Egypt draft constitution may ban religious political parties

The new Egyptian constitution may seek to ban all religious parties from the political arena, sources told Ahram Online. The interim government may declare the Muslim Brotherhood a terror organization amid clashes which have left over 800 dead. The new draft constitution is expected to be announced on Wednesday, Ali Awad, head of the ten-member technical committee and legal aid to the interim president, said in a Sunday press conference. Following the ousting of former President Mohamed Morsi, interim President Adly Mansour created a ten-member committee tasked with proposing amendments to the constitution. The panel consists of six judges and four constitutional law professors. A second committee, comprised of 50 public figures will then have 60 days to review those amendments, to determine if the new proposals are fit for a public referendum. Parliamentary elections are expected to follow after the referendum. “Fundamental changes must be introduced to [the] 2012 Islamist-backed constitution,” Ahram Online quoted source close to the committee as saying. According to the source, the committee has agreed that the new constitution will ban political parties based on religious ideology. Such a move will clash directly with Morsi’s Article 2 of 2012's constitution, which stipulates that Islamic Sharia law supersedes civilian judiciary. Last week, however, Awad was quoted as saying that Article 2 will be kept “in order to stress the Islamic identity of Egypt.” The source said the ban is necessary, as a number of political parties were formed on religious ideology with an ultimate goal of creating a religious state in Egypt. Such caution against religious extremism arose after “proposals from more than 400 political, economic, and social institutions, pressing hard for the necessity of safeguarding Egypt against Islamist factions trying to change the civil nature of the country into a religious oligarchy.” Among one of the other major amendments proposed would be the annulment of the ban against Hosni Mubark’s National Democratic Party (NDP), the source claimed. Committee sources also stated that the “the upper house of parliament, the Shura Council, would be scrapped.” “Most political factions also press for the elimination of this council, which was exploited by the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies over one year to impose their Islamist ideology on the country,” a source said, adding that the Shura Council costs the state budget “too much money at a time of severe economic crisis.” Some changes are expected to be introduced to the High Constitutional Court and the media in order to reinforce the institutions’ independence and shield them from further “intimidation by ruling regimes.” Earlier, Egyptian Prime Minister Hazem el-Beblawi proposed dissolving the Muslim Brotherhood as the army clashed with pro-Morsi supporters across the country. “There will be no reconciliation with those whose hands have been stained with blood and who turned weapons against the state and its institutions,” Beblawi told reporters. The Muslim Brotherhood has also been blamed for dozens of attacks on churches and Christian communities in Egypt. However, Amr Darrag from the Freedom and Justice Party told RT that “the Muslim Brotherhood has always been protecting churches.” Citing a priest in Minya - where many Christian churches were attacked this week - Darrag said that the “attacks were orchestrated by thugs who cooperate with security forces.” He added that allegations of Islamist groups attacking the places of worship are unfounded. “These allegations are being propounded by the current [regime], in order to justify the aggression.” Furthermore, Darrag told RT that mass media often misinterprets the whole picture, placing pro-Morsi protesters in one camp and government forces in the other. They are composed of “several fractions of Egyptians,” the politician said, adding that some are not organized or united under any banner. “They are all protesting and marching to regain democracy back.” Over 800 people were killed in violent clashes after the interim government cleared out overall peaceful sit-ins in support of deposed Egyptian leader Mohamed Morsi.

Noor Jehan - Sanu Nehar Wale Pul Tay Bula Ke

Syrian Kurd refugees flee in fear of al Nusra rebel group

Thousands of refugees are crossing the border into Iraqi Kurdistan from Syria as the civil war becomes increasingly hostile.

Egypt seen as graveyard of Islamist ambitions for power

As the army ruthlessly crushes the Muslim Brotherhood on the streets of Cairo, having swept away its elected president, Egypt is being painted as the graveyard of the Arab Spring and of Islamist hopes of shaping the region's future.

This week's bloody drama has sent shockwaves out of Egypt, the political weathervane and cultural heart of the Arab world. The effect on the region of the army's power grab will not be uniform, because while countries such as Egypt are locked in a battle over identity, other states, from Syria to Yemen, and Libya to Iraq, are in an existential struggle for survival. The Egyptian chapter of the Arab awakening began with the uprising that ended the 30-year dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak and has moved on to the spectacular implosion of the Brotherhood that replaced him. Having been outlawed intermittently since their founding 80 years ago, the organization won parliamentary and presidential elections, then self-destructed in one year. Deposed President Mohamed Mursi alienated all but a hard-core constituency by devoting his energy to seizing control of Egypt's institutions rather than implementing policies to revive its paralyzed economy and heal political divisions, analysts say. "I was surprised by the rapid fall of the Islamists," said Jamel Arfaoui, an analyst on Tunisia, the birthplace of the Arab Spring uprisings. "I was expecting that the Muslim Brotherhood would continue long in power and benefit from the experience of the Islamists in Turkey," where the Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party has won three straight elections. The Egyptian Brothers, or Al-Ikhwan, now have reason to fear they could be back in the wilderness for decades after the army, with much bloodshed, imposed a state of emergency last week. The last time emergency rule was implemented - after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat in 1981 - it remained in force for more than 30 years.

TOXIC BRAND?

In power, Mursi and his backers in the Brotherhood proved unable to collaborate with either Islamist allies or secular adversaries and fatally alienated an army they first tried to co-opt. They have left the country more divided than at any time since it became a republic in 1953. "They have no understanding whatsoever of the way democratic politics operates," says George Joffe, an expert on North Africa at Cambridge University. "It is difficult to imagine how anyone, given the opportunity of power, could in any circumstances have behaved as stupidly as they did. It is staggering incompetence." The 2011 upheavals promoted Islamist groups affiliated with or similar to the Brotherhood to the heart of politics across the Arab world, and most observers say events in Egypt are not just a national but a regional setback for the organization. "The Brotherhood have committed political suicide. It will take them decades to recover ... because a significant number of Egyptians now mistrust them. Al-Ikhwan is a toxic brand now in Egypt and the region," said academic Fawaz Gerges, adding that the damage goes beyond Egypt to its affiliates in Tunisia, Jordan and Gaza, where the ruling Hamas evolved from the Brotherhood. This has delighted leaders as distinct as King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, traditionally wary of rival flavors of Islam, and Bashar al-Assad, who greeted last month's military takeover in Egypt as vindication of his own bloody fight against Islamists. Some say Egypt is a setback for democracy itself in the Arab world. "It delegitimizes the ballot box and legitimizes in the eyes of Arabs that the army is the only institution we can fall back on to protect us against disintegration or Islamists who hijack the state," said Gerges of the London School of Economics. Tarek Osman, author of "Egypt on the Brink", said Egypt represented a clash over whether these states are to be governed according to traditions of secular nationalism or see their rich, ancient identities squeezed into the Islamist strait-jacket of the Brotherhood. It is "the Islamic frame of reference versus old, entrenched, rich national identities", he says: "This identity clash is a root cause for the antagonism that wide social segments have for the Islamists."

STRUGGLE FOR IDENTITY AND SURVIVAL

The struggle might be about the identity of the state in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, where political structures are relatively strong, but in Libya and Yemen, riven by tribal rivalries and lacking properly functioning institutions, it is about the survival of the state. "In Libya, the Brotherhood is hardly in the scene," says Joffe. "The danger is that there is chaos, no centralized government, not even regional authority of any kind." In Libya, armed militias have filled the vacuum left by the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi. In Yemen, the militant Islamists of al Qaeda have taken over swathes of land, while sectarian, tribal and regional rivalries are tearing the country of 25 million apart. In Syria, a popular uprising against Assad's 40-year family rule has evolved into a civil war that has killed 100,000 people and provided a new opportunity for al Qaeda and a proxy battleground for regional rivals Saudi Arabia and Iran. And now in Iraq, fresh venom is being injected into the conflict between the country's Sunni minority and Shi'ite-led majority. It is obvious, analysts say, that the future of the East Mediterranean nation states, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, is in danger. These countries were created by Britain and France from the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire after World War One, but their imperial interests took priority over the sectarian and ethnic cohesion of the new states. The faultlines have since been kept in check by the deep freeze of the Arab security state. The removal of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein in a U.S.-led invasion in 2003 and the lethal challenge to Assad has certainly brought Islamism to the fore, and made these countries the front line of the Shi'ite-Sunni sectarian battle. "Sectarianism now rules supreme. The Iraq war and its aftermath - effectively dividing the country along confessional lines - and then the Syrian civil war, which is already sending tremors into tense sectarian-ridden Lebanon, create various triggers for potentially wider conflicts. "Now that these nation states have fallen (in Iraq and Syria) and face serious threats (in Lebanon), these realities are crumbling, and the region's societies are confronting these demons," Osman said. Al Qaeda militants have been quick to exploit sectarian tensions in Iraq, the power vacuum in Yemen and civil war in Syria. They have yet to play a significant role in Egypt, though the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, as part of a push to disseminate the state's narrative of events, has distributed photos showing, among other things, Muslim Brotherhood members carrying clubs, firearms and a black al Qaeda flag. The Brotherhood denies links to the network.

