Sunday, January 12, 2020
#Pakistan #PPP - Bilawal Bhutto felicitates office-bearers of Lahore District Bar Association
Chairman Pakistan Peoples Party Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has congratulated the newly-elected office-bearers of Lahore District Bar Association and urged the lawyers community to stand up for the rule of law and the constitution.
In a feliciltation message to the newly-elected President G. A. Tariq Khan and other office-bearers, the PPP Chairman said that PPP has always struggled for rule of law and parliamentary system of democracy in the country.
Bilawal Bhutto pledged the bond of togetherness and mutual support between the PPP and democratic lawyer fraternity would continue to stay like a strong wall against any illegal or unconstitutional step.
He hoped that Asia's largest bar and its members would play their due role in the country's quest for Constitutionalism and democracy.
#Pakistan - Social citizenship — a driver of social policy
Asad Ur Rehman & Sajid Amin Javed
The discourse on social protection in Pakistan is dominated by the hegemonic global standards, biased towards efficiency markings and ignoring local needs, demands and realities. The absence of attention to local socio-economic details grows out of the apathy and lack of political ownership.
Notwithstanding the economic constraints, this over-emphasis on efficacy markings and political ownership, mainly guided by vote exchange, are important factors behind the dismissal situation of social sector development indices in Pakistan.
Historically, social protection in Pakistan is unerringly confounded with and limited to poverty alleviation - add that consumption smoothing is confused with the alleviation of poverty and providing elementary skills remain the magic bullet to eradicate poverty.
This reductive view of social protection is probably a result of the policy regime of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), made compulsory by international lending institutes for all developing countries to acquire stability and development finance. This policy regime has not only directly shaped the social and fiscal parameters of social protection but also the contours of its discourse and design of social policy broadly.
Pakistan is an interesting case study where economy has grown without development, wrote Easterly at the beginning of the new millennium. According to the World Bank, Pakistan has reduced its poor population by 35 percentage points between 2002 to 2014, from 64.3 percent to 29 percent. Bravo!
Pakistan’s performance, on the front of social development, is dismal. In South Asia, it is only better than Afghanistan — a country that has hardly seen any functional government for fifty years. Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have started from a near similar position of human development.
We argue that poverty is output while exclusion is a cause. Poverty is absolute while exclusion is relational and sensitive to both time and space. All poor could be facing extreme exclusion but not all excluded are poor. Going beyond the geographical horizon, social exclusion has economic sociological and ideological dimensions. Illiteracy, unemployment, occupational choices, gender, caste, old age, disability, lower social capital interact to structure the social exclusion trap.It shall be interesting to note, however, that this poverty reduction is not supported by any tangible improvement in Pakistan’s Human Development Index (HDI). Performance in HDI did not match the same scale. In other words, this exit from poverty has no sustainable foundations.
These millions of people who came out of poverty without any sustained foundations, and who are no more eligible to benefit from public social protection programs, remain vulnerable. Hovering around the poverty line, this group can fall below it in the face of any external shock or physical accident.
The silence of social protection regarding this group is particularly disturbing. This silence is a by-product of conscious neglect to the existing structural inequalities causing and creating unequal access to services, opportunities, and institutions.
Pakistan’s performance, on the front of social development, is dismal. In South Asia, it is only better than Afghanistan — a country that has hardly seen any functional government for fifty years. Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have started from a near similar position of human development. In the year 1990 their comparative HDI scores were 0.408, 0.431 and 0.382 while in 2018 their current HDI rank of them is 0.56, 0.647 and 0.614, respectively.
Additionally, India and Bangladesh were not just able to reduce their absolute poverty numbers but were also able to reduce social exclusion through affirmative action policies. The inequality adjusted-HDI (IHDI) of these countries indicates that the inequality within the population in access to social services is highest in Pakistan.
Dr Nadeem ul Haq referred to a somewhat similar idea in his recent PIDE blog posts. We, however, maintain that the exclusion is not limited to geography, as Dr. Haq seems to be stressing upon. We argue that the incidence of exclusion is circumscribed by both time and space. Limiting exclusion to geography seems coming out of equating social exclusion with poverty.
Social exclusion and poverty
The range of the axis of exclusion not only hints at the breadth of the factors that negatively affect the opportunities of social mobility and development but also highlights the structural realities that put a huge population of non-poor prone to different forms of vulnerabilities. This is in sharp contrast to the comprehension and practice of social exclusion in Pakistan, where only poor are considered to be experiencing social exclusion.
