https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/807250-the-challenge-of-learning-poverty
M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Sunday, March 21, 2021
#Pakistan - The challenge of “learning poverty”
#Pakistan #PPP stakes claim to the slot of opposition leader in Senate, Raja Pervaiz Ashraf
Saturday, March 20, 2021
Exasperated Don Lemon Has A Damning Question For Republicans
Don Lemon on Friday demanded to know, “What is wrong with the right?”
The “CNN Tonight” anchor questioned why Republicans would spend their week railing against so-called “cancel culture” as the country reeled from the “brutal” killing of eight people at massage parlors in the Atlanta area. Six of the victims were women of Asian descent.
Lemon also hammered the 14 House Republicans who this week voted against a measure condemning the military coup in Myanmar, highlighting that the Burmese army alleged mass voter fraud — a claim not unlike former President Donald Trump’s lie that the 2020 election was stolen from him.
The GOP and its base “are still under the spell of a disgraced, twice-impeached, one-term president,” suggested Lemon. “This is about truth, or maybe I should say this is about a lie. Because if people were acting on the truth, then there would be no need for an insurrection.”
“While America is reckoning with the hate that he left us with, that is what is going on,” he said.
Opinion: What the 2020s Need: Sex and Romance at the Movies
By Ross Douthat
We’ll know we’re actually escaping stagnation when the cinema of desire returns.A slight giddiness is overtaking prognosticators as the pandemic nears its end. Economics writers, normally a cautious bunch, are speculating about how a Biden boom might really be different — bigger, longer, its fruits more widely shared — than the limping recoveries we’ve seen recently. Tech and science watchers are talking about the 2020s as an age of breakthroughs, a long-awaited acceleration. But what about culture? If stagnation in the economy has been matched by sterility in social and artistic pursuits (it has), what would signify cultural acceleration or escape? Here’s one possibility: We’ll know we’re actually entering a new era when sex and romance make a comeback at the movies. Note that I said sex and romance. Traditionally these were somewhat separable movie-industry commodities. Eras famous for turbulence and libertinism (Hollywood before the Hays Code, the post-sexual revolution 1970s and 1980s) were more likely to sell sex, while in eras of conservatism or restoration the romantic comedy and the marriage plot prevailed. The two peaks of the “rom-com” were the 1940s and the 1950s and then the 1990s and early 2000s, when even sex comedies passed from being proudly depraved to (in the Judd Apatow era) almost wholesome. But in the last 15 years the “sex movie” and the romantic comedy have both declined or disappeared. This means that if you’re a proud anti-puritan who misses nudity or “adult themes” in your movies or an old-fashioned filmgoer who swoons for true love triumphing over all impediments, you can reasonably complain that Hollywood isn’t telling your kind of stories anymore. In the modern blockbuster, as the film writer R.S. Benedict put it recently: “Everyone is beautiful. And yet, no one is horny.” Movie stars have never been so ripped and chiseled and godlike; they have to be, if they aspire to play a Marvel or DC superhero. But unlike the old Olympians, these gods rarely seem to have the hots for one another, and their movies mostly exist within the parameters of early adolescence, with little adult smoldering permitted. (Adam Driver did his best to break this mold in the recent “Star Wars” movies, but in vain.) It isn’t just the adult rom-com that’s waned. Watching “Raya and the Last Dragon” with my kids last week, I realized that it was the fourth animated Disney movie in a row — following “Onward,” “Frozen II” and “Moana” — without a central love story. (“Frozen II” technically has a marriage-proposal story carried over from its predecessor, but it’s completely vestigial.) A lot of different forces have marginalized movie sex and romance. The blockbuster industry has been bad for all kinds of adult movies, because it’s assumed that superhero fight scenes travel better internationally than more complex and