IRREPRESSIBLE YOUTH

In the new Arab order, the region's leaders and generals are finding that their people will no longer roll over in the face of violent suppression. Heavy-handed attempts to stamp out civic unrest led to the ousting of Zine al-Abidine Ben-Ali in Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen and Gaddafi in Libya, as well as triggering the revolt against Assad. Although the Brotherhood is the big loser of recent weeks, the war zone in Cairo where young Islamists keep pouring into the streets undeterred by tanks and snipers of the mighty Egyptian army and security forces is a vivid illustration. In Egypt, Tunisia, Syria and other parts of the region, over two-thirds of the population are under 30-years old, which should give pause to the generals and secret policemen as much as the politicians, whether Islamist or secular. "Not only do these huge young masses have immediate economic demands; they are also the first Arab generation ever to grow up with immediate gratification and expression," says Tarek Osman. "Their exposure to the Internet, satellite channels and instant communication make them express their views quickly, share their frustrations instantly, build and destroy narratives at incredible speeds, and certainly they are not willing to wait and be patient for inexperienced leaders to learn on the job."

Guessing game as Pakistan's powerful army chief prepares to retire

In a nation long plagued by military coups, the question of who will replace Pakistan's all-powerful army chief has taken on new urgency this year as the country tries to shake off the legacy of decades of military dictatorship. General Ashfaq Kayani, arguably the most powerful man in the nuclear-armed country, is expected to step down after six years in November - presenting Pakistan's new premier with the toughest of choices yet since coming to power in May. The army has ruled Pakistan for more than half of its history since independence in 1947. But even during periods of civilian rule, the army has set security and foreign policy. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif says he wants to disentangle the military from politics and he has taken over the foreign affairs and defense portfolios in an apparent show of determination to wrest those responsibilities from the army. But the military is unlikely to relinquish its hold at such a sensitive time. As Western forces prepare to withdraw from Afghanistan by the end of next year, Pakistan is striving to prevent old rival India from increasing its influence there. Illustrating the difficulties Sharif might face in setting foreign policy, his bid to improve ties with India has been undermined by violence between Indian and Pakistani forces in the disputed Kashmir region. While the two armies trade fire and blame, Pakistan's civilian government can only look on. Nevertheless, the Pakistani military has meddled less in politics under Kayani, earning him a reputation as a pragmatic leader willing to ease the military's grip on political affairs and publicly endorse democracy. Sharif, himself ousted in a military coup in 1999, has a difficult relationship with the army, and picking Kayani's successor could be the defining moment of his second term. "It's not just that Nawaz wants someone he can trust and who he can use to neutralize the army's political role," one retired senior military official told Reuters. "The army also wants someone who will be able to work with Nawaz." The job has been at the centre of a drawn-out guessing game and officials would not speculate publicly on it. But in private interviews with army officers, politicians and diplomats, several names have emerged as possible contenders. Those include Lieutenant General Rashad Mahmood, the current chief of general staff, Lieutenant General Tariq Khan, who is considered pragmatic on U.S. relations, and Lieutenant General Haroon Aslam, the most senior official after Kayani. Some have even floated the idea that Kayani - whose term was extended for three years in 2010 to the discontent of some of the top brass climbing the ranks below him - might end up staying in the job for another three years.

"NO GUARANTEES"

Kayani, a chain-smoking, unsmiling man known for his low-key manner, is dubbed the Quiet General of Pakistani politics. His public statements in support of Pakistan's transition to democracy have earned him respect in the West. In a speech just before the May election, Kayani said a bad democracy was better than the worst kind of dictatorship. And yet his words hardly concealed a warning that the army's support for democracy would not be available forever. "Everyone says that under Kayani the army is now transformed and we can trust in its democratic credentials. But let's not jump the gun," said a source in Sharif's administration. "One era of soft military leadership does not make for a lasting legacy. The civilians will have to work hard to make sure everyone knows their limits." But even under Kayani some generals have grumbled quietly over the softer approach, and a new army chief might feel pressure to exert his authority over the civilians. This could set the military on a collision course with Sharif again, like in 1999 when he was overthrown by General Pervez Musharraf and jailed. Just a year earlier, Sharif had picked Musharraf as his new army chief. "There are no guarantees the current status quo will last beyond Kayani," said one diplomat in Islamabad. Criticizing the top brass has long been taboo. But that too has changed after the Supreme Court ruled last year that the military must stop interfering in politics, eroding the generals' untouchable status in the eyes of the public. The army's standing also took a hit over a secret 2011 operation by U.S. forces to kill Osama bin Laden on Pakistani soil. Ordinary Pakistanis saw it as a violation of sovereignty that the army had failed to prevent. Technically, Kayani has to come up with a shortlist of three candidates and send it to Sharif for approval. In reality, Sharif may not have much choice but he will at least try to strike a semblance of balance, officials say. "A super assertive new chief whose first priority is to win back the former glory of his institution and a prime minister who likes being the boss and won't share the spotlight with anyone. That's an interesting combination," said one official close to outgoing President Asif Ali Zardari. "The new crop of generals are not even remotely as patient as (Kayani) when it comes to the screw-ups of civilian leaders."

De Ta Zhwand Wa : Rahim Shah & Shahzad Adeel 2013 Official Video

Bahrain is Looking Less Like Egypt, and More Like Rwanda

http://www.policymic.com/

By Lindsay Boyle

Engaging in pro-democracy demonstrations since early 2011, the Bahraini opposition hoped its latest installment of protests would make the country into another Arab Spring success story. On Wednesday, those hopes of success were violently dashed. On July 28, just a few weeks prior to the highly anticipated August 14 protests, parliament hastily passed a series of constricting laws — such as a ban on all protests in the capital city and the ability to strip citizenship from protesters — under the guise of countering terrorism. Terrorism is the systematic use of terror, especially as a means of coercion. Terrorism is not marching down the street chanting while unarmed, or holding a sit-in to stand up for one’s rights. If anything, the Bahraini regime appears to be the one guilty of employing terrorism. Two days before the demonstrations were set to occur, Bahrain's prime minister assured the public that those violating law and order would be forcefully confronted. On August 14, his words rang true. Barbed wire and cement blocks surrounded many villages with police checkpoints being the only means of exiting or entering. In other towns, tear gas lined the ground, a makeshift barrier to the movement of the opposition. Police were present in almost every village, patrolling the streets for any who might be participating in the movement. Knowing they couldn't leave to join any organized protests without being questioned, many opted to hold sit-ins just outside their homes. According to the Twitter account of the Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights, security forces even suppressed some of them. On August 14, Bahrain, although smaller than Rhode Island, was the world's largest prison. But, even though thousands still showed up and police employed brutality, the mainstream media hardly covered the protests. They weren't as big or as bloody as was anticipated. Media priorities aside, there's reason to be concerned. In Bahrain, the Sunni minority holds the majority of the political power— and has since the country's independence in 1971 — while Shia Muslims , as evidenced by gerrymandering practices and wealth disparities, are politically and economically oppressed. Government-owned media broadcasts and publications regularly paint the opposition — consisting mostly of Shia, plus some underprivileged Sunnis — as terrorists with the goal of destabilizing the country. Sound familiar? It might not at first, but think about it: Until Rwanda gained independence in the early 1960s, the minority ethnicity, Tutsi, controlled most of Rwanda with its monarchy, while the Hutus were forced to perform statute labor. The colonial power at the time, Belgium, only exacerbated the ethnic tension, introducing separate ID cards for Tutsis and Hutus. It should be noted that years after the Hutus forcibly ousted the Tutsi regime, the roles reversed. Anti-Tutsi messages filled the airways, in part leading to the infamous Rwandan genocide in 1994. In Bahrain, some government members and proponents have, ironically, accused the opposition of engaging in sectarianism. However, like those in Arab Spring countries such as Egypt, Bahraini protesters are fueled not by the hatred of another ethnicity, but by the longing for democracy and equality. But unlike that in Egypt, the opposition in Bahrain doesn’t at all have the support of the police. The Bahraini opposition consists primarily of people who've been peacefully crying for democracy since February 2011, not partaking in terrorism. Yet, fear of arrest, torture, or death, as well as knowing they're seen as terrorists, kept many potential protesters inside their homes August 14, and could continue to do so for an indefinite amount of time. This is not to say the Shia will one day violently overthrow the Sunnis and carry out a genocide to get revenge for years of subjection — there's no evidence to back up those claims. Instead, this is a case where people have so demeaningly had their rights stolen, to the point that they aren't even allowed to sit outside their own homes, that it's past time for the world to pay attention and to support the opposition. What happened in Rwanda is not destined to happen in Bahrain, but something similar could. Bahrain is no longer taking strides toward becoming a democracy. Instead, it's mirroring some of the most oppressive countries in recent history.

You're gonna get it..... Sharon Jones and the Dap Kings

What went wrong in Egypt?

