IN THE end, it was only theatre. Muscled, mustachioed, braggadocio that could have sunk a government and derailed a democracy, but for what?
The Prime Minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, imperious in a black suit and matching scarf, stood in the middle of the courtroom, calmly outlining why he ''respected the institution of the Supreme Court'', but that he would not be obeying its direction.
The judges, seven men in robes of black and gold, stared fiercely back and rebuked the country's leader (through his lawyer) for his recalcitrance.Neither side conceded an inch. Neither side attempted to negotiate an outcome, and any sort of resolution was postponed at least a fortnight.
The Prime Minister's contempt of court hearing was a good example of Pakistan creating problems for itself, when it has real problems it should be addressing.
Corruption is rampant. A recent survey found 69 per cent of Pakistanis encountered graft in the legal system (paying off judges is common), and four in 10 had to pay a bribe to have a family member admitted to hospital. Transparency International's latest index lists Pakistan at lowly 134 of 182 countries for corruption.
The economy - beset by low growth, high inflation and unemployment - is in a dire position.
There is a crippling energy crisis across Pakistan. In the cities the power is cut four or five times each day: some rural villages get power only two or three hours out of every 24. And there is, of course, the militant violence that terrorises the country, and killed more than 3000 people last year.
But these issues, ever-present and worsening, are the background noise of Pakistani politics. The two ''scandals'' gripping the country, and paralysing its polity are largely confections, born of bent egos and bruised pride.
The first is the corruption allegation that saw Mr Gilani hauled before the Supreme Court and forced to justify what the court views as the Prime Minister shielding his boss, the President, Asif Ali Zardari.
Two years ago, the court made a ruling abolishing an amnesty for the President. It ordered the government to write to Swiss authorities, authorising them to re-start investigations into corruption allegations against Mr Zardari, specifically how $US60 million, reportedly grafted from cargo companies, ended up in an offshore bank account controlled by Mr Zardari. But the government refused, citing the President's immunity.
Despite Thursday's court appearance by Mr Gilani the situation is unchanged, the court wants the letter written, the government won't do it. Write the letter, don't write the letter. In reality, it probably makes no difference.
Swiss authorities have already said they won't proceed with an investigation while Mr Zardari is head of state. If Mr Gilani writes the letter, he can be seen to be upholding the court's ruling and his boss, dogged by corruption scandals for decades, again escapes.
This was a scandal made by a Supreme Court out to sink a government, and a government too full of its own self-importance to see there was a way out. Neither side could tolerate losing face, relinquishing any suggestion of power, so both have stood firm.
But it is now a serious issue, and there remains a real chance Mr Gilani will be charged with, and convicted of, contempt of court. He could be dismissed and jailed.
The second big scandal has been dubbed, ''memogate''. In the days following Osama bin Laden's assassination on Pakistani soil in May, an anonymous memo was sent to the head of the US military offering to rein in the influence of Pakistan's military and disband brigades known to be co-operating with terrorists, in exchange for US support against a military coup.
The generals, already wary of this government, view the note as a treasonous betrayal of the military, the organisation they see as the only true defender of Pakistan.
Undoubtedly the memo was sent and inside opinion is that Mr Zardari, at the very least, knew about it. But again, this is an issue given more oxygen, more column inches and more opprobrium than it deserved.
The US saw the note for what it was, an unreliable ambit plea, and disregarded it completely. Akram Zaki, a former Pakistan ambassador to the US, said there was nothing unique to Pakistani politicians seeking to influence US policy in their own country.
''All politicians of high ambition have been leaning on the US in one way or another for a long time,'' he said. ''Every issue becomes magnified, these have been blown up beyond all proportion. They have wider repercussions, because many people are now involved. … When an issue becomes dangerous, you don't know who it is going to hurt.''
None of the Pakistani actors - political, military, judicial - have emerged from the recent scandals with honour intact.
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