to be done to achieve the goal of education for every boy and girl. I don’t want to be thought of as the “girl who was shot by the Taliban” but “the girl who fought for education.” - From I Am Malala On being shocked by Bend It Like Beckham To keep me occupied [in hospital] they brought me a DVD player. One of the first movies they got me was Bend It Like Beckham, thinking the story of a Sikh girl challenging her cultural norms and playing football would appeal to me. I was shocked when the girls took off their shirts to practice in sports bras and I made the nurses switch it off. - From I Am Malala On her desire to be a politician I will be a politician in my future. I want to change the future of my country and I want to make education compulsory. I hope that a day will come [when] the people of Pakistan will be free, they will have their rights, there will be peace and every girl and every boy will be going to school. - From an interview with the BBC, broadcast this week On the man who shot her He was young, in his 20s … he was quite young, we may call him a boy. And it’s hard to have a gun and kill people. Maybe that’s why his hand was shaking. Maybe he didn’t know if he could do it. But people are brainwashed. That’s why they do things like suicide attacks and killing people. I can’t imagine it – that boy who shot me, I can’t imagine hurting him even with a needle. I believe in peace. I believe in mercy. - From an interview with the Guardian published this week On the Taliban When I was shot, they thought the people would be silenced, they thought that no one would talk. I think they might be repenting why they shot Malala.
In the midst of celebratory news that Malala Yousafzai, the little girl who took a bullet in the face last year fired by Taliban militants for being a vocal advocate of education rights for young women, has been voiced as a favourite to win the Nobel Peace Prize, the brutes who shot her are vowing fresh attempts to kill her. The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has stated that it will target her again because she is a supporter of the ‘infidel West’. This accusation by the Taliban is, unfortunately, an idea that is gaining some traction with right-wing individuals and conspiracy theorists in Pakistan who think she is an ‘agent’ of the US, being highlighted to fulfil some nefarious goals. If that is true — and we mean to address the Taliban and the suspicious elements in the country — Malala is being lauded by the entire world, East to West, and has been appreciated for her unfailing efforts by people from all walks of life, then how can she be called an agent of the imperial superpower? How can someone with ulterior motives, and that too a little child, allow herself to be shot in the face by militants who would have surely killed her? She is a hot favourite for the Nobel Peace Prize for two reasons: first of all, she has emerged as a symbol of resistance against Taliban ideology, which strives to see nothing less than women locked up in their homes and society regressing back into the dark ages. The world needed someone to wrestle strength and hope back from the militants. Secondly, after the devastating attack against her, she has advocated love and enlightenment through education, forgiving her attackers publicly. She has recently advised the government in Pakistan to talk to the militants in attempts to find peace. The little warrior for education is also one of Pakistan’s strongest proponents of peace but her idealism and naivety are evident. Two of the strongest political parties in Pakistan, the PML-N at the centre and the PTI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, were both loud backers of the negotiations process but the spate of deadly attacks that ravaged the country in the wake of their call for peace have made even these political parties rethink their strategy. Grudgingly, even they are beginning to agree that effective operations against the militants may be the only way to ensure peace. While Malala talks of only peace and second chances, the Taliban speak only of second attempts to murder and cause widespread destruction. It should be clear to our countrymen whose side they should be on.
http://abcnews.go.com/When the Taliban sent a gunman to kill a 15-year-old girl because she fought publicly for girls' education, they intended to instill fear in anyone who wanted to educate young Pakistani women. The bullet missed her brain, and not only has Malala Yousafzai become an international symbol of inspiration and bravery, but her survival instilled educators with courage -- and is slowly helping make Pakistani schools safer. "They thought that the bullets would silence us, but they failed," Malala said in a speech at the United Nations on her 16th birthday. "The terrorists thought they would change my aims and stop my ambitions. But nothing changed in my life except this: weakness, fear and hopelessness died. Strength, power and courage was born." 'No One Should Be Shot for Going to School' Northwest Pakistan, where Yousafzai lived and almost died, has been one of the most dangerous places on the planet to go to school -- especially for young girls. In 2010, Taliban threats ran so high, nearly 1,000 government and private schools closed and more than 120,000 girls lost access to school, according to UNICEF. But today, education advocates argue that Yousafzai's survival -- combined with military offensives that eliminated Taliban safe havens -- reduced those threats. In surviving, Yousafzai inspired entire communities to protect their schools and passionately fight for a girl's right to be educated. "The clear message that is being sent by government, individuals, by amazing people like Malala is that we are not going to stop fighting for education," Shirin Lutfeali, a specialist in education and literacy for Save the Children who works in Pakistan and across the region, told ABC News. "She has become a symbol of change: They are going to blow up schools, but we are no longer afraid." That fearlessness was facilitated not only by Malala but also by the Pakistani military pushing out militants who targeted or took over schools. By 2012, after the military's operations, the number of schools destroyed dropped to 30, UNICEF said. "There has been a reduction in attacks. But that's not because the Taliban decided to be nice," said Mosharraf Zaidi, who leads an education campaign group in Islamabad. "It's because they realize that attacking schools is deeply despised by ordinary Pakistanis and because various Pakistan Army campaigns of 'clear and hold' have worked." That is not to say the threats have ended. A 41-year-old teacher named Shahnaz Nazli was assassinated while standing next to her son in March, apparently because she was teaching girls in Khyber Agency, near the Afghan border. In early September, a bomb exploded outside a girls' school in the northwestern town of Bannu, Pakistan, as classes ended, wounding 14. And in June, a bomb gutted a bus in the southwestern Pakistan town of Quetta, killing 14 female students. As long as the attacks continue, campaigners acknowledge they have to fight the fear that forces some parents to keep their daughters at home. Nazli's death sparked a campaign by the U.N.'s special envoy for global