Ziad Akl

So, open confrontation is finally upon us. The time where political mediation would have been capable of preventing violence is long gone. The 10 days that preceded the dispersal were simply a matter of settling on the most appropriate confrontation strategies and timings. Both involved parties were out of political options. The army on one hand had to deliver what it promised when it asked for the people’s authorisation to confront violence. On the other hand, the Muslim Brotherhood had no political will to reduce the number of casualties in these confrontations. Suddenly, the time came for both parties to move. The real problem with the media coverage in Egypt’s events is how biased, prejudiced and politicised this coverage usually is. It has become absolutely futile to build any perceptions and/or arguments based on numbers from the media. Hence, your take on what’s going on would depend on the objectivity of your source of information. The problem with the two distant ends of the media, the pro-army and the pro-Morsi media, is how remote from reality they are. Media channels and most newspapers really outdid themselves in trying to pin down the responsibility for all the violence taking place on either the army or the Brotherhood. What we need to understand is how both parties are equally involved in this and how there are no victors in this lose-lose battle. The Brotherhood was indeed a violent and deterrent force. The amount of hate speech coming through loud speakers in Rabaa was enough to bring down a whole city. Clear human rights violations that took place in Rabaa, like torture, were becoming too much to tolerate in a society that has any respect for human life. Recurrent threats by the Brotherhood to turn Egypt into a bloodbath that they have the martyrs for were a discourse so remote from peaceful action. There was an obvious vengeful will in the Brotherhood’s main rhetoric. Moreover, their use of arms was not exactly helping their “peaceful” case. Meanwhile, the army was not much better. There were incidents that I saw with my own eyes where the army used too much force in an unnecessary manner. Apparently, it is a sin these days to criticise the army, but when a riot is around the corner, it does nobody any good to bury our heads in the sand. To put it simply, the army could have been much more sensible in its actions. However, the hatred that’s polluting people’s minds is blocking all paths to reason and logic. Anyone who takes a look out their window would realise how blood is staining all of our hands, one after the other. If what we are looking for is stopping this reckless violence, then we need to understand who stirs up all the hatred behind it. Ironically, just as the Brotherhood teaches its members that those who rose up against Morsi will one day rise up against Islam, those who are against the Brotherhood do their best to prove how all this violence is neither the responsibility of the army nor the police. What really went wrong in Egypt was how rigid its politics became. What we are witnessing right now is not the beginning of a Syria-like scenario. What we are seeing is the normal result of mutual hatred, extreme polarisation and absolute lack of objectivity.

Council of Egyptian Churches rejects foreign intervention

The Council of Egyptian Churches rejected foreign interference in domestic affairs in a statement issued on Saturday evening. The council, which includes representatives from the Coptic Orthodox, Catholic, Evangelical, Episcopal and Greek Orthodox churches, “affirmed the right of its citizens to defend themselves against terrorism.” The statement issued by the group also condemned attacks on police stations, public property and citizens. The Council of Egyptian Churches condemned continuous attacks on churches throughout the country, along with Christian property, calling on the armed forces to support police in their efforts to restore security and stability to the country. The council is currently lead by the head of the Coptic Orthodox Church Pope Tawadros II. The statement also accused western media of spreading misinformation and possessing “stubbornness against the free people of Egypt.” Sectarian violence escalated following the removal of President Mohamed Morsi. Attacks against churches and Christian communities further intensified last week when security forces dispersed sit-ins supporting Morsi at Rabaa Al-Adaweya and Al-Nahda Square. The violence left hundreds dead. The Coptic Orthodox Church released a statement on Friday announcing its full support for police and military in “standing in the face of armed and terrorist groups.” It said it would not accept sectarian strife and extended condolences to families of those who died amidst the recent wave of violence in the country. It also stressed its rejection of international intervention in domestic affairs.

Pakistan: Sikandar Hayat saga: Inquiry reveals multiple security agency failures

The Express Tribune

An unofficial report released by the inquiry committee for the Sikandar Hayat saga has pointed out that there were major failures in the communication mechanisms of security forces during the incident on August 15, when an armed man and his wife engaged security forces for over six hours in Islamabad, Express News reported. Led by Additional Secretary Ministry of the Interior Ather Sayal, the findings of the committee stated that security forces and the police had been unsuccessful in preparing a well planned strategy to deal with the situation, adding that the incident had been prolonged unnecessarily.

According to the findings of the committee, police officials blamed the bizarre unfolding of events on the Rangers, who had arrived at the scene, and Zamrud Khan, who had ventured close to Sikandar and attempted to grab him. The findings reveal that the Rangers refused to take part in the operation against Sikandar when approached, stating they would only act if a proper order was brought to them, Express News representative Sohail Chaudhry reported. The committee has proposed that an SOP between all security forces operating in Islamabad should be established in order to avoid any such security failure in the future. The committee also recommended that the weapons of the Islamabad police, including sniper guns that they allegedly did not have, be upgraded and available. Sikandar stable A Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS) spokesperson has confirmed with the media that Sikandar’s condition is stable. The gunman has been declared out of danger and has reportedly started talking, although he is still under intensive care.

Karachi-Pakistan: No end to animals suffering at zoo amid celebrations

Zoo animals continued to suffer the unseemly behaviour of crowds and the administration for a sixth consecutive day with no respite from ear-splitting music, it emerged during a visit to the facility on Wednesday.

Zoo staff told Dawn that the administration had allowed a group to play loud music for a week at the facility that they said had been visited by hundreds and thousands of people over the past few days. A motor vehicle modified into a train to attract visitors also created a lot of noise. “It’s a big show for the zoo administration that has been making huge profits since Eid. Animals, however, have been continuously suffering. You can see them being targeted by children who use toy guns to tease and hurt the wild species,” said a zoo keeper. He added that it was difficult to stop children from such activities in a huge rush. While the rude behaviour and noisy atmosphere had forced some animals to take refuge in hideouts within their enclosures, there were others such as lions that got furious and roared. Some visitors were seen throwing eatables into animal cages. Some armed policemen apparently providing an escort to a family were also spotted in the zoo. “The administration needs to start a clean-up drive. Look at the dark greenish water of the pond. It’s awful. It seems that the pond hasn’t been cleaned for ages,” a visitor said, adding that the zoo should be managed in a scientific way so that people from all strata of society could visit it. Some visitors complained that the zoo administration had adopted a practice of doubling the entry fee as well as charges of recreational activities and eatables on holidays. “Rs10 has been added to the fee of each recreational activity and entry,” a zoo staffer said while verifying the information. He also said different parties had been allowed to operate inside the zoo without any proper agreement in writing. The zoo director was not available for comments. When Dawn contacted senior director of culture, sports and recreation, Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC), Shoaib Waqar, he expressed his ignorance over music playing and use of toy guns. He said he would inquire about the matter. He agreed that the zoo needed to be run on scientific lines and that the present state of the zoo was a matter of concern. The zoo administration, he said, had held a meeting with the World Wide Fund for Nature-Pakistan which, he said, would give their recommendations for zoo improvement. On the issue of overcharging, he said: “We have done our paperwork for every business being run at the zoo. We have also issued a show-cause notice to the contractor managing the entry gates for increasing the ticket fare.”

Pakistan to free more than 350 Indian prisoners to defuse tensions

Pakistan will soon release more than 350 Indian prisoners, a Foreign Ministry official told on Sunday, to defuse tensions after recent border clashes in disputed Kashmir. Most of the Indians to be released are fishermen, who strayed into Pakistani waters after getting stranded, the official said. They could be freed on August 24, he added. Data compiled by the ministry says there are currently 491 Indians in Pakistani jails. "We expect India to reciprocate the gesture," said the official, who did not want to be named. India and Pakistan have in recent weeks accused each other of violating a 10-year-old ceasefire across the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border that divides the Himalayan region of Kashmir. The killings on both sides have cast doubt on the possible resumption of peace talks, which were stalled following skirmishes at the border since January.

Read more: http://voiceofrussia.com/news/2013_08_18/Pakistan-to-free-more-than-350-Indian-prisoners-to-defuse-tensions-5097/

Ceasefire under shadow: Indian Army says Pakistan is engineering more attacks along LoC

Amid heightened tension along the LoC, which has witnessed a spurt in ceasefire violations by Pakistan, Army on Sunday said it has inputs about Pakistan trying to engineer more Border Action Team (BAT) attacks along the borderline.India has blamed BAT, which is a mix of Pakistani special forces personnel and terrorists, for the brutal killing of its two soldiers in January, one of whom was beheaded, and killing of its five personnel along Line of Control in Poonch sector. "There are inputs of such (BAT) actions. In this area they have not done anything so far. There are inputs that they are going to try something (engineer BAT attacks on the forward posts along LoC)," Brigade Commander, 120 Infantry Brigade, A Sengupta told reporters in Bhimbher Gali in poonch sector along the LoC.rig Sengupta was replying to volley of questions about whether there were inputs of more BAT attacks along LoC in Poonch, increase in ceasefire violation and India's response. "But we are ready for that (any Pakistani BAT attack)", the Brigade commander said. There have been 70 ceasefire violations by the Pakistani troops in 2013 from January one to August 5, which is 85% more than the last year during the same corresponding period, Army officials said. The fierce exchanges in recent weeks have cast a shadow on the prospect of the 2003 Indo-Pak border truce. India and Pakistan entered into the border ceasefire as a confidence building measure during NDA rule and it will complete one decade on November 26, 2013. The ceasefire violation have been reported on daily basis for past nine days without a break, forcing Indian troops to retaliate, they said. Six jawans were killed and five jawans were among nine persons injured in ceasefire violations and firing by Pakistan troops on forwards post, civilian areas and patrolling parties along Indo-Pak border during August 2013. "Pakistan troops have been firing on our forward posts daily for past couple of days. They are firing intensely with mortar bomb, rockets, RPG and high calibre weaponry," Brigadier Sengupta said. They are not only directly firing on the posts but also target civilian villages along borderline, said the officer, who looks after operation command of three-tiered fence along the LoC in Bhimber gali sector. "Pakistan is not showing any respect to the Indo-Pak ceasefire. They are violating it daily by firing at us. Where is sanctity of this truce," he said, maintaining that Indian troops have always respected the truce despite provocations in the past. "Not only this there is also threat of Pak BAT attacks on our posts so the troops are alert and vigilant round the cock," said Col Anai Shanker of unit deployed in the border-sector. Sengupta said the firing from Pakistani side was aimed at helping terrorists infiltrate and demoralise the troops posted along LoC. "But the morale of our troops is very high," he said. The officer said the ceasefire violations are "very intense and totally unprovoked". "Troops are ready to give a strong response to those firing from across. We have also strongly retaliated in these sectors -- their five posts have been damaged in retaliation by us," Sengupta said. He said officers have been asked to respond strongly and effectively. "We have fired heavy calibre weapons from our side in retaliation. They have been firing at us for past one week without any reason with an intention to cause casualties," he said. He said the ceasefire violations from across are due to frustration over failure of infiltration bids by terrorists. "We have major inputs that there are a large number of terrorists -- from 200-300 (waiting to infiltrate)," he said. Since August 10, the army personnel feel that the daily Pakistani firing has brought the situation back to pre-2003 when jawans were entrenched in their mud posts with LMGs and MMGs round-the-clock to retaliate to any Pakistani provocation. "There was not much firing from Pakistan in past years. It was once of twice in two to three months that major ceasefire violation from Pakistan took place. But this year ceasefire violations and firing has increased. We have accordingly changed our strategy of movements," a jawan said. "We are engaged sometimes in night-long exchanges. Peace on the borders seems to have ended," Jawan Raju Singh said.