culturally specific plots. Some of the audience for sexually themed stories — the people who used to line up for “Basic Instinct” or, more pretentiously, for sexy art-house fare — has migrated to cable and streaming services; some of that appetite has been sated and deadened by online porn. The decline of the love story has led to a few creative innovations. Hits like the original “Frozen” and HBO’s “Big Little Lies,” for instance, successfully centered female relationships in narratives — the fairy tale, the soap opera — that traditionally foreground romance or sex instead. Still, in general there’s a cultural void where romance used to be. And it doesn’t seem coincidental that this void opened at a time when the sexes are struggling to pair off — with fewer marriages, fewer relationships, less sex. Courtship structures, formal in the old days and casual in the 1990s, were always useful to the romantic comedy. But lately even the casual structures have collapsed, with a Darwinian ecosystem of online dating (much less charming in reality than on “You’ve Got Mail”) supplanting older, more cinematic alternatives. Ideological trends have also made it more challenging to portray happy relations between the sexes. The dramatic material of traditional romance is male and female distinctiveness, different forms of la différence. But these differences sit uncomfortably with the current progressive emphasis on the interchangeability of the sexes — which may be why the recent cable hits with the most sex or romance have been set in historical and fantasy landscapes, from “Game of Thrones” to “Outlander,” where certain problematics can be forgiven (to a point) as essential to the setting. Just consider the contrast between Netflix’s “Bridgerton,” a multiracial bodice-ripper set in an alternative but safely-past-tense 19th century, and the best picture nominee “Promising Young Woman,” set in a present-day dating landscape so bleak that it makes you want to cancel heterosexuality itself. But maybe the popularity of “Bridgerton” is a foretaste of a very different 2020s. Maybe it’s a sign that an age of libertinism lies just around the corner. Or maybe the show’s particular concern with married sex is a signpost on the path to a new traditionalism. Either way, everyone should be rooting for the cinema of desire. For artistic reasons, yes — but also for the sake of the continuation of the human race. https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/20/opinion/sunday/sex-romance-movies.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage
#Pakistan - #COVID19 - Mahira Khan, Iqra Aziz and others ask for help in curtailing spread of Covid
#Pakistan - Underage brides in Chitral
By Adnan AliChitral was the biggest district in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa in terms of area before its division into two units: Upper and Lower Chitral though the division is yet to be crystallised. It frequently remains in the news and social media because of its tourist attractions like the Shandur festival, Terich Mir peak, and Kalash Valleys to name a few. These are positive and attractive features which every Chitrali takes pride in and will boastfully talk about. But hidden under the lure of beautiful landscape and mighty mountains, there lie troubling social evils that are gracefully brushed under a rug and hence do not become part of public discourse. The unsettling news of Maulana Salahuddin Ayubi, an MNA from Balochistan, marrying an underage girl from Chitral was in the news and social media this past month. This might not be the only case of underage marriage from the district, but the involvement of a member of the National Assembly has garnered traction to the case. The incident is a blatant disregard for the Child Marriage Restraint Act from the legislator, and legislators flaunting laws is not healthy for the sanctity of the laws. The incident brings two white elephants to the fore: underage marriage issues in Chitral and a clash of traditions and Islamic learnings with modern laws, especially on marriage. A newspaper recently published an article on Chitrali girls marrying outsiders and it quoted, “In Chitral, girls are sold like cattle”. It is a bit of an exaggeration, but it is a widely accepted notion among the Pakhtuns of Dir and Peshawar. This is not true.
