Tuesday, September 8, 2020
سیلاب سے متاثر میرپور خاص کے عوام کو اکیلا نہیں چھوڑ سکتے، بلاول بھٹو
پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ میرپور خاص کے عوام کو اکیلا نہیں چھوڑ سکتے، انہوں نے کہا کہ وزیراعلیٰ کے ساتھ دورہ کیا ہے۔ وزیراعلیٰ نے وعدہ کیا ہے کہ تمام وسائل آپ پر خرچ کریں گے۔
بلاول بھٹو نے ان خیالات کا اظہار کوٹ میرس میں سیلاب متاثرین سے خطاب کے دوران کیا۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ دس سال پہلے بھی تاریخی بارش ہوئی تھی، اس وقت صدر زرداری کی حکومت تھی۔
بلاول بھٹو نے کہا کہ اس وقت وفاقی حکومت نے متاثرین کو امداد دی تھی، وزیراعلیٰ نے کل وزیراعظم کو آپ کی مشکلات بتائیں، وزیراعلیٰ نے بتایا کہ وزیراعظم صاحب سندھ بھی پاکستان کا حصہ ہے۔
وزیراعلیٰ نے ان سے کہا کہ وزیراعظم صاحب ہر متاثر کی مدد کریں۔ بارش متاثر کراچی کا ہو، میرپورخاص، سانگھڑ، یا سوات کا، مدد کریں۔ آپ ساتھ دیں گے تو دنیا کی کوئی طاقت آپ کا راستہ نہیں روک سکتی۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ آپ کو آپ کا حق چھیننا پڑے گا، آپ کو لڑنا ہوگا۔ میں لڑنے کو تیار ہوں، آپ لڑنے کو تیار ہو۔
https://jang.com.pk/news/818084
Baloch Students Action Committee rejects government’s assurances: hunger strike till death to continue
The spokesperson of the Baloch Students Action Committee (BSAC) said in a statement that they did not trust the promise of the government and that the hunger strike till death would continue.
The spokesperson said that such promises have been made by the government in the past and the strikes were called off after several rounds of talks between the two sides but the government has always violated the agreements by breaking its promises which forced the students to resume their strike.
The spokesperson said that the decision to go on a hunger strike was taken after APCA, BSAC and various organisations have exhausted all other efforts to resolve the issue, as a result of which four members of the organisation have gone on a hunger strike till death.
The spokesperson said that in a further discussion on Monday, Balochistan Chief Minister Jam Kamal had assured that the agenda would be laid in the cabinet meeting on September 9 and the bill would be passed.
A notification was issued by the governor on the same day saying that the status of BMC will be restored. However, the main issue is the BMC amendment Act 2017, the BSAC said.
“Our previous experiences reflected that the government assurance was only to finish the students’ protest, that’s why the organization decided that the hunger strike by their colleagues will be continued.”
https://balochwarna.com/2020/09/08/bsac-rejects-governments-assurances-hunger-strike-till-death-to-continue/
Asim Bajwa Exposé Underlines the Corruption Linking the Pakistan Army and CPEC
A week after an investigative story into his alleged corruption was published on an alternative media website, Lieutenant General (retired) Asim Saleem Bajwa on Thursday decided to step down from his position as the special assistant to the prime minister on information and broadcast. However, Bajwa said he will continue in his more lucrative role as the chairman of the China Pakistan Economic Authority (CPEC) Authority.
This selective resignation by Bajwa, who issued a press release on Thursday categorically denying allegations of financial misappropriation as a senior military officer over the past two decades, not only weakens his own rebuttal, it adds more credence to calls for a change in leadership of the CPEC Authority. But even that half-baked decision to step down has been unraveled by Prime Minister Imran Khan’s “refusal” to accept the resignation.
With millions of dollars’ worth of financial misappropriation already uncovered in the economic corridor that is still under construction, it makes little sense for CPEC to be spearheaded by an individual accused of such large-scale corruption. But common sense usually takes a backseat whenever questions centering around the army are posed in Pakistan.