Indian Army foils infiltration bid along LoC in Kupwara

The Hindu

Army on Sunday foiled an infiltration bid by militants near the Line of Control in Kupwara district of Jammu and Kashmir but there was no report of any casualty. “Alert troops noticed movement of heavily armed militants along the Line of Control in Keran sector of Kupwara at around 2.30 am. The militants were challenged, triggering off exchange of firing between the two sides,” an army official said. He said the firing lasted for nearly three hours and the militants have apparently crossed the LoC back in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. “We are not leaving anything to chance and combing operations are going on in the area. So far no recoveries have been made from the scene of the gun battle,” he said. The official said there were no casualties reported in the operation. Infiltration has been on the rise since the month of June this year as security officials believe that the handlers of militants in PoK are trying to push in as many ultras as possible to replace the cadres eliminated by security forces. Army has said it has killed 28 militants in counter-insurgency operations since June 24 this year in Kashmir valley. Meanwhile, security forces have launched a cordon and search operation this morning in Handwara area of Kupwara, 85 kms from here, following presence of militants in the area, police said. The search operations were going on till reports last came in, the police said. Keywords: India-Pakistan bilateral ties, cross-border terrorism, ceasefire violations, LoC tension, LoC killings

India, Pakistan: An 'antagonistic' relationship

More than six decades after independece from the British Raj, ties between India and Pakistan continue to be marred by mutual distrust. Recent hostilities along the common border suggest this won't change anytime soon. From Lahore to Islamabad and from Mumbai to New Delhi, millions of people recently marked the anniversary of Pakistan's and India's 1947 independence from British colonial rule. The celebrations were accompanied by dances, parades and ceremonies on all levels of society. But, according to experts, the South Asian neighbors have little to celebrate when it comes to their bilateral ties. Over the past 66 years, India and Pakistan have fought three major wars and been involved in a number of minor conflicts. Their differences revolve around a number of issues ranging from border disputes to water access and terrorism.

A 'myopic mindset' Analysts such as Robert Hathaway from the Washington-based Woodrow Wilson International Center, believe the apparent unwillingness or inability of leaders from the two sides to settle these differences has led to a "huge drain of resources," which could have been directed at tackling more pressing problems such as poverty or access to education.This view is supported by the latest data published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). According to the research center, the two nations spend large amounts of money (around 2.6 percent of their GDP in 2011) on modernizing their armed forces and acquiring new weapons. In contrast, public expenditure on health care amounted to only 1.1 percent of the GDP in India and less than one percent in Pakistan, according to the World Bank. A deep sense of mutual suspicion has permeated bilateral relations for over six decades. "Both India and Pakistan have been antagonistic towards each other since independence," said Hathaway. This view is shared by Moeed Yusuf, a senior Pakistan expert at the US Institute of Peace, who accuses leaders in both countries of acting with "myopic mindsets." Yusuf argues that since the two countries don't cooperate with each other and only try to undercut one another, they have made South Asia one of the least integrated regions in the world. Indeed, commerce between the two countries, although increasing, is remarkably low. According to a study commissioned by the Trade Development Authority of Pakistan, bilateral trade was valued at around 2.7 billion USD in 2011. The authors of the study also point out that trade could reach $11 billion, if ties were to normalize, thus highlighting the economic consequences of the long term rivalry.

The 'blame game'

Despite efforts by several administrations on both sides to resolve their differences, there seems to be a trend that whenever India and Pakistan edge closer toward negotiations, some incident derails the process."Every time there is an attempt to normalize relations, you see the number of terrorist attacks rise. It is an open secret that there are a number of actors in both Pakistan and India who do not want to see any improvement in the ties. There is a blame game between the two sides," Yusuf told DW. This pattern seems to be repeating itself once again. Shortly after winning historical elections that saw the first handover of power between democratically elected civilian governments, Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif committed himself to improving relations with India. Sharif and his Indian counterpart Manmohan Singh even agreed to meet in September on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. But the discussions between the two nuclear-armed neighbors now appear to hang in the balance. Just recently, the Indian army blamed Pakistan for the killing of five Indian soldiers along the disputed Kashmir border, a region not only divided by the two countries but also claimed by both in its entirety. It said that troops had "entered the Indian area and ambushed" an army patrol on August 6th. In a speech marking India's independence anniversary, Singh denounced the killings, saying: "Recently there was a dastardly attack on our soldiers on the Line of Control with Pakistan. We will take all possible steps to prevent such incidents in the future."

Peace talks threatened

In his speech Singh asked Pakistan to prevent Islamic extremists from using its territory. India has repeatedly accused the Pakistani military of nurturing militants to fight a covert war over Kashmir. But Pakistan has always denied the claims.Nonetheless, most experts see no major changes taking place over the next couple of years. "I don't see any breakthroughs in the short to medium term. It is going to be a longer process," said Yusuf. New Delhi-based analyst Roy goes even further with his outlook: "The future of India-Pakistan relations has suddenly gone bleak. Until the Pakistani military changes its mind, which is not likely in the near future, nothing will go forward."

Pakistan drops charges in Rimsha 'blasphemy' cleric case

A Pakistani court has dismissed charges against a Muslim cleric who had been arrested on suspicion of framing a Christian girl accused of blasphemy. The imam had accused 14-year-old Rimsha Masih of burning pages from the Koran.

The teenager spent several weeks in prison, and has since fled to Canada with her family. Khalid Jadoon was never formally indicted, and as witnesses have now withdrawn their accusations he has been freed. It had been claimed that he planted pages of the Koran in a bag containing ash which was seized from the girl, who is believed to have learning difficulties. Mr Jadoon's attorney and a prosecution lawyer told BBC Urdu that a district court accepted there was no case to be heard against him. Rimsha was arrested in a Christian area of the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, after a furious crowd demanded she be punished. She and her family had to go into hiding after her release from jail in September 2012. The case provoked widespread international concern about the application of Pakistan's blasphemy laws, and the status of members of minority religions in the predominately Muslim country.

After cold response from K-P, residents of Chitral seek Punjab’s help

The Express Tribune

Flood-affected people in Chitral on Saturday demanded relief from the Punjab government after the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government failed to provide any assistance in the district.

Addressing journalists at the Chitral Press Club, Advocate Ghulam Hazrat Inqilabi, Muhammad Ubair, Shakiruddin and Muhammad Wali said residents are spending their days under the open sky, but the district administration has yet to take any measures to help them. “Nothing has been done to clear the roads or to prevent the situation from deteriorating further,” said Inqilabi. He added they will migrate from the area and hold protests outside parliament if their demands are not met. “We are frustrated by the utter lack of interest from the provincial government and have sought Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif’s help,” said Wali. He added they have presented their demands for relief to District Disaster Management Authority Chairman Muhammad Shoaib Jadoon and other officials, but they have not replied. Wali said the cold response from local officials have further compounded their miseries, adding they are already disconnected from Chitral city because the road linking it to Bumburet in Kalash Valley was washed away by floodwater on July 31. Prices of daily items have also shot up due to a shortage of edibles in the market.

Pakistan: Undoing moderation: Jihad in syllabus

THE KP government has decided to “rectify the mistake of removing Quranic verses on jihad” in the textbooks for elementary and secondary levels in the province. The move, a most fundamental one, seeks to undo the attempt at moderation undertaken by the previous government led by the Awami National Party whose politicians say they had brought in the changes in consultation with scholars. Some of these were aimed at ensuring that at the state level the students are taught about the idea of jihad at a later stage than they had been exposed to until then. The modifications were justified in the background of a militant campaign in the name of religion which particularly affected the province. ANP members say they subscribe to a strong parallel view which interprets jihad more than just war, as a struggle for the people’s betterment. Considering the thrust they have shown so far, it is not surprising that the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf and the Jamaat-i-Islami, the current custodians of power in Peshawar, disagree. As it decided to partner the PTI in KP, the Jamaat was very keen to have the education ministry under its command. It had all but secured the coveted portfolio when the PTI decided against giving it the ministry. Now, while the JI has taken credit for the step towards ‘rectifying’ the syllabus, Imran Khan’s PTI has been more than a willing partner in this initiative, highlighting the ideological bond between the two coalition parties in KP whose joint decision has far-reaching implications. Reverting to the old syllabus is a powerful statement of intent. The repercussions can be deep and defining for a people trying to return to a state of normality where it is possible to argue with words, and issues are not settled by the bullet. The situation has implications which require deft and rational handling. For instance, the scholars have long engaged in a debate about who is authorised to call jihad and the question is all the more relevant in the current context. Let alone the futility of war — all wars — this is a most complicated affair. When individuals and groups are fighting with the state for rights to calling jihad our policymakers must show extra caution. They must not shun a thorough debate on the subject involving scholars who represent various viewpoints. The PTI-JI coalition must not rush here where it has been quite slow in dealing with many, more pressing issues in the province.