https://nation.com.pk/19-Mar-2021/underage-brides-in-chitral
EDITORIAL - #Pakistan - PDM’s future
https://dailytimes.com.pk/736284/pdms-future/
Hindu journalist shot dead in Pakistan’s Sindh province
https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/hindu-journalist-shot-dead-in-pakistans-sindh-province/article34117032.ece
شاہد خاقان نے این اے 249 ضمنی الیکشن پر بلاول بھٹو سے حمایت مانگ لی
سابق وزیراعظم اور مسلم لیگ (ن) کے سینئر رہنما شاہد خاقان عباسی نے پیپلز
پارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری سے کراچی میں ملاقات کی ہے۔
بلاول ہاؤس کراچی میں ہونے والی ملاقات میں شاہد خاقان عباسی نے بلاول بھٹو سے این اے 249 کے ضمنی انتخاب کے حوالے سے تبادلہ خیال کیا۔
ملاقات کے دوران پیپلز پارٹی کی سینیٹر شیری رحمٰن، نوید قمر اور این اے 249 میں ن لیگ کے امیدوار مفتاح اسماعیل بھی موجود تھے۔
اس دوران شاہد خاقان عباسی نے پی پی چیئرمین سے این اے 249 میں مسلم لیگ (ن) کے امیدوار کے لیے حمایت مانگ لی۔
بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے سابق وزیراعظم کو جواب دیا کہ میں پارٹی سے مشاورت کے بعد آپ کو اس حوالے سے آگاہ کروں گا۔
https://jang.com.pk/news/900466
Friday, March 19, 2021
ہماری یونیورسٹیاں جہاں محبت کرنا منع ہے
وہ معاشرہ جہاں انسانوں کی پیدائش کا مقصد بس شادی کرنا اور بچے پیدا کرنا ہے وہاں ایک جوڑے کا شادی کی طرف اٹھایا
جانے والا پہلا قدم معاشرتی اصولوں کے خلاف قرار پایا۔
کہتے ہیں یونیورسٹی میں انسان جو اسباق سیکھتا ہے وہ کسی دوسری جگہ سے نہیں سیکھ سکتا۔ سکول اور کالج کا ماحول الگ ہوتا ہے اور یونیورسٹی کا الگ۔ سکولوں اور کالجوں میں سختی زیادہ ہوتی ہے جبکہ یونیورسٹیوں میں قدرے آزاد ماحول ہوتا ہے۔
ہمارے ہاں تو خیر لفظ آزادی کا مطلب بھی غلط لیا جاتا ہے۔ اسی لیے آگے بڑھنے سے پہلے واضح کرتے چلیں کہ یہاں آزادی سے ہماری مراد سوچنے، سمجھنے، پرکھنے اور فیصلہ کرنے کی آزادی ہے۔ ایسی آزادی ہمیں ملے بھی تو ہم اسے واپس کر دیتے ہیں کہ یہ ہمارے کس کام کی، تب ہی ہمارے ہاں یونیورسٹیوں کو وہ درجہ حاصل نہیں جو باقی دنیا میں انہیں حاصل ہے۔
ان یونیورسٹیوں میں طلبہ کو سوچنے کی اور سوال کرنے کی آزادی دی جاتی ہے۔ پروفیسر ہٹلر نہیں بلکہ ان کے دوست یا کولیگ بن کر انہیں پڑھاتے ہیں۔ طلبہ تعلیم کے علاوہ دیگر سرگرمیوں میں بھی پوری شرکت کرتے ہیں۔ انہیں آپس میں بات چیت کرنے اور اپنی مرضی سے میل جول بڑھانے کی بھی آزادی دی جاتی ہے۔ یونیورسٹیوں میں پڑھنے والے طلبہ بالغ ہوتے ہیں، اپنا اچھا برا جانتے ہیں، نہیں بھی جانتے تو غلطیاں کر کے اور ان سے سبق سیکھ کر جان جاتے ہیں۔
ایسا ہماری یونیورسٹیوں کے علاوہ دنیا کی ہر یونیورسٹی میں ہوتا ہے۔ ہماری یونیورسٹیوں کے اپنے ہی اصول ہیں۔ یہ یونیورسٹیاں بنائی تو درس و تدریس کے لیے گئی ہیں پر وہاں اس کے علاوہ باقی ہر کام ہوتا ہے۔ ملک کی تمام بڑی جامعات میں بظاہر امن کا درس دیتی جماعتیں موجود ہیں جن کا واحد مقصد ادارے میں طلبہ کو ہراساں کرنا اور اس کے نتیجے میں پیدا ہونے والی صورتحال سے لطف اٹھانا ہوتا ہے۔