A recent study on social exclusion in Pakistan provides a glimpse into the prevalence of social exclusion by its different dimensions - material resources, education, and skills, health and disability, personal safety, social security - that can affect the life chances and outcomes of an individual and families. The study documented exclusion and its degree using categories of age, region, employment status. The degree of the severity of exclusion namely, minor, marginal and deep exclusion, was developed to capture the multidimensionality of the malaise.
Findings show that a majority of the population is facing some form of exclusion. But gender, age and region best explain its incidence and spread. For example, around 79 percent of the male population suffers minor exclusion - exclusion in at least one of the dimensions listed above-while this ratio is 82.9pc for women. Those facing exclusion in any two of the said dimensions - marginal exclusion - are 53.7 percent and 64.7 percent respectively. Pakistan’s performance, on the front of social development, is dismal. In South Asia, it is only better than Afghanistan — a country that has hardly seen any functional government for fifty years. Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have started from a near similar position in human development.
The study also finds that being aged, women and belonging to Balochistan and Pakhtunkhwa increases the severity of exclusion. Most importantly, almost half of Pakistanis face marginal social exclusion. This indicates that a majority of the Pakistani population is facing one or other forms of disadvantage. The high rates of marginal exclusion denote exclusion from two of the said domains. No social protection program covers this part of the population if they do not strictly fall below the poverty line.
The size of marginal social exclusion, across gender and regional axis, is also very high. The gap between gender inequality, to access different resources, institution and services are also comparatively high in Balochistan and Pakhtunkhwa provinces. This is certainly also indicative of the problems of physical connectivity that directly hurt women more.
The existence of marginal social exclusion reflects the existence of exclusion for non-poor. This group does not always belong to an extremely poor category, but the vagaries of social circumstances and economic shocks do make them wanting social security and support. The vulnerabilities of this cohort increase and decrease over different periods of these life cycles. Social protection policy is just silent about the problems of these cohort making up the largest share of Pakistan’s population. Article 38 of the Constitution of Pakistan and all its clauses (a to g) categorically state the obligation of a state towards its citizens. Looking at it as some form of charity ignores the fact that the dismal economic performance of Pakistan in the last three decades correlates with dwindling social expenditure. Notwithstanding the issues of endogeneity, economic growth will supply resources for social expenditure or vice versa, the example of all middle-income countries reflects a higher expenditure on social development. The experiences of East Asian economies as well as Bangladesh and India imply that structural inequities are inversely proportional to human development, and human development is directly proportional to economic growth.
Pakistan should focus on expanding the scope of its social protection from alleviating poverty to reducing inequality and eliminating all forms of social exclusion. Changing the policy focus is not a choice any longer but an essential task to be done as soon as possible.
It is high time that we should go beyond the idea of poverty and deal with the larger issue of social exclusion. The current discourse on poverty rationalizes and legitimizes itself by aligning with the discourse on human rights. Bringing back social citizenship as a driver and objective of social policy must not be delayed any further.
#Pakistan - Nankana Sahib incident and forced conversions: Not an isolated event
Waqar Gillani
The attention that the Nankana Sahib incident has gotten should lead to legislation safeguarding the rights of minority women.
On January 3, a charged mob gathered outside Gurdwara Nankana Sahib, the gurdwara built on what was believed to be the place where the founder of Sikhism, Baba Guru Nanak was born. The mob chanted anti-Sikh slogans, vowing to oust the minority Sikh community from the town named after their spiritual leader Baba Nanak: The mob was led by Muhammad Imran who also pledged to change the name of the town after ‘purifying’ it. Local police arrested Imran a day after his speech caused a huge unrest as it went viral on social media.
Many in the mob were related to the family of Muhammad Ehsan, who had allegedly forcibly converted 18-year-old Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur – daughter of a granthi (reciter of holy verse/priest) in the Gurdwara after kidnapping her. Muhammad Imran is Ehsan’s elder brother.
Ehsan’s family members were protesting outside the gurdwara against the arrest and the alleged pressure of local administration to return the girl to her family after divorcing her, a local who lives in the same street tells The News on Sunday.
“The two families live nearby. The boy and the girl had been in contact for several months,” he claims.
The Sikh community, however, claims that the boy abducted their girl and forcibly converted and married her. The matter is pending before a court. On August 28, 2019, Jagjit Kaur’s family lodged a first information report (FIR) against Ehsan and his family, accusing them of abducting and forcibly converting Kaur to Islam. The issue attached cross-border attention due to the strained Indo-Pak relations, India’s internal politics around its citizenship laws that are seen making Muslims in the country vulnerable, and the recent opening of Kartarpur Corridor for Sikhs by Pakistan.
Forced conversions are not new in the country, but this one comes at a particularly turbulent time. Data on such reported cases in the press, complied by Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), a non-government organisation working on minority rights, shows as many as 160 cases of forced conversions over the past six years (2013-2019). In Sindh, in 16 cases, the girls sought judicial relief.
There has been a clear pattern, girls from religious minority communities are kidnapped and later converted to Islam in areas where said religious minorities comprise a sizable proportion of the population. In Sindh, such cases mostly take place in areas populated by Hindus like Umar Kot, Ghotki and Tharparkar districts. In the Punjab, similar incidents are reported in areas where the Christian community are in sizable numbers. According to a senior resident of Nankana Sahib, a few such cases within the Sikh community have also taken place in the past but remained under-reported in mainstream media. In most of the reported cases, the age of the converted girls is between 18 and 21 year and after alleged ‘elopement’, they convert to Islam and get certification from a religious seminary.
“Until and unless there are independent investigations in such cases, we cannot say that these are willful conversions and elopements,” says Peter Jacob, the executive director of CJS.
There is a growing awareness of this issue, but state institutions have moved very slowly, and there is a lack of serious legislation and independent investigations by the state administrative machinery.
“Analysis of these cases reveals the range of legal loopholes, procedural irregularities and socio-cultural factors contributing to impunity available to perpetrators,” says Peter Jacob, the executive director of CJS.
“Forced conversion remains an abuse of law which needs to be tackled”, he says, adding, “Until and unless there are independent investigations in such cases, we cannot say that these are willful conversions and elopements.”
Recently, a parliamentary committee has been formed on forced conversions. The committee comprises 14 members of the National Assembly and eight senators and is will be defining its terms soon.
MNA Kheeal Das Kohistani, a member of this committee, raises an important question. He says that in his experience, there has hardly been a case in which a boy from minority religious community has eloped with a Muslim girl and converted her to his faith.
“We do not ignore the possibility that there are some cases where a boy and girl develop feelings for each other in a society like ours; but mostly there appears to be a pattern of kidnapping, forced conversion and marriage. Strong Muslim personalities in the area protect the perpetrators,” he says.
He says that even after complaints are made by the aggrieved families, independent investigation does not take place in most cases due to public pressure. He also questions the need for changing the girl’s religion after marriage.
“There is a need for strong legislation on this issue. We want to suggest that such marriages and conversions should not be treated as isolated cases, there should be a mechanism, and laws to protect minority girls; and there should be an environment conducive to policy implementation,” adds Kohistani.
Article 20 of the constitution in clearly protects most of the internationally recognized fundamental rights including freedom to profess, practice and propagate any religion. However, there are implementation challenges and violation of rights of religious minorities is a continuing cause for concern.
There have been efforts in the past to enact law for protection of minorities by the members in Sindh Assembly: Protection of Minorities Bill 2015 failed to get support in the Senate and the National Assembly, the legislation on Criminal Law Amendment IV 2017 is yet to be initiated. In 2017, The National Assembly had passed a Criminal Law (Amendment) Act IV, to add Section 498B that made forced marriage with a non-Muslim woman an offense punishable with five to seven years of imprisonment and fine. However, the bill did not get approval from the Senate.
Pakistan also has international obligations relating to protecting women’s rights and religious freedoms. In 2016, the United Nations committee on human rights expressed concern on the practice of forced conversion of non-Muslim women and forced marriages in Pakistan. In 2018, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights wrote to the Pakistani foreign minister to “Guarantee freedom of religion or belief for all. Ensure the protection of religious minorities, including through repealing or amending blasphemy laws and anti- Ahmadi laws; and preventing forced marriages and conversion of religious minority women.”
In a positive move, however, the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), which examines laws to ensure they are congruent with the spirit of Islam, last week, decided to include minority leaders in the consultation process on issue of forced conversion of religion. The body is of the view that Islam does not allow forced conversion.