Pakistan: Ahmadis denied permission to offer Eid-ul Fitr in Rawalpindi

Ahmadiyya Times

Just a day before Eidul Fitr, the streets leading to Aiwan-e-Tawheed— the central place of worship of Ahmadis residing in Rawalpindi — in Satellite Town was once again filled with banners cautioning residents about ‘unconstitutional activities’ of members of the area’s Ahmadiyya community. The banners were placed following an attempt by the worship place’s administration to get permission from the city administration for offering Eid prayers at their worship centre, which has been closed for two years. Even though the city administration denied permission on the pretext of the move fomenting a ‘law and order situation’, it provided a local trader’s action committee — affiliated with the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz — with an opportunity to launch a fresh wave of hatred against the community. This was the second year running that Ahmadis were barred from offering Eid prayers at their central worship place in the garrison city in the face of strong resentment and threats made by the action committee, which wants the site to be permanently closed down. Jama’at Ahmadiyya Pakistan Spokesperson Saleemud Din, while talking to The Express Tribune, deplored the incident, saying it was unfortunate for community members living in Rawalpindi. Din said the community members can’t fight with elements behind the hate campaign against them, adding that the community’s only other worship place in the city could only house around 200 people. “A number of community members in Rawalpindi offered Eid prayers in Islamabad, while those who do not have transportation facilities available stayed at home,” Din said. He condemned the slack response extended by the city administration towards the issue. “By not granting permission, the administration violated Article 20 of the Constitution that ensures a right to worship for every citizen of Pakistan,” he added. Rawalpindi Commissioner Khalid Masood Chaudhry said they denied permission with the sentiments of local residents in mind, adding that the city administration would look into the matter to seek out a permanent solution. “The Rawalpindi police will be asked to submit a comprehensive report on the issue, after which the administration will come up with a solution.” Many residents were unaware of the worship place’s presence in their neighbourhood until the issue was played up by the Khatm-e-Nabuwat Action Committee. They pressurised the city government to close down the worship place on the pretext of its location being a residential area. The house was purchased by a member of the community some 20 years ago and later donated to the community, which converted it into a worship place around 10 years ago. Oddly, three mosques of similar size in the same street have not drawn objections from the pressure groups. On January 29, 2012, around two thousand people including activists of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan — now Ahle-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat — and Jamatud Dawa, along with students from religious seminaries around Rawalpindi carried out a massive rally near the worship place against what they termed “illegal and unconstitutional act” of the community. One of the worship place’s administration members told The Express Tribune that the local committee was not just causing a split between the Muslim and Ahmadiyya communities, but also between Muslims themselves. “Across the world, it is common practice that the government takes stand for what is right but here the situation is complex. The hate-filled environment for our community has compelled the administration to back the wrong side,” he deplored.

Barbara Bush: Hillary Clinton Should Run In 2016

Add a former Republican president's daughter to the list of supporters for a Hillary Clinton presidential run. In an upcoming interview with People Magazine, George W. Bush's daughter Barbara said she'd like to see the "unbelievably accomplished" Clinton enter the 2016 presidential race, CNN reported Thursday. According to the Hill, Bush's interview with People will appear in the Aug. 26 issue. When asked if she would vote for Clinton, Bush wasn't as certain, saying that she didn't know "who'd she be running against." Speculation surrounding a possible Clinton 2016 run has been abound this summer. During a Monday chat with BuzzFeed Brews, New York City mayoral candidate Anthony Weiner was asked if he knew what his wife Huma Abedin's role would be in a Clinton campaign. Weiner replied "I do," but backtracked from the comment the following day, calling it "a joke." Bush is not the only one who appears to be hopeful of a Clinton run. HuffPost Pollster's latest compilation of 14 available polls on the 2016 National Democratic Primary finds Clinton earning 61.3 percent support.

Egypt is not a weak state: Presidential press conference

The presidency held a press conference Saturday afternoon to address their stance concerning the current situation since Wednesday’s dispersal of the two pro-Mohamed Morsi sit-ins. Mostafa Hegazy, a political strategist and former professor at the University of South California, who was appointed by interim President Adly Mansour as the presidency’s political adviser held the press conference. Hegazy started the conference with an introduction in English directed at foreign media, then allowed a translator to translate it into Arabic, and vice versa. Hegazy said the people “expressed their view against religious fascism and [those] who wanted to strip away Egyptians from their ‘Egyptian-ism’.” He continued saying that the presidential office is clear regarding their respect of “freedom of protest and expression”. The spokesman was asked questions regarding international media in response to which he listed a series of events that international media failed to cover such as the burning of churches as well as the attack of police stations. A reporter asked Hegazy regarding “the international diplomatic position” of the presidency regarding Qatar and other states to which he answered: “every situation will be dealt with according to its time” and “Egypt has proper analysis of the international stance currently, who stand with terrorism and who doesn’t.” Regarding the Muslim Brotherhood leaders captured and their trials Hegazy stated that trials will begin “as soon as all leaders with arrest warrants are captured.” A French journalist asked Hegazy that he heard about a mass grave within Rabaa Al-Adaweya however after visiting he did not find the grave, with Hegazy answering: “other media outlets have seen it.” Regarding the Brotherhood’s political presence Hegazy said that if “anyone from [the] Muslim brotherhood or non-Muslim Brotherhood, would like to join Egyptian movement towards democracy peacefully they’ll be more than welcome.” He affirmed that the current situation cannot be justified as a political disagreement: “this is terrorism…and we give the people who went out on the 30th a promise, we will combat terrorism, we are at war with terrorism at the moment and Egypt will defend its sovereignty.” He ended by saying: “Egyptian people have had their say on June 30th refusing religious fascism, the brotherhood should join the peoples wish.” He stressed on the importance of a legal frame for the state to be present through a “constitution for all Egyptians by all Egyptians”