ہمارا دل پاکستان کی یونیورسٹیوں سے بیچلر ڈگری کے دوران ہی اٹھ گیا تھا۔ صبح جلدی اٹھو، گھر کے کام نبٹاؤ، تیار ہو، یونیورسٹی پہنچو بس یہ جاننے کے لیے کہ طلبہ کی دو انتہا پسند تنظیمیں آپس میں بھڑ چکی ہیں اس لیے کوئی کلاس نہیں ہو گی۔ جس دن تنظیموں کا امن قائم ہوتا اس دن پروفیسر کو کوئی ضروری کام پڑ جاتا اور بس یونہی سمسٹر گزر جاتا۔
رہی سہی کسر مشال خان کے قتل نے نکال دی۔ اس بھیانک قتل کی ویڈیوز آج بھی انٹرنیٹ پر موجود ہیں۔ اس کے بے جان جسم پر جس طرح تشدد کیا جا رہا تھا اسے دیکھنے کے بعد کون جیتا جاگتا انسان جس کے دل میں ابھی بھی انسانیت باقی ہو، اس یونیورسٹی میں قدم بھی رکھ سکتا ہے؟
ایسے میں جب خبر آئی کہ لاہور کی ایک جامعہ میں ایک لڑکی نے گھٹنے کے بل جھک کر اپنے محبوب کو پرپوز کیا ہے تو ہم حیران ہوئے بغیر نہ رہ سکے۔ اس کی زندگی کا اتنا خاص لمحہ اور اس نے اس کے لیے اپنی جامعہ کا انتخاب کیا؟ کیوں؟
اس جوڑے کی ہمت اور اپنی جامعہ کو اتنا خاص سمجھنے پر اسے سلام۔ پر اب دیکھ لیں اس جامعہ نے اس کے ساتھ کیا سلوک کیا۔ جامعہ کے منتظمین کو لگا کہ جوڑے نے اپنے اس قدم سے جامعہ کے اصولوں کی خلاف ورزی کی ہے، اس لیے انہوں نے جوڑے کو یونیورسٹی سے نکال دیا اور اس کے وہاں اور اس کی دیگر شاخوں میں آنے پر پابندی عائد کر دی۔
یعنی وہ معاشرہ جہاں انسانوں کی پیدائش کا مقصد بس شادی کرنا اور بچے پیدا کرنا ہے وہاں ایک جوڑے کا شادی کی طرف اٹھایا جانے والا پہلا قدم معاشرتی اصولوں کے خلاف قرار پایا۔ واہ!
ہماری محبت کرنے والوں سے کہنا چاہتے ہیں کہ یہ معاشرہ آپ کی محبت کا دشمن ہے۔ اپنی محبت کے واسطے اسے اور اس سے حاصل ہونے والے لمحات کو اپنے اور اپنے پیاروں کی حد تک رکھیں، جس معاشرے میں رہتے ہوئے آپ نے محبت کی ہے، وہاں محبت کرنا منع ہے۔ یہاں محبت کو حلال اور حرام کے پیرائے میں دیکھا جاتا ہے۔ جس محبت کو آپ اپنے لیے جائز سمجھ رہے ہیں، وہ اس معاشرے کے نزدیک ناجائز ہے۔ جو محبت آپ ناجائز سمجھتے ہیں وہ ان کے لیے جائز ہے۔
آپ کا وہ لمحہ جو کسی پرائیویٹ جگہ پر آپ کی رہتی عمر کے لیے ایک یادگار بن سکتا تھا، اب اس معاشرے کی انتہا پسندی اور منافقت کی بھینٹ چڑھ چکا ہے۔
اس معاشرے میں محبت سے زیادہ نفرت کو بڑھاوا دیا جاتا ہے۔ اول تو یہاں کسی مخلص انسان کا ملنا ہی اپنے آپ میں ایک معجزہ ہے، پھر اس کو پا لینا اور اس کے ساتھ ویسی ہی زندگی بسر کر پانا جیسی اس کے ملنے سے پہلے سوچی ہو، اس سے بڑا معجزہ ہوتا ہے۔
ہمیں محبت کے ان لمحوں کے جانے کا افسوس ہے۔ یونیورسٹی انتظامیہ نے جو فیصلہ لیا وہ تو متوقع تھا۔ ہمارے ہاں نہ لوگوں کے دل اتنے بڑے ہیں، نہ عہدوں میں اتنی جرات ہے کہ معاشرے کے عائد ان نام نہاد اصولوں کو توڑ سکیں۔ یہاں زور زبردستی کا قانون چلتا ہے اور اسی کی عزت کی جاتی ہے۔
