Morphology of Karachi

by Tariq Mahmud

The recurring violence in Karachi has raised some basic questions about the state and society of Pakistan. Like any burgeoning port city, Karachi has some distinct characteristics - a fast growing population and demographic diversity. It is because of this diversity that the problem of lawlessness is perceived to be ethnic. Irrespective of their ethnic origin, Karachiites have a distinct common identity like the people of any other region of Pakistan. A third generation Pashtun, Punjabi or Baloch has more in common with the people of his neighbourhood in the city than with his relatives living in Mardan, Gujranwala, or Khuzdar. Shahid Khan Afridi, for example, in essence is a brand of Karachi, rather than a manifest of Darra Adam Khel. His diction, mannerism, tastes and nuances have been nurtured by this city. There is seamless coexistence at the street and societal level. Even when ethnic communities are associated with distinct professions, they complement each other. When a thoughtless strike call brings a Pashtun's coaster to a halt, it denies an 'Urdu speaking' wage earner access to his workplace.So where lies the problem? There are thousands of acres of state land in and around Karachi that is neither measured nor mapped in accordance with the finer details of the 'land settlement manual'. These tracts are along the prime alignments of National Highway, Super Highway, towards the Northern bypass, Kemari and Hub. Survey numbers are attached to un-surveyed land which has not been properly classified and yet it is set out for the dole. This land is not delineated in accordance with the standard procedures. In the colony districts of Punjab, usable state land is diligently measured and subjected to precise 'Killabandi' mapped and made part of the permanent revenue record. It is effectively protected, manned and monitored through a multi-tiered revenue machinery. Records maintained by the Directorate of Land Survey in Karachi and the field Tapedar are at times different. Powerful groups, with the collusion of state functionaries and political patronage, have stolen some of this land over the years. Beds of Malir and Lyari rivers are no exception. Vast available tracts of land were a boon when there was a need to set up large projects like the Pakistan Steel Mill and Port Qasim, but are a bane after the increase in population. I have been closely associated with the ambitious Lyari Expressway project, an important component of which was land acquisition and resettlement. A significant area required for the project included mosques, madrassas and shops. These were well guarded, but had no clear title of ownership. This problem of uncertainty of title in different parts of the city is compounded by the 'Paggari System' in which property changes hands based on who has street power. The history of the Italian Mafia was similar. The surrender of vast tracts of land by the church and in turn its poor management and poor protection resulted in the growing influence of the Sicilian Mafia in the later part of the 19th century. When the authorities failed to enforce law, criminals and armed gangs began to rule these streets and began to get involved in drug trafficking, extortion and serial killings. The phenomenon assumed a transnational character when it spilled over to New York and Chicago through the Italian diaspora. Karachi's conundrum is also in many ways a failure of governance over a long period of time. Various tiers of the state machinery have quite often had different objectives. Political leaders have failed to see the bigger picture because of short term political gains. The administration and law-enforcement agencies have acquired a culture of appeasement. The only way to resolve the problems is a return to proper governance. A depoliticized police will have to comb the narrow streets and enforce their writ. A detailed mapping and manning of land must be initiated. A permanent mechanism must be put in place to protect and retrieve state land from not just the land grabbers but also state organizations, autonomous bodies and housing societies. Above all, there is a need for soul searching by the major political stakeholders of the city. They must adopt an inclusive approach and understand that Karachi is larger than their expediencies. The writer is a public policy analyst and a former federal secretary