Egypt’s Islamists target Christian churches, schools

After torching a Franciscan school, Islamists paraded three nuns on the streets like “prisoners of war” before a Muslim woman offered them refuge. Two other women working at the school were sexually harassed and abused as they fought their way through a mob. In the four days since security forces cleared two sit-in camps by supporters of Egypt’s ousted president, Islamists have attacked dozens of Coptic churches along with homes and businesses owned by the Christian minority. The campaign of intimidation appears to be a warning to Christians outside Cairo to stand down from political activism.Christians have long suffered from discrimination and violence in Muslim majority Egypt, where they make up 10 per cent of the population of 90 million. Attacks increased after the Islamists rose to power in the wake of the 2011 Arab Spring uprising that drove Hosni Mubarak from power, emboldening extremists. But Christians have come further under fire since President Mohammed Morsi was ousted on July 3, sparking a wave of Islamist anger led by Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood. Nearly 40 churches have been looted and torched, while 23 others have been attacked and heavily damaged since Wednesday, when chaos erupted after Egypt’s military-backed interim administration moved in to clear two camps packed with protesters calling for Morsi’s reinstatement, killing scores of protesters and sparking deadly clashes nationwide. One of the world’s oldest Christian communities has generally kept a low-profile, but has become more politically active since Mubarak was ousted and Christians sought to ensure fair treatment in the aftermath. Many Morsi supporters say Christians played a disproportionately large role in the days of mass rallies, with millions demanding that he step down ahead of the coup. Despite the violence, Egypt’s Coptic Christian church renewed its commitment to the new political order Friday, saying in a statement that it stood by the army and the police in their fight against “the armed violent groups and black terrorism.” While the Christians of Egypt have endured attacks by extremists, they have drawn closer to moderate Muslims in some places, in a rare show of solidarity. Hundreds from both communities thronged two monasteries in the province of Bani Suef south of Cairo to thwart what they had expected to be imminent attacks on Saturday, local activist Girgis Waheeb said. Activists reported similar examples elsewhere in regions south of Cairo, but not enough to provide effective protection of churches and monasteries. Waheeb, other activists and victims of the latest wave of attacks blame the police as much as hard-line Islamists for what happened. The attacks, they said, coincided with assaults on police stations in provinces like Bani Suef and Minya, leaving most police pinned down to defend their stations or reinforcing others rather than rushing to the rescue of Christians under attack. Another Christian activist, Ezzat Ibrahim of Minya, a province also south of Cairo where Christians make up around 35 per cent of the population, said police have melted away from seven of the region’s nine districts, leaving the extremists to act with near impunity. Two Christians have been killed since Wednesday, including a taxi driver who strayed into a protest by Morsi supporters in Alexandria and another man who was shot to death by Islamists in the southern province of Sohag, according to security officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to release the information. The attacks served as a reminder that Islamists, while on the defensive in Cairo, maintain influence and the ability to stage violence in provincial strongholds with a large minority of Christians. Gamaa Islamiya, the hard-line Islamist group that wields considerable influence in provinces south of Cairo, denied any link to the attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood, which has led the defiant protest against Morsi’s ouster, has condemned the attacks, spokesman Mourad Ali said. Sister Manal is the principal of the Franciscan school in Bani Suef. She was having breakfast with two visiting nuns when news broke of the clearance of the two sit-in camps by police which killed hundreds. In an ordeal that lasted about six hours, she, sisters Abeer and Demiana and a handful of school employees saw a mob break into the school through the wall and windows, loot its contents, knock off the cross on the street gate and replace it with a black banner resembling the flag of al-Qaeda. By the time the Islamists ordered them out, fire was raging at every corner of the 115-year-old main building and two recent additions. Money saved for a new school was gone, said Manal, and every computer, projector, desk and chair was hauled away. Frantic SOS calls to the police, including senior officers with children at the school, produced promises of quick response but no one came.The Islamists gave her just enough time to grab some clothes. In an hourlong telephone interview with The Associated Press, Manal, 47, recounted her ordeal while trapped at the school with others as the fire raged in the ground floor and a battle between police and Islamists went on out on the street. At times she was overwhelmed by the toxic fumes from the fire in the library or the whiffs of tears gas used by the police outside. Sister Manal recalled being told a week earlier by the policeman father of one pupil that her school was targeted by hard-line Islamists convinced that it was giving an inappropriate education to Muslim children. She paid no attention, comfortable in the belief that a school that had an equal number of Muslim and Christian pupils could not be targeted by Muslim extremists. She was wrong. The school has a high-profile location. It is across the road from the main railway station and adjacent to a busy bus terminal that in recent weeks attracted a large number of Islamists headed to Cairo to join the larger of two sit-in camps by Morsi’s supporters. The area of the school is also in one of Bani Suef’s main bastions of Islamists from Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood and ultraconservative Salafis. “We are nuns. We rely on God and the angels to protect us,” she said. “At the end, they paraded us like prisoners of war and hurled abuse at us as they led us from one alley to another without telling us where they were taking us,” she said. A Muslim woman who once taught at the school spotted Manal and the two other nuns as they walked past her home, attracting a crowd of curious onlookers. “I remembered her, her name is Saadiyah. She offered to take us in and said she can protect us since her son-in-law was a policeman. We accepted her offer,” she said. Two Christian women employed by the school, siblings Wardah and Bedour, had to fight their way out of the mob, while groped, hit and insulted by the extremists. “I looked at that and it was very nasty,” said Manal. The incident at the Franciscan school was repeated at Minya where a Catholic school was razed to the ground by an arson attack and a Christian orphanage was also torched. “I am terrified and unable to focus,” said Boulos Fahmy, the pastor of a Catholic church a short distance away from Manal’s school. “I am expecting an attack on my church any time now,” he said Saturday. Bishoy Alfons Naguib, a 33-year-old businessman from Minya, has a similarly harrowing story. His home supplies store on a main commercial street in the provincial capital, also called Minya, was torched this week and the flames consumed everything inside. “A neighbour called me and said the store was on fire. When I arrived, three extremists with knifes approached me menacingly when they realized I was the owner,” recounted Naguib. His father and brother pleaded with the men to spare him. Luckily, he said, someone shouted that a Christian boy was filming the proceedings using his cellphone, so the crowd rushed toward the boy shouting “Nusrani, Nusrani,” the Quranic word for Christians which has become a derogatory way of referring to them in today’s Egypt. Naguib ran up a nearby building where he has an apartment and locked himself in. After waiting there for a while, he left the apartment, ran up to the roof and jumped to the next door building, then exited at a safe distance from the crowd. “On our Mustafa Fahmy street, the Islamists had earlier painted a red X on Muslim stores and a black X on Christian stores,” he said. “You can be sure that the ones with a red X are intact.” In Fayoum, an oasis province southwest of Cairo, Islamists looted and torched five churches, according to Bishop Ibram, the local head of the Coptic Orthodox church, by far the largest of Egypt’s Christian denominations. He said he had instructed Christians and clerics alike not to try to resist the mobs of Islamists, fearing any loss of life. “The looters were so diligent that they came back to one of the five churches they had ransacked to see if they can get more,” he told the AP. “They were loading our chairs and benches on trucks and when they had no space for more, they destroyed them.”

Non Stop Songs : Madam Noor Jehan

President Barack Obama's Weekly Address, August 17, 2013

Egypt mulls Brotherhood ban, gunfire exchanged

http://www.egyptindependent.com/

Egypt's prime minister has proposed disbanding the Muslim Brotherhood of ousted President Mohamed Morsy, the government said on Saturday, raising the stakes in a bloody struggle between the state and Islamists for control of the country. Live television showed a gunman firing at soldiers and police from the minaret of a central Cairo mosque, with security forces shooting back at the building where Morsy followers had taken shelter. Reuters witnesses said Morsy supporters also exchanged gunfire with security forces inside the mosque. The Interior Ministry said 173 people died in clashes across Egypt on Friday, bringing the death toll from three days of carnage to almost 800. Among those killed was a son of Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohamed Badie, shot dead during a protest in Cairo's huge Ramses Square where about 95 people died in an afternoon of gunfire and mayhem on Friday. Egyptian authorities said they had rounded up more than 1,000 Islamists and surrounded Ramses Square following Friday's "Day of Rage" called by the Brotherhood to denounce a lethal crackdown on its followers on Wednesday. Witnesses said tear gas was fired into the mosque prayer room to try to flush everyone out and gunshots were heard. With anger rising on all sides, and no sign of a compromise in sight, Prime Minister Hazem al-Beblawy proposed the legal dissolution of the Brotherhood - a move that would force the group underground and could lead to a broad crackdown. "It is being studied currently," said government spokesman Sherif Shawky. The Brotherhood was officially dissolved by Egypt's military rulers in 1954, but registered itself as a non-governmental organization in March in a response to a court case brought by opponents of the group who were contesting its legality. Founded in 1928, the movement also has a legally registered political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, which was set up in 2011 after the uprising that led to the downfall of veteran autocrat Hosni Mubarak. "Reconciliation is there for those who hands are not sullied with blood," Shawky added. The Brotherhood won all five elections that followed the toppling of Mubarak, and Morsy governed the country for a year until he was undermined by mammoth rallies called by critics who denounced his rule as incompetent and partisan. Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Sisi says he removed Morsy from office on July 3 to protect the country from possible civil war. MASS ARRESTS The Interior Ministry said that 1,004 Muslim Brotherhood "elements" had been arrested in the last 24 hours, accusing members of Morsy's movement of committing acts of terrorism. Amongst those detained on Saturday was Mohamed Al-Zawahiri, the brother of Al-Qaeda leader Ayman Al-Zawahiri, security sources said. The ministry also said that since Wednesday, 57 policemen were killed and 563 wounded in the violence. Almost 600 people died on Wednesday when police cleared out two Brotherhood sit-ins in Cairo. Despite the growing bloodshed, the Islamist group has urged its supporters to take to the streets everyday for the coming week. "Our rejection of the coup regime has become an Islamic, national and ethical obligation that we can never abandon," said the Brotherhood, which has accused the military of plotting the downfall of Morsy to regain the levers of power. Many Western allies have denounced the killings, including the United States, but Saudi Arabia threw its weight behind the army-backed government on Friday, accusing its old foe the Muslim Brotherhood of trying to destabilize Egypt. Worryingly for the army, violence was reported across Egypt on Friday, suggesting it will struggle to impose control on the vast, largely desert state. The government said 12 churches had been attacked and burned on Friday, blaming the Islamists for the destruction.

Bollywood actress Veena Malik allows Finnish artist Vesa Kivinen to paint landscapes directly on to her skin

Bollywood actress Veena Malik has collaborated with the Finnish artist Vesa Kivinen to produce a stunning series of portraits. The Indian-born star of Bollywood hit First Time volunteered her body as a canvas, allowing Kivinen to paint richly coloured landscape images directly on to her skin.

The five artworks are described as a “dialogue between three dimensional physiology and gesture coupled with the aesthetics of two dimensional painting that coalesce into a singular object of art” and are said to “explore themes from ancient & religious traditions to our contemporary global melting pot”.

Describing the artwork, Malik said: “I feel very glad that Finland’s well known visual artist Vesa Kivinen had called me to work with him. I am here just for the love of art.”

