Talk about a political counter-narrative against terrorism remains just talk as the political leadership has taken a back seat to the military with regard to the conduct of operations against terrorism and the security paradigm. The government appears out of its depth and beleaguered in the face of the multiple challenges it faces, from the energy shortage to Imran Khan’s proposed ‘Azadi (independence) March’ on August 14. This has been compounded by a lack of strong leadership and an inability to prioritise correctly. From mega-transport projects to roads and Metro Bus systems, the ruling party’s focus has drifted away from solving the power crisis — crucial for the economy — despite its election promises. In the wake of the operation in North Waziristan it seems at sixes and sevens about what its priorities should be. The security paradigm is now effectively out of its hands with reports saying the military is fully in charge of Operation Zarb-e-Azb and its consequences, including the care of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). This is unsurprising given the government’s negotiations strategy was a failure and that it waffled on tackling terrorism, but the inability to tackle even those problems that it is equipped to deal with has left it severely weakened by an increasing chorus of criticism. In this environment, Prime Minister (PM) Nawaz Sharif is counting on military support to help deal with the political challenge being posed by Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri, who the military fears may cause even more instability at a time when security is paramount and the threat of terrorists attacking public processions is higher than ever. Reports say that the PM wants the military to help persuade Imran Khan to change his plans in the greater interests of the country, since he has been unable to do so himself. Whether the military will be able to do so remains to be seen, but given that security is paramount, it may be that Imran will be prevailed upon.
The change in government-military relations comes on the heels of seeming resolution of several bones of contention between them. The first was the trial of former president Pervez Musharraf, who was charged with treason under Article six of the Constitution for imposing an emergency in 2007. Reportedly the last two meetings between the PM and the military establishment have been focused on the issue. The precedent such a case could set is a matter of concern for the military as were the angry statements of ministers Khwaja Asif and Khwaja Saad Rafique who insisted earlier this year that the trial would continue, until the PM himself cut them down to size when rumours of military displeasure began circulating. Now there are signs that Musharraf will be allowed to leave the country after Eid. Again, however, the sense of priorities was misplaced since the trial was a distraction from the serious issues the government needed to resolve that are now crippling it — particularly true for Khwaja Asif who also holds the Water and Power portfolio in addition to Defence. He should have focused on the possible, and moved swiftly on tackling the power crisis that was developing after the relatively easy winter months passed. Subsequently, bad governance has arisen as another concern. From the military’s point of view, internal chaos is a militant force-multiplier and threatens to undermine the gains made by the operation. The military may be willing to mediate in the current political conflict but has reservations about becoming openly involved in the political process. Constitutionality has become the mantra of both the military and civilian leaderships, hence the PM’s fence mending with the military is important, but not as important as proving to the country that he deserves to remain in power. He must move to correct the imbalances in policy making that have left him vulnerable. Leadership is required that only he can provide. The first step is to move on solving the power crisis and ensure that his ministers are administering their portfolios properly.
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