کچھ لوگوں کا کہنا ہے کہ جوڑے کے اس قدم سے معاشرے میں موجود انتہا پسندی کو ایک ضرب لگی ہے۔ ہماری ادنیٰ سی رائے میں اس سے کہیں کاری ضرب ان کی محبت اور زندگی کو پڑی ہے۔ جو لمحے ان کی زندگی کے یادگار ہونے چاہیے تھے، اب وہ پریشانی میں گزر رہے ہیں۔ لوگوں کا کیا جاتا ہے، ان کے ہاتھوں میں ان کے سمارٹ فون ہیں جس پر وہ کسی کو بھی کچھ بھی کہہ سکتے ہیں، یہ سوچے بغیر کہ اس کا اس انسان پر کیا اثر پڑے گا۔
ہو سکتا ہے کچھ سالوں بعد یہ جوڑا اس مشکل کو یاد کر کے ہنس رہا ہو۔ ایسا بھی ہو سکتا ہے کہ اس صورت حال سے پیدا ہونے والا ٹراما پوری زندگی ان کے ساتھ رہے۔ ہونے کو تو کچھ بھی ہو سکتا ہے تو بہتر نہیں تھا کہ اپنی محبت دوسروں کے ساتھ بانٹنے کی بجائے خود تک رکھی جاتی اور خود کو اس مصیبت میں پڑنے سے بچایا جاتا؟
تبدیلی ایک سست رفتار عمل ہے۔ یہ ایک دن یا ایک مہینے یا ایک سال میں نہیں آتی۔ ہاں اس دوران مسلسل چوٹ ضرور پڑتی رہنی چاہئیے تاکہ تبدیلی آتی محسوس ہوتی رہے، ہاں یہ یاد رکھیں کہ وہ چوٹ اتنی کاری نہ ہو کہ الٹا خود کو ہی نقصان ہو جائے۔ باقی امید پر دنیا قائم ہے۔ ہم نہیں تو ہمارے بعد یا ان کے بعد آنے والے اس ملک میں محبت کا جشن منائیں گے۔ ہماری زندگی میں ایسا ہونا پردے کے پیچھے ہی ممکن ہے۔
https://www.independenturdu.com/
India and Pakistan suffer resurgence of COVID-19 cases
President Biden Must Press Pakistan to End Persecution of Religious Minorities
Bajwa’s change of heart on India isn’t enough. All of Pakistani military must be on board
Could the complex India-Pakistan relationship be settled during army chief Qamar Bajwa's tenure even if everyone trusted each other and there were no spoilers?
The call by Pakistan Army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa on India and Pakistan to “bury the past and move forward” is music to the ears of his country’s citizens who have often been described as ‘traitors’ by the establishment for saying similar things.
That General Bajwa tied normalisation of India-Pakistan relations to “the resolution of Kashmir dispute through peaceful means” and made no mention of jihadi terrorism, makes it easy for Indian officials and commentators to shrug their shoulders and say, “What else is new?” After all, negotiations must always be preceded by trust between the parties and that is in short supply between India and Pakistan.
The overall tone of General Bajwa’s speech at the first-ever Islamabad Security Dialogue represented a subtle change of priorities in Rawalpindi. The army chief made no mention of Pakistan’s ideology, recognised the role of “politically motivated bellicosity” in derailing rapprochement between India and Pakistan, and acknowledged the primacy of “demography, economy, and technology.”