U.S. Troop Pullout Affects India-Pakistan Rivalry

By DECLAN WALSH

A weary familiarity hangs over the latest clashes between India and Pakistan, whose armies have traded artillery and accusations in recent days, jeopardizing new efforts to normalize relations between the two countries. Still, though the escalation and excoriation may fit an old pattern, analysts believe something important has changed this time. The military exchanges have been more serious, and they point to a new brittleness in the rivalry: one that is being exacerbated by the impending American troop withdrawal in Afghanistan, analysts say. It started in the disputed territory of Kashmir, with the deadliest episode of the past decade. On Aug. 6, the Indian Army accused Pakistan of orchestrating a cross-border ambush in which five Indian soldiers were killed. Pakistan angrily rejected that claim, then accused India of killing two civilians during a bout of tit-for-tat cross-border shellfire. Politicians issued heated warnings, the Parliaments in both countries passed condemnatory resolutions, and speculation grew that a meeting between the leaders of the two countries, set to take place at a United Nations summit meeting in New York next month, would be canceled. The military exchanges continued on Friday. Each side claimed the other had fired first. In some ways, this is nothing new. The two nuclear-armed countries have fought over the mountainous territory of Kashmir — which both claim in its entirety — since Pakistan was carved from British India in 1947. Border flare-ups have occurred many times before, and once tempers have calmed, diplomats on both sides resume the sputtering effort to normalize relations. But the latest violence comes after an unrivaled stretch of eased tensions over Kashmir, mostly thanks to a 2003 cease-fire that has suited both sides. Pakistan’s military has been preoccupied with the war in Afghanistan and, more recently, the threat from Taliban insurgents in the northwest. India, meanwhile, learned the limits of armed confrontation after the last major standoff, in 2002, and has concentrated on building its economy. But hard-liners in both countries remain firmly entrenched. And few doubt that the departure of American combat troops from Afghanistan by the end of 2014 will change the strategic calculus of circling hawks. Some Indians fear that, as the Americans leave Afghanistan, Pakistan’s military will use the moment to draw international attention back onto Kashmir, either by bargaining with the United States or by diverting jihadi fighters to the territory, as it did for much of the 1990s. “The Pakistanis will put up a price to assist with the transition in Afghanistan in 2014,” said Srinath Raghavan, a senior fellow at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi. “Part of that price might be to mount pressure on India over Kashmir.” Pakistani officials, worried about the possibility of a wider Afghan conflict spilling over their borders, retort that they cannot afford new hostilities with India. As for Islamist collusion, they say Pakistan is already under threat from Taliban fighters, who recently mounted a major jailbreak in the northwest of the country. Moreover, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had made a point of pledging to improve relations with India before he took office in June. He has a history of making overtures of peace to New Delhi, dating back to his last stint in power in the 1990s. He is under pressure from the business lobby in his native Punjab Province, which borders India, to bolster trade levels that, according to some estimates, could increase to $11 billion from $2 billion a year. The question is whether Pakistan’s generals will permit Mr. Sharif to deliver on his promises. The security establishments of both countries have become “a mirror image of each other,” said Talat Masood, a retired Pakistani general who has participated in back-channel peace efforts. “Neither wants peace. Whenever any movement takes place, they create bottlenecks and problems.” One ominous possibility, experts say, is that as American troops withdraw from Afghanistan next year, India and Pakistan will conduct their rivalry through proxy groups, a worry that was heightened by a suicide attack on an Indian consulate in eastern Afghanistan on Aug. 3. “I think that Afghanistan will be a major theater for them,” said Stephen P. Cohen, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. For now, the most visible point of contention is in Kashmir. A top Indian general told reporters on Friday that India had killed 28 “terrorists” in the disputed territory since June 24, an unusually high number of casualties. As usual, it was difficult to confirm that assertion. Both armies tightly limit access to the disputed border, known as the Line of Control. And it can be harder still to circle the logic behind the bloodshed. After decades of strife, the cross-border exchanges of fire appear to have emotional rather than strategic value. Neither side realistically expects to gain ground, or to force the other to the negotiating table. One problem is that governments on both sides are relatively weak right now. Mr. Sharif is struggling to calibrate his relationship with the powerful Pakistani military, while in New Delhi, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Indian National Congress Party faces an election next year. Another is that Pakistan has refused to bend to Indian demands to rein in Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, the leader of the jihadist group Lashkar-e-Taiba, and the country’s most prominent anti-India preacher. In February, Mr. Saeed, who lives in open sight in Lahore despite a $10 million United States bounty for information leading to his capture, warned that “just as America had to run away, then India, you will leave Kashmir.” This week, he led prayers outside Qaddafi Stadium, one of Pakistan’s largest cricket grounds. For the United States, increased hostility between Pakistan and India spells trouble, whether conducted in Kashmir or Afghanistan. American officials helped de-escalate the last major border showdown, in 2002, when one million Indian soldiers massed on the Pakistani border. That confrontation, and one three years earlier in which President Bill Clinton intervened, brought global concern about the possibility of a nuclear exchange. While no one is saying such a disaster is imminent, the episodes are present reminders of the risks involved in any tension between India and Pakistan. America’s other problem is its fragmented approach to the region. Even as the United States continues to pursue stronger economic ties with India, it depends on Pakistan to cooperate in Afghanistan and to crack down on militants sheltering in the northwestern tribal belt. Many analysts say that American attempts to walk that policy tightrope have often come across as incoherent. Mr. Cohen, the author, said he feared the Pakistan-India conflict could stretch on for decades longer. One hope, he said, is that the troop reduction in Afghanistan in 2014 will give Washington a chance to formulate a more holistic regional approach. “It’s like a kid who falls into a pile of manure and says, ‘Hey, there’s a pony around here somewhere,’ ” he said. But, Mr. Cohen added, that is unlikely to happen. “I’m not confident we’re going to do that,” he said. “It’s going to be a case of cut and run.”

Indian, Pakistani armies exchange fire in Kashmir for 8th straight day

The armies of India and Pakistan exchanged fire again on Saturday on the line-of-control (LoC) in Kashmir for the eighth straight day, officials said. The ceasefire violations took place along the LoC in Mendhar and Hamirpur of frontier Poonch district, around 185 km southwest of Srinagar city, the summer capital of Indian-controlled Kashmir. "Cease fire violations in Mendhar and Hamirpur battalion area started at 21:45 (local time) on Friday. The intermittent firing continues till the last reports came in," said S N Acharaya, Indian army spokesman in Jammu. "Small arms are being used and we are also retaliating." India's official broadcaster All India Radio (AIR) Saturday said two civilians were wounded in village Dera Dibsi of Mendhar sector when a mortar fired by Pakistani army exploded in village. LoC is a de facto border that divides Kashmir into India and Pakistan controlled parts. Both India and Pakistan blame each other for resorting to unprovoked firing that has triggered skirmishes and resulted in civilian or troop casualties on either side. Last week five Indian troops were killed and another wounded in a deadly ambush near Sarla in Poonch. India accused Pakistani troops of entering into its territory and carrying out the attack, a charge Pakistan has denied. Following the incident a surge in ceasefire violations on LoC was recorded, after Indian Defense Minister A K Antony told media Indian armed forces have freedom to respond to the developing situation on the LoC appropriately. Officials said an exchange of fire was also reported along LoC in Kargil and Drass sectors of Ladakh division of the region. The killings and skirmishes on LoC have come at a time when New Delhi and Islamabad were trying to normalize ties and resume talks. Efforts have also been made for a meeting between Nawaz Sharif and Manmohan Singh in New York on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly during the last week of September. The confrontation on LoC between the two armies however has heightened tension between New Delhi and Islamabad and overshadowed the resumption of Indo-Pak dialogue process. New Delhi and Islamabad in 2003 agreed to observe a ceasefire along the international border and LoC in Kashmir. Though some violations have been reported on both sides, the ceasefire remains in effect. The latest incidents of firing have put a question mark on the 2003 agreement of the two nuclear neighbors. Kashmir, the Himalayan region divided between India and Pakistan is claimed by both in full. Since their Independence from British, the two countries have fought three wars, two exclusively over Kashmir.

Time to Take the U.S. Out of the Afghanistan Equation

Matthew Hoh

After a decade of fighting it is easy to forget that America is still at war. But, in Afghanistan, combat operations are scheduled to continue for another year and a half. Even after the official 'end' to the war in December 2014, a number of American soldiers may remain in Afghanistan. Recent reports suggest that an agreement to keep American troops in Afghanistan may be imminent. U.S. soldiers have fought hard and bravely for nearly twelve years. However, now it is time for President Obama to bring them home -- all of them. Consider the troubling events that have occurred in 2013 alone. "Insider" attacks against American forces persist, while the insurgency continues to mount suicide attacks in Afghanistan's cities. The United Nations recently reported that civilian casualties are up 38 percent compared to the same time period last year, and the Afghanistan NGO Safety Office found insurgent attacks to be up 47 percent from last year. Meanwhile, the Pentagon has stopped releasing its own data on the war, after the Associated Press found the Pentagon to be manipulating data to falsely claim progress. It is clear that the American military strategy, embraced in 2009 by President Obama to force the Taliban to the negotiation table, has failed. Thousands of lives and hundreds of billions of dollars have been wasted. It is time to rethink the wisdom of maintaining an American footprint. Some stubbornly insist that U.S. soldiers must remain in Afghanistan to help promote stability. In fact, the reverse is true: the presence of foreign soldiers is actually furthering instability. The Karzai government is the weakest it has been politically since its inception, the insurgency is broader and stronger than at any point since 2001, and warlords once again control fiefdoms. The presence of U.S. troops continues to provoke resentment among the population and helps the Taliban recruit people to its cause. Furthermore, the new government that will take over Afghanistan in 2014 will lose legitimacy if it is seen as playing host to an ongoing American occupation. It is crucial to establish a popularly supported government in Afghanistan and the U.S. military must recognize that its presence is detracting from, not promoting, that goal. Another justification for keeping troops in Afghanistan is the training of the Afghan army. Building a modern army in an impoverished, politically fractured country is no easy task. The U.S. has attempted to create an American-style army that is not well suited to confront either the insurgency in Afghanistan, or -- more importantly -- the underlying political problems that foster the insurgency. Moreover, ethnic and cultural divisions, high rates of desertion, and a deep mistrust of its American partners hinder the Afghan army. It is unlikely that several more years of training by Americans, as well intentioned as they are, will do anything to change these conditions. The problems do not end at Afghanistan's borders. In fact, the biggest obstacles to stability may be the constant friction between the U.S. and Afghanistan's neighbors, Pakistan and Iran. Both countries, under other circumstances, would have an interest in a peaceful, well-governed Afghanistan. However, as long as America maintains a presence on their borders, Pakistan and Iran will focus on undermining the U.S. -- by promoting instability in Afghanistan. Whether by sponsoring terrorist attacks or turning a blind eye to drug trade across the border, Pakistan and Iran are able and willing to undermine any security gains made by U.S. and Afghan forces. The best hope for resolving this deadly stalemate is to take the United States out of the equation. It is time to admit our continued military role in Afghanistan is counter-productive and there is little reason to keep American men and women caught in the crossfire. The U.S. government has made a number of costly mistakes in executing what has become the longest war in our history. President Obama can avoid making one final mistake. He should announce the U.S. has accomplished all it can hope to do militarily in Afghanistan and that no troops will remain there after December 31, 2014. After almost twelve years of US war and occupation we owe it to the people of Afghanistan, and to the thousands of Americans still serving in harm's way, to get this one right.