It is no coincidence that the mainstream media that headlined Bajwa’s rebuttals on Thursday never ran the story that was being refuted. And even while appearing on such a shackled media, Bajwa was found wanting when asked about the prospect of producing evidence to back his defense. He even briefly left an interview in a segment that has since been cut on the official channel.
Even so, such has been the military’s hegemony that a retired general offering explanations to refute corruption allegations — albeit without evidence to back his claims — is being peddled as “historic.” The failure to hold the army accountable explains how half of the Pakistan’s history has been spent under military rule and the other half under army-backed civilians. And while one of the many ways those civilians are kept under check is through exposés on their financial misappropriation, the military’s own business empire is now worth over $100 billion — almost double the size of the $62 billion CPEC, which is China’s biggest ever overseas investment.
Both government also seek to maintain totalitarian controls so that no dissenting questions are posed to either of the two leaderships. And now with the economic corridor merging the duo’s autocratic ambitions, it is increasingly evident that, similar to Islam and the army, CPEC has swiftly become a holy cow that can’t be questioned in Pakistan.
After coming to power in August 2018, the Khan-led Pakistan Teheek-e-Insaf (PTI) government sought to revisit CPEC projects, with many deals underlining exorbitant costs for Pakistan. Two months later, during a visit to Beijing, Khan and his team were left embarrassed when Chinese officials showed slides of questions raised over CPEC by the incumbent government. The message was clear: Don’t ever dare to debate the pros and cons of CPEC again.
Unsatisfied with a civilian stooge government stalling the projects, Beijing decided to push for a thorough military takeover of CPEC. In November 2019, the CPEC Authority was formed with Lt. Gen. (retd) Asim Bajwa its head. In July, a CPEC Authority Bill 2020 was proposed, practically handing over the corridor to the army.
Bajwa was made the prime minister’s adviser to further increase the military’s control over information, especially centering around CPEC. He had previously performed this role as the director general of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) — the military’s de facto control room for Pakistan media.
Since CPEC’s launch in 2015, the military has eyed its share in the economic bounties, which have historically made it richer at the expense of the masses. The first phase of development saw the military eliminating the inbound jihadist groups — which had hitherto remained untouched despite terrorizing the country for a decade and a half, and killing over 80,000 Pakistanis — because they now posed a threat to CPEC. After the previous government’s refusal to completely comply with the military’s continued takeover of issues centering around security and diplomacy, just as CPEC was taking center stage, the PTI’s election triumph was engineered.
Today, Pakistan’s elevation of CPEC to hallowed proportions is line with its complete abandonment of the United States’ side of the new cold war divide, with Washington having issued repeated calls for Islamabad to add transparency to what it dubbed a “debt trap.” Pakistan is now confident that China will fulfill all of its economic needs — to a point that it can now afford to snub Saudi Arabia.
This absolute submission to Beijing is coupled with any questions about China — including its Uyghur concentration camps — being deemed an “attack on CPEC.” Similarly, calls for Bajwa to step down are deemed synonymous with “conspiracies to destabilize CPEC.” Even Bajwa’s rebutting tweet — phrased with uncanny resemblance to the military-linked Twitter bots that target dissenting voices — appeared to deem the exposé another conspiracy.
Imran Khan, the entirety of whose political narrative has centered around an anti-corruption drive against the powerful, is happy to play the democratic front of this corrupt, totalitarian takeover epitomized by the CPEC. And while much of the financial gains are to be enjoyed by the two hegemons, any trickled down benefits for the masses — such as the improving security situation — will come at the price of further surrendering of their liberties, and gory misappropriation of what is rightfully theirs.
I am Asim Bajwa, I brought pizza, digital army to #Pakistan. But you call me Gen Papa Johnny
Retired Lt Gen Asim Bajwa and his family have been under the scanner for their pizza empire, but no one can take away his ‘contribution’ to Pakistan’s digital propaganda.
They are now calling me General Papa Johnny. Do you know why? Because I, retired Lt Gen. Asim Saleem Bajwa, committed a sin by introducing this poor Pakistani nation to heavenly pepperoni pizzas. Blame me, best hang me, but you can’t deny my great service to the country. Yes, it is personal and it is about my pizza valour.