education, former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown. He launched a petition demanding more protection for teachers and girls. Yousafzai and her father, Ziauddin, were the first to sign. Brown said he feared "a wave of threats, intimidation, burnings and bullets." "No one should be shot," he said, "for wanting to go to school or wanting to teach girls." In response, some Pakistani schools have become bunkers, ringed by high walls and guarded by armed gunmen. Others have chosen a low-profile approach: leaving schools unmarked, or even hiding them in living rooms. Perhaps one of the best measures of the continuing effect of the threats -- as well as the government's historic underfunding of education -- is a sobering statistic: On any given day, across the country, 20 percent of teachers don't show up to work, according to the education advocacy group Alif Ailaan, which is headed by Zaidi. The government admits 25 million children in Pakistan are out of school. "The deck," Zaidi said, "is stacked against children." Despite the grim statistics, half a dozen education advocates interviewed by ABC News argued Yousafzai's survival has helped many communities reach a tipping point. In Swat, Pakistan, the district where Yousafzai lived, parents are gaining confidence to defend their children's schooling. "The parents have no other choice. They want their children to get education -- at any cost," said Ahmed Shah, an expert on education and the spokesman for the Swat peace council. "That is the fate for those of us in Pakistan." Child Protection Committees Last year, a rural village in eastern Pakistan realized it had a problem. Parents wanted to send their girls to school -- and the girls wanted to attend -- but not everyone felt safe. So with the help of the British NGO Plan International, the town created a "child protection committee." "We appointed a caretaker to walk the girls to and from the town center," said Ata-Ullah Malik, the chairman of the committee. Every day, a woman raps on the metal gates that protect the female students' homes. Every day, she walks the girls to school and returns after classes to escort them home. The community has taken charge of securing its own students -- and school attendance is up. The film, "The Other Malalas," describes the child protection committees and other challenges facing girls in Pakistan. Education advocates argue the best way to ensure schools' safety is for local communities to protect them. For that to happen, parents need to believe in the importance of education. "Once they see the value, they want to protect it," Fiza Shah, who runs the school-building NGO Developments in Literacy, told ABC News. When Shah first started building schools in conservative, rural areas in the late 1990s, she encountered fathers who said they didn't want their girls to learn to write because they might send letters to boyfriends. Now, Shah believes many fathers are realizing schools produce girls who dream of much more than boyfriends. "When we first opened schools, there was resistance. But then the parents saw the differences when girls came home," Shah said. "When they actually see what education is doing, the resistance evaporates." Other programs, like Save the Children's Literacy Boost, are gaining the confidence of parents by reaching young students who wouldn't otherwise attend school -- and keeping them in school. "Compared to a few years back, there's been a major change in attitude and acceptance to education," Ghulam Qadri, Save the Children's Pakistan country director, told ABC News. "We are seeing schools opening up in remote areas where there were no schools previously. "The best criteria is community acceptance," he said in a phone interview from Islamabad. "If the community accepts their education is essential, no one can stop it." Schools on the Frontlines Community acceptance is one piece of the puzzle, but another crucial piece is the Pakistan military's campaigns against the Taliban, which have dramatically reduced the threats to schools. For six years, the Pakistani Taliban fought an organized, violent and brutal campaign against the military and Pakistani state institutions, including schools. For many militants, girls' education was a symbol of both Western influence and the authority of a government they wanted to overthrow. But as the military moved into communities mostly run by the Taliban, schools often became the front line: Soldiers and militants both used schools as bases. "Most of the schools that came under attack were being used by the militants or the military as hideouts," said Imtiaz Gul, the executive director of an independent think tank in Islamabad, the Centre for Research and Security Studies. Now that the offensives are over, the schools have been returned to the educators -- and attacks have decreased. Shah, the education specialist from Swat, said that "the situation is OK and peace has been restored to some extent. And now parents want to send their children to schools." Yet, despite the renewed confidence in learning, sending children to school still requires some bravery and a little bit of faith. In communities near the Afghan border, some residents have told local media in the last few months that the Taliban are still using tactics famous from Afghanistan in the 1990s: letters posted to town centers at night warning parents to shun schools and describing girls' education as "a product of the West." In Swat, many of the schools destroyed in the attacks have not reopened, Shah said. And the constant presence of soldiers, while helping keep the peace, is a reminder of how fragile it remains. "They select whatever means they need to spread terror. It may be schools, it may be buses, it may be churches," said Shah. "They want to spread fear among the people. And they are successful." Send Books, Not Tanks For Malala Yousafzai, the solution is not a reliance on military action, but the creation of a national commitment to education. Only that, she said, can guarantee students' and parents' desire to learn and educate will not be broken. For many years the Pakistani government has failed to provide enough support for schools: the country spends less than 2 percent of its budget on education. In the U.S., the percentage is about 4 percent, according to the New America Foundation. And according to the U.N., Pakistan's literacy rate is 113th out of 120 countries. Earlier this month, when Pakistan's new prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, met with Yousafzai at the U.N. General Assembly in New York, Sharif pledged to increase the national commitment to 4 percent. The 16-year-old Yousafzai -- whom Sharif recently named the country's roving ambassador for education -- thanked him for his commitment, but argued it was not enough. "I hope this will become 5, 6, 7 percent," she told Sharif, according to Zaidi. Later that same night, speaking at the Clinton Global Initiative, the teenager who has become a global icon of courage challenged world leaders to elevate education over war. "Instead of sending weapons, instead of sending tanks to Afghanistan and all these countries which are suffering from terrorism, send books," she said. "Instead of sending tanks, send pens. Instead of sending soldiers, send teachers. This is the only way we can fight for education."