By refusing to identify India as a permanent enemy or an ideological rival, General Bajwa is trying to signal that he is the all-powerful military leader some in New Delhi have been looking for, who could settle matters with India’s elected leadership without fear of backtracking. India’s past experience with Pakistan’s military leaders has made the leadership in Delhi particularly sensitive to intransigence in General Headquarters (GHQ), Rawalpindi. Most Indian experts on Pakistan list past attempts to cut deals with Pakistani generals, as well as civilians, to suggest that it might be a futile exercise. General Bajwa is definitely different from his predecessors but that alone might not convince sceptical Indians, given the history of the two countries’ relationship. He is not an Islamist ideologue like Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, nor does he have Pervez Musharraf’s arrogance or risk-taking instinct. The current army chief is more in the mould of Field Marshal Ayub Khan, a military man who feels that he must do something for his country, which is unlucky in terms of the quality of its political leaders. But General Bajwa seems aware of Pakistan’s limitations in a way Ayub Khan was not. Ayub and Zia, the lost years The Cold War had given Ayub Khan overconfidence in Pakistan’s potential. He thought that the United States and Britain were behind him, that he knew how to assemble a team of Pakistan’s ablest, that he alone could unite the nation, and that he had the formula to put Pakistan on the right track.Ayub Khan became army chief within four years of Pakistan’s creation. He influenced governments from behind the scene between 1951 and 1958, and wielded dictatorial powers from 1958 to 1969. Ayub Khan was invited to India’s Republic Day in January 1965. He sent his agriculture minister instead because he was busy preparing for the war, which broke out a few months later. His successor General Yahya Khan was in power at the time of the 1971 war over Bangladesh. After the Simla Accord of 1972, there was some respite in India-Pakistan tensions during the civilian rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. But once Bhutto was overthrown, his successor, General Zia-ul-Haq insisted that the Simla Accord had been signed under duress. Zia regularly entertained Indian journalists and Bollywood stars, speaking of his desire for durable peace. But he planned and initiated the jihad in Kashmir after receiving US support for anti-Soviet Afghan Mujahideen.During the decade of quasi-civilian rule after Zia, several rounds of talks yielded no settlement. Pakistani politicians took turns in blaming each other for ‘being soft on India’ and for not trying to secure Kashmir. Jihad in Kashmir intensified. General Pervez Musharraf undermined Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s understanding with Atal Bihari Vajpayee through his 1999 misadventure in Kargil. Once he assumed total power, Musharraf pursued a two-pronged policy. He retained the jihadi groups while engaging in back-channel diplomacy. Indian Ambassador Satinder K. Lambah, who conducted the back-channel talks, believes that he had almost concluded a comprehensive India-Pakistan peace agreement with Musharraf’s negotiator, Tariq Aziz. Musharraf’s removal from office made that agreement void well before it could be signed or made public. But the episode only added to Indian scepticism about back-channel negotiations. Bajwa’s desires For his part, General Bajwa joined the army several years after Ayub Khan had gone but seems to have fond memories of that era from his childhood. Pakistan functioned relatively efficiently then, at least for its elites. Foreign leaders and tourists could be seen visiting and respecting the country. International media did not always mention Pakistan negatively. The country did not need to borrow to pay off debts.Much has changed in Pakistan since General Bajwa’s childhood. The country lost half its territory in 1971 but has quadrupled in population since then. Jihadi extremism and Pakistan’s approach to securing advantage in Afghanistan and against India, coupled with political uncertainty and economic mismanagement, has made the country poorer and weaker.General Bajwa’s latest public comments only reaffirm what he has been saying in private, including to Pakistan’s opposition leaders. He says he wants Pakistan to become a normal country and understands that it would involve changing many things. But he needs the cooperation and support of several internal and external actors to succeed, which may not always be easy to get.The army chief has privately conveyed the desire for talks with India about “non-interference in each other’s affairs and revival of bilateral dialogue.” His proposal envisages a step-by-step process. The first step, a ceasefire along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir, has already been taken. If India restores statehood to Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan could declare it a confidence-building measure and discuss a 20-year or so moratorium. That would give Pakistan time to become normal and for India to continue to grow economically. In General Bajwa’s narrative, he supported PM Sharif’s engagement with PM Narendra Modi and the opening of Kartarpur Corridor, and can be trusted to negotiate with the Modi government in good faith. He would like India and the world to look for alternative explanations for the terrorist attack in Pulwama while giving him credit for not escalating matters after India’s air strike at Balakot. But sceptics would still ask how he might succeed in ending pervasive hostility, built through decades of propaganda, where his predecessors failed. After all, there are only 19 months remaining in General Bajwa’s extended tenure. He could always ask for another extension, which the law now allows as long as he does not reach the age of 64. That could see him in office until November 2024. Alternatively, he could ensure that his successor shares his views. A cautious hope Could the complex India-Pakistan relationship be settled in that timeframe even if everyone trusted each other and there were no spoilers? In the past, Pakistani leaders (including those who combined the positions of president and army chief) found themselves out of office before their relatively late overtures to India could reach fruition. Moreover, only a handful of Indian commentators buy the argument that better India-Pakistan relations might wean Islamabad away from deeper alliance with China or that India should re-engage with Pakistan just to test waters because nuclear neighbours cannot afford to ignore each other. From India’s perspective, Pakistan has not dismantled its jihadi infrastructure and has not punished groups and individuals responsible for terrorist attacks targeting India. At a time when Pakistan’s economy is a mess and the country is under international pressure on more than one count, there might be a temptation to let Pakistan’s weaknesses run their course. Many Pakistani civilians, including this columnist, have written and spoken of the need for normalisation of ties with India and ending support to jihadism as the pre-requisites for Pakistan’s political stability and economic progress. We have paid a price for our stance and past military leaders have rushed to call us names and accuse us of being foreign agents for deeply held convictions. It is, therefore, encouraging to see that the army chief is articulating views similar to ours for a change. Outsiders looking for signs of whether there will be a real change in the stance of the Pakistan military, as an institution, should see if there is any diminution in the tendency to look with suspicion upon advocates of fundamental change in the country, especially normalisation of India-Pakistan relations.https://theprint.in/opinion/bajwas-change-of-heart-on-india-isnt-enough-all-of-pakistani-military-must-be-on-board/624578/
#PPPP Central Information Secretary Shazia Atta Marri condemns federal govt for taking over control of three hospitals of Sindh Province
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/24490/
Thursday, March 18, 2021
Chairman PPP Bilawal Bhutto Zardari strongly condemns the attack on PML-N leader Captain (Retired) Safdar in the premises of Peshawar High Court
Chairman Pakistan Peoples Party Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has strongly condemned the attack on PML-N leader Captain (Retired) Safdar in the premises of Peshawar High Court and termed it a filthy trend, which has to be discouraged at all levels.
In a statement issued here, the PPP Chairman said that such unfortunate incidents indicate degeneration in society and can extend to other tiers of our society. If steps aren’t taken to collectively discourage and stop such acts, ultimately no one will be safe from such attacks in the future, he said.
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said that such attacks show that as nation we are growing increasingly intolerant and political opposition has been turned into personal enmity.
He said that selected PTI government and its supporters are have started an ugly chapter in our history by resorting to such disgusting behavior, which is a disgrace to the social and political fabric of the country.
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/24483/
چیئرمین پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری کی سربراہی میں اجلاس کے دوران چار اپریل کو قائد عوام شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کا یوم شہادت کے سلسلے میں جلسہ روالپنڈی میں کرنے کا فیصلہ
چیئرمین پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری کی سربراہی میں اجلاس کے دوران چار اپریل کو قائد عوام شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کی شہادت کے سلسلے میں جلسہ راولپنڈی میں کرنے کا فیصلہ کرلیا،
بلاول ہاؤس کراچی میں ہونے والے اجلاس میں یوسف رضا گیلانی، راجہ پرویزاشرف، شیری رحمان، نیر بخاری، فیصل کریم کنڈی، ہمایوں خان، قمرزمان کائرہ، نثار کھوڑو، سید مراد علی شاہ، وقار مہدی، چوہدری منظور اور زمرد خان بھی شریک تھے،
اجلاس میں فیصلہ ہوا کہ چار اپریل کو قائد عوام کی شہادت کے سلسلے میں راولپنڈی میں ہونے والے جلسے کے مقام کا اعلان جلد کیا جائے گا، اجلاس میں یہ بھی فیصلہ ہوا کہ راولپنڈی میں جلسے کے بعد روایتی طور پر سینٹرل ایگزیکٹو
کمیٹی کا بھی اجلاس ہوگا-
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/24481/
Wednesday, March 17, 2021
Deported to Pakistan: Does death await Ahmadis? - Ahmadi Muslims are threatened with deportation from Germany
Luisa von Richthofen
Many Ahmadi Muslims are threatened with deportation from Germany. But other countries have recognized the need for the protection of a minority often persecuted in Pakistan.
The Ahmad family lives in uncertainty. They have no German residency permit. The father, a qualified engineer, is not allowed to work in Germany.
They live in a refugee shelter but they can expect a deportation order any day. They have recently learned that the next collective deportation to Pakistan will take place on March 17 — and they are afraid they will be on that flight. Back in Pakistan, they say, their lives would be in danger. Second-class citizens in Pakistan The Ahmad family are members of the Ahmadiyya Muslim religious community, a movement that originated in British India in the 19th century. The adherents of the movement referred to as Ahmadis, follow the Islamic scriptures. But they also believe their movement's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was a messiah. Many Muslims, therefore, regard the Ahmadiyya teachings as heresy. "The exclusion of Ahmadis is even enshrined in the constitution [of Pakistan]," explained Mohammad Suleman Malik, spokesman for the Ahmadi community in the German states of Thuringia and Saxony. Ahmadis have been forbidden to call themselves Muslims in Pakistan since 1974. They are also not allowed to call their houses of prayer "mosques," and the adhan, or call to prayer, is forbidden. In a country with some of the strictest blasphemy laws in the world, an "As-salaam-alaikum" greeting by Ahmadis could result in the death penalty. As non-Muslims, Ahmadis are second-class citizens. UNHCR and Amnesty see the need for protection Ahmad and his wife Sahar Kalsoom have also experienced severe hostility. Kalsoom says she had to change schools and has been called a "kafir," an infidel. She did not finish her education.When her cousin was murdered, the entire family had to flee their home village of Khureyanwala. After she married Ahmad and the couple had children, they decided to go to Germany to give their daughters a better future. According to Amnesty International, Pakistani authorities have long downplayed violence against Ahmadis, even supporting it in some cases. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says Ahmadis in Pakistan represent a persecuted minority and should be entitled to protection. For this reason, Ahmadis in the UK, the US, and the Netherlands have not been deported for a long time. This is not the case in Germany. Germany: 'Cases are examined individually' Some 535 Ahmadis are currently being threatened with deportation in Germany. A spokesperson for the interior ministry told DW that merely belonging to this religious community is not sanctioned under criminal law in Pakistan. This is why "cases are examined individually on the basis of the individual circumstances." German administrative courts often point to safe places for Ahmadis in Pakistan — for example, to Rabwah, the seat of the largest Ahmadi community in the country Spokesman Malik was skeptical about this. "Ahmadis in Pakistan are not safe anywhere," he said. "Ahmadis are also regularly murdered in Rabwah." For Malik and the Saxony Refugee Council, the deportations, which are now becoming more frequent, are politically motivated. After the pandemic put them on hold temporarily, the council claims that the German government wanted to make their mark with a tough migration policy in this important election year. "I think there is a lack of knowledge or political will. This, unfortunately, comes at the detriment of the persecuted people who live here and are now being deported in droves," Malik said, shaking his head. "It's a matter of life and death for these people," he added. 'Where can we go?' The Ahmad family is not optimistic about their prospects. "Germans live in freedom, they may not understand — but when you come here from Pakistan and leave everything behind, you carry a pain with you," said Sahar Kalsoon, the mother, struggling through tears. "It's not easy to leave a country and leave everything behind. And now that we're here, we're told we can't stay here. But where can we go?" Her husband fears there will be repercussions if they return, as happened to his uncle who returned from the UK in 2005. A rumor circulated in the village that he, an Ahmadi, was a foreign spy. He was lynched by a mob. The family has long since exhausted all legal possibilities. A petition by Malik to the state of Saxony was also rejected. They can only wait for the deportation notice. The walk in the wind is one last moment of normality.https://www.dw.com/en/deported-to-pakistan-does-death-await-ahmadis/a-56891131
#PPP to fight this fascist government in the parliament and on the streets
Former Prime Minister, Raja Pervaiz Ashraf has said that PPP is a party which believes in democracy and has defeated every despotic government with its democratic actions. He said this while addressing a press conference at the PPP media office in Islamabad on 17 March with Nazir Dhoki and others. Raja Pervaiz Ashraf said that it was the PPP which convinced all the political parties in the PDM to take part in the by-elections and the PDM won in all four provinces. In the Senate elections we defeated the selected government in the National Assembly and won a Senate seat from Islamabad.