Muted hopes in Afghanistan

By Michael Brough The writer, a lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Army, was a combat adviser in Iraq in 2011. The views expressed are his own and do not represent the position of the U.S. government.

Two days before the U.S. military mission in Iraq formally ended in 2011, I left with the last convoy of Americans from Contingency Operating Site Kalsu, south of Baghdad. Safely crossing the border into Kuwait meant that we had accomplished our most important mission: getting out of the country alive, without any strategic blunders. If the U.S. troops in Afghanistan also can attain this goal, which will not be easy, they will have achieved the best we can hope for in that country. Now, as in the last days of Iraq, U.S. hopes are muted. Previous aspirations for democracy and freedom have shrunk, and most of us will be happy if the United States can extricate itself quietly without further damage or embarrassment. The cornerstone of the plan to exit Iraq was the training of Iraqi police and military forces, enabling them to create a safe environment during and after our departure. It’s the centerpiece of operations in Afghanistan, as well. As the months march toward the end of the major U.S. military presence in Afghanistan, the stresses on units will grow. Life becomes increasingly austere at the end: creature comforts vanish, food quality worsens, mail stops. Tactically, the focus alters. Yesterday’s top priorities — defeating the enemy, building up the indigenous forces — become less important than leaving with each soldier safe. It becomes clearer by the day that, barring some deus ex machina, the U.S. endeavor will make no strategically significant gains, though the potential for significant losses increases by the week. As troop densities diminish, soldiers take on new tasks, each of which constitutes a distraction from combat missions. Accounting for the detritus accumulated through a decade of war is not simple, nor is packing up and preparing for departure. As a result of these tasks, gradually decreasing combat power and the desire to avoid rankling local civilians, soldiers will confine their patrols to areas close to the base and directly linked to U.S. force protection. Challenges will increase toward the end, as surveillance equipment, interpreters and weapons systems disappear. U.S. units will need to transfer security responsibilities to Afghans as we did to Iraqis and they will need to pray those forces hold their ground. If the situation in Afghanistan mirrors ours in 2011 Iraq, U.S. troops will find themselves in a quickly changing relationship with their host nation. For years, the Iraqi security forces were the recipients of U.S. largesse, which both outfitted them with needed equipment and supplies and obligated them to support the U.S. mission. The situation changes as the flow of materiel slows. At some point, U.S. forces in Afghanistan will have no more to give their counterparts, and it will be time for the Afghan national security forces to work through their own systems for repair parts, construction materials and medicine. The Afghans, like the Iraqis, will do without some vital provisions. And they will no longer be compelled by their reliance on us to cooperate. Goodwill and trust became the keys to our survival in Iraq, and they will be central again in the withdrawal from Afghanistan. We met regularly with the Iraqi generals in charge of the province’s police and army capabilities, and their subordinate elements worked with our patrols daily. At the same time, our Iraqi partners began to distance themselves from us. Some had long-standing familial or ideological ties with our enemies. Even our friends no doubt saw that closeness with us — which previously had been the ticket to significant benefits — might become a liability after our departure. Therefore, we did not wholly trust the Iraqi security forces. We well understood that the last moments at Kalsu would be the most dangerous, so when our Iraqi partners inquired about our departure plans, we temporized. Our small deceptions hid the details from our friends. One example: We challenged the Iraqi forces to a soccer tournament at Kalsu, and even bought soccer uniforms and a trophy from an Iraqi vendor. By the tournament date, of course, we were in Kuwait. This sort of paradoxical arrangement will color the last months in Afghanistan. U.S. units will increasingly rely for their safety on their Afghan counterparts but will not completely trust them. In Iraq, our course of cautious reliance proved successful. As we left Iraq in 2011, we worried about the Iraqis’ dependability. Were they proficient enough to prevent attacks? Were they committed enough to want to? The recent spate of green-on-blue violence in Afghanistan complicates an already complex relationship between Afghan national security forces and Americans. The challenge for U.S. forces will be to navigate between trust and distrust of Afghans so their transition, like ours more than a year ago, will be uneventful. The best outcome for the U.S. departure from Afghanistan? A safe exodus and a slow news day. Read more from Opinions: Marc A. Thiessen: ‘Core al-Qaeda’ is not defeated The Post’s View: Wishful thinking in the war on terror Zalmay Khalilzad: Afghanistan deal faces many hurdles Michael O’Hanlon: U.S. troops should not abandon Afghanistan Timothy Kudo: I killed people in Afghanistan. Was I right or wrong?

A close ‘encounter’ with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Police

It is almost 10pm and the wireless set keeps buzzing with terror alerts as the officer, who has just come to a chowki in Peshawar’s suburbs after attending a meeting, has alerted the force. A militant commander has openly challenged police to foil a massive attack as people are out on the streets to celebrate independence of the country. The fact that such an attack can be made anywhere and hit anyone would now keep the police awake for the entire night. As the officer is busy issuing orders, an SHO enters with a young girl and hand-cuffed boy, who have some family dispute. While he is busy solving their issue, more bad news comes in. Another post on the suburbs of Peshawar is facing attack from heavily armed militants, who reportedly outnumber the law enforcers deployed at that post. The case of the family dispute is pushed automatically to one side when more serious terror threat comes in. Police obviously are over-burdened with policing as well as fighting militancy. The job pattern of police has been changed over a decade or so. Along with nabbing criminals, they are now fighting militancy but from their attitude to security checks every thing is still old fashioned. The fact that the police job is tougher than any other duty is evident from the fact that more than 1,000 policemen have been killed in the ongoing war against terrorism. Police are the first line of defence against terrorists in the settled areas. However, the new chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa spares no opportunity to scold police and one of his ministers also blatantly calls the force ‘coward’. While many policemen find these remarks demoralising, a recent media statement of Inspector General of Police Ihsan Ghani comparing the fight against militancy to that of a batsman (police) and a bowler (militants) also did nothing much to boost the morale of the force. In fact, the effect was quite the opposite.“Officers are laying down their lives and all that he (IGP) can think of is a cricket match,” says one critic. It is learnt that 106 attacks have been carried out against police since January to July this year. Moreover, out of these attacks 56 have taken place till May 31 and 32 attacks have targeted police since the formation of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf-led government in the province. “We have held so many funerals and lost so many officials that we need consolation and not reprimand,” says a policeman. Demoralising statements from the top and the targeted killing of police have affected the officers, who worry for their own safety as well as that of the people in the province. “In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the government is following a policy of appeasing Taliban. There has been no attack on anyone but only police except a few extortion-related blasts since it came to power,” says a critic, who compares the present situation in the province to the killing of those police officers, who took part in the Karachi operation, ordered by the then interior minister Naseerullah Babar. All those police officers, who took part in the operation, were killed after the PPP government was removed and only those, who fled the country, survived. The previous government, which often used to condemn attacks on police, was also targeted but the incumbent set-up till now is quite careful in condemning such attacks. Those, who are sitting in fortified buildings and issuing demoralising statements, should come out of the mental and physical siege to realise the situation faced by police. Interviews with policemen of different ranks reveal that a lot can be done to boost morale of the force. A policeman, deployed in the conflict-hit region, is unhappy as his salary is lesser as compared to that of Punjab Police. He says that his uniform and bullet-proof jacket are of inferior quality. Often without any proper safety-measures, the policeman risks his life during search for explosive-laden vehicles. A policeman having a gun with 30-rounds is often faced with a situation where he has to fight a herd of militants carrying rocket launchers and modern sophisticated guns. “Police are tired and hurt in this fight and need a pat on the back not taunts and poking,” says a police officer, who himself has narrowly escaped in many encounters with militants. “The fight against terrorism is an undeclared ‘Third World War’ and we are fighting it,” opines a police officer, who suggests that what police need is more special training, intelligence gathering and communication equipment to fight terrorism since the nature of police’s job has changed. Most of the policemen are not living a normal life. Now they have hardly any time for their families or rest. “My children hardly spend time with their father and I myself am scared all the time for his safety,” says wife of a young police officer. Some people, who may mistake police defensive strategy and lack of specific intelligence and modern weapons for their cowardice, forget that police are not meant for fighting terrorism. Like the previous government, which overcame the problem of police desertions in militancy-affected Swat by enhancing package for the killed officials and doubling their salaries, the least the present government can do is to back police in the fight against terrorism.