Retiring as lieutenant-general of the ‘Number 1’ military in the world, I saw many ups and downs but none like what I am facing now. I know that you’ve heard about my secret global economic escapades in the last few days — 99 companies, 133 pizza joints, some 13 commercial properties in the US including two shopping malls — don’t we all love malls. To all those complaining I say: Mehnat kar dost, hasad na kar (work hard my friend, don’t be jealous). Truth be told, it is no mean achievement to build an empire like mine in a poor country like Pakistan.My cars and pizzas
Those who say that other countries have armies and the Pakistan army has a country are deeply conflicted. We are the only rich men stuck in a poor country. Why don’t you see our misery? You think it all came easy? I climbed my way up by kneading dough, that too yeast-free. Have a heart and imagine my struggle.
My bank balance, my properties, my corner plots, my pizza restaurants, even my swanky Toyota ZX 2016 are all in the greater national interest of Pakistan. If hypocrisy had a face it would be mine, but you still want me to give you my money trail. You call it corruption? Do remember the 101 of our national narrative: the only corrupt in this great nation are the politicians, those of civilian variety, not like me. Repeat it a hundred times, better yet, hang it by your bedside.
If you don’t know me then you don’t need to know more than you know already. Apologies, but trying to hold me accountable for my retirement benefits won’t change anything.
Thorough professional
This brings me to the other part of my life in which I act as a politician. Though my friends tell me that my bad luck began when I joined Prime Minister Imran Khan, because everything he touches turns to trash.
I am now special assistant to the prime minister on information. That is due to my previous excellent work as director-general (DG) of Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR). Those who came after me couldn’t match my charm. While those before had no idea how to run ISPR.
At ISPR, Pakistan’s information revolution began with me, I was the real deal. The digital troll armies, the hashtags, the branding of then army chief Gen. Raheel Sharif — I was the game-changer then and I am here now. You’d all remember my famous hashtag #ThankYouRaheelSharif, it was in honour of my boss. When Raheel slept I trended ‘thanks’, when he walked I trended ‘thanks’, when he prayed I trended ‘thanks’. The face of my boss was on trucks, car bonnets, and banners in the streets. My biggest achievement? I was the first to bring any Pakistani army chief’s face on a baniyan — such is my power in making military men great. My stint as DG ended soon, otherwise, Sharif underwear was next on the cards.
Making Bajwas great again
I understand the pain of the people too.
I made hit songs such as Bada Dushman Bana Phirta Jo Bachon Se Ladta Hai, right after the Taliban killed 140 children in the Peshawar army school in December 2014. On the massacre’s first anniversary, I came up with Mujhe Dushman Ki Bachon Ko Parhana Hai. I gave special tuitions to the children of the dushman, and it was with that tuition fee that I built my multimillion empire. Just like that, I finished terrorism in Pakistan. No one seems to remember that.
When I left ISPR, I took with me my 3 million Twitter followers. I never handed over the official account to your favourite incoming DG Asif Ghafoor. Why should have I thrown away my hard work? Don’t judge me, it was all in the greater good of the nation.
My purpose is to serve. I did so as commander of the 111-Brigade, a brigade notorious for helping military coups — yet, I myself did no such thing. I was known as the dharna innovator in 2014, because many think I was helping Imran Khan put up a DJ show in Islamabad’s D Chowk.
These are the qualities that have left even senior Bajwa with no option but to trust me. People like to call me Chota Bajwa, but big or small, together we both can both make Bajwas great again!
As you know, I am a man of talents. I am also chairman of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). I trust myself and there is no reason for the Chinese not to trust me. That is why I insist anyone who as much says a word about my corruption is liable of high treason. You question Bajwa, you question your existence. You question Bajwa over business with the United States and not China, you are an agent and conspirator of the dushman.
https://theprint.in/opinion/gen-papa-johnny-asim-bajwa-brought-pizza-digital-army-to-pakistan/491556/
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