http://abcnews.go.com/Malala Yousafzai survived a Taliban bullet that shattered her skull's thinnest bone, driving fragments into her brain. But one day later, as she lay in a medically induced coma in a Peshawar, Pakistan, hospital, her condition suddenly deteriorated, and her doctors did not know whether she would live or die.
http://www.rawstory.com/Pakistani schoolgirl Malala Yousafzai tells of the moment she was shot by the Taliban for campaigning for girls’ education in her new autobiography out Tuesday, amid speculation that she may be about to become the youngest ever winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. Co-written with British journalist Christina Lamb, “I Am Malala: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and was Shot by the Taliban” tells of the 16-year-old’s terror as two gunmen boarded her schoolbus on October 9, 2012 and shot her in the head. “My friends say he fired three shots, one after another,” she writes.“By the time we got to the hospital my long hair and Moniba’s lap were full of blood.” The book describes Malala’s life under the Taliban’s brutal rule in northwest Pakistan’s Swat valley in the mid-2000s, hints at her ambition to enter Pakistani politics, and even describes her father’s brief flirtation with Islamic fundamentalism as a youngster. Now living in Britain’s second city Birmingham, where she was flown for specialist treatment after the shooting, it also tells of her homesickness and her struggle to adjust to life in England. A competitive schoolgirl who loves to be top of the class, the book reveals she is a fan of Canadian pop sensation Justin Bieber and the “Twilight” series of vampire romance novels. Malala had become well-known in Pakistan as a young campaigner for girls’ right to attend school after the Taliban took control of Swat in 2007, speaking out against the militants’ ban on female education and their bombing of local schools. She describes how she received death threats in the months before the assassination. “At night I would wait until everyone was asleep,” she writes. “Then I’d check every single door and window.”She adds: “I don’t know why, but hearing I was being targeted did not worry me. It seemed to me that everyone knows they will die one day. “So I should do whatever I want to do.” The book describes public floggings by the Taliban, their ban on television, dancing and music, and the family’s decision to flee Swat along with nearly one million others in 2009 amid heavy fighting between the militants and Pakistani troops. Later it details her surgeons’ frantic battle to save her life and her panic at waking up in a hospital thousands of miles from home. The book is full of praise for Malala’s father Ziauddin Yousafzai, describing how he worked to set up his own school and risked his life by speaking out against the Taliban. She angrily rejects criticism that he pushed her too hard to campaign alongside him — “like a tennis dad trying to create a champion” — or has used her as a mouthpiece “as if I don’t have my own mind”. The book reveals that Malala’s father briefly considered becoming a jihadist when he was a teenager and going to fight in neighbouring Afghanistan following the Soviet invasion in 1979. She also acknowledges that she, like her father, has been the target of considerable criticism at home, with many regarding her as a stooge of the West. Malala goes on to describe the family’s homesickness and her views on life in England, including her horror when she first saw scantily-clad girls going out at night in Birmingham, and her amazement at seeing men and women socialising openly in coffee shops. She has struggled to make friends at her English school, she reveals, and still spends hours talking to her friends in Swat using Skype. However, she adds there is also much to like about life in England — “people follow the rules, they respect policemen and everything happens on time,” she writes. “I see women having jobs we couldn’t imagine in Swat.” She frequently namechecks the late former prime minister Benazir Bhutto as a heroine, and makes clear her ambition to one day return to her homeland and become a politician — despite continued threats from the Taliban that they will attack her again if given the chance. “I was spared for a reason — to use my life for helping people,” she writes. Malala is among the favourites for this year’s Nobel Peace Prize, which will be awarded on Friday.