“Minority girls in their adolescence have been facing harassment and violence, kidnap and rape under the pretext of conversion to Islam. But this move induces hope and shows that we have made some progress and there is an acknowledgment of the gravity of this issue,” says Jacob, hoping the newly-formed parliamentary committee will also discuss the proposals on impending legislation to curb coercive, forced and unethical faith conversions, coinciding with equally detestable marriage of the minority women against their will,” he says.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/596493-not-an-isolated-eventGrowing sexual child abuse in Pakistan
Umer Hussain
Michel Foucault, a famous French philosopher, argued that evil is a mirror image of society. Child abuse is one of the most heinous crimes against humanity. A child who gets abused does not only go through physical and emotional trauma but also develops negative characteristics, which becomes part of his/her character. A plethora of empirical evidence indicates that child abuse victims if neglected or not treated, become child abuse perpetrators. This victim-to-victimizer cycle perpetuates in society and systematically, child abuse becomes a social norm in various cultures.
In Pakistan, for the past couple of years, the news of child abuse has become a new social norm. The child molestation porn videos from Kasur to the heinous crime against Zainab made headlines. It is the first time that people on streets, social media and members of the National Assembly are openly discussing punishment for a child abuse perpetrator. However, the question remains: would public capital punishment end this heinous crime or does something in the socio-cultural fabric of society need to be changed? Although I truly believe that child abuse perpetrators should be given the highest possible punishment, as a society, we need to think more deeply about how to eliminate this evil, which is responsible for destroying our future generations.Firstly, in a conservative society like Pakistan, an open discussion about child abuse is a good sign. However, reports of many international rights organisations suggest that girls, if they are abused in conservative societies, try to hide it from their family members and friends. Research also suggests that boys try to hide child abuse too due to the concept of masculinity in South Asian culture. This communication gap exists because of the power gap between parents and children in the subcontinent. Therefore, a broader social change is needed if we want to break the hierarchical power system and give the voice to the vulnerable child abuse victims in the current social environment in Pakistan.
Secondly, it could be observed through social media trends that if a girl is sexually abused, she is considered as being responsible for the crime because of her clothing and lifestyle. This shaming of the victim further motivates child abuse predators to leech on the weaknesses of vulnerable girls. Therefore, lawmakers and human rights activists should consider broader means through which the onus of the crime should be on the perpetrator, not on the victim.
Sex education should be part of the early curriculum so that children can know about their basic rights
Thirdly, one can observe that the electronic media of Pakistan tries to sell the emotional element while reporting child abuse victims and families. This portrayal of child abuse families as weak, police being the supporter of the powerful, and the powerful being not punished further motivates the child abuse predators. Therefore, electronic media should develop a proper code of conduct to address this issue. Fourthly, the sensitisation of the police force is needed to handle child abuse issues. Family members of an abused child go through an emotional trauma, and therefore, the role of policeshould be to facilitate child abuse victims rather than interrogate them. The respectable judiciary should consider holdingchild abuse cases in camera to protect the privacy of child abuse victims and their families. Fifthly, Muslim scholars and ulema should play their role to change the social fabric of society rather than blaming the western world and popular media to be the cause of child abuse. As with the growth of the Internet, access to pornography will increase in the current era. Rather than blaming the digital world, Muslim ulema should focus on preaching moral values and societal norms to the next generation. Finally, sexeducation should be part of the early curriculum so that children can know about their basic rights. Teachers and school administration should be open to discussing child abuse cases. Lawmakers should motivate schools to report sexual abuse cases. This openness will help in the growth of society. As a society, we have to bring the change in our socio-political sphere to end the heinous crime of child abuse. https://dailytimes.com.pk/536881/growing-sexual-child-abuse-in-pakistan/
پی ٹی ایم کا بنوں میں بڑا جلسہ، پاکستانی میڈیا پر پھر بلیک آؤٹ - #PashtunTahfafuzMovement
اتوار کو ہزاروں لوگوں کے قافلے پشتون تحفظ مومنٹ کے جلسے میں شرکت کے لیے بنوں پہنچے لیکن پاکستانی میڈیا پر اس کا ذکر غائب رہا۔
سرد موسم اور بارش کے باجود سیاہ اور سفید پرچم اٹھائے نوجوانوں کے قافلے خیبر پختونخوا کے دور دراز علاقوں سے بسوں، ویگنوں اور گاڑیوں میں جلسہ گاہ پہنچے۔
اس جلسے میں پی ٹی ایم کے رہنما منظور پشتین اور اراکین قومی اسمبلی محسن داوڑ اور علی وزیر نے خطاب کیا۔
Massive #PashtunLongMarch2Bannu - #AgentsOfPeace #VoiceOfPashtuns victims of State's suicidal strategic depth policies. #TruthCommission
263 people are talking about this
گزشتہ برس ستمبر میں پی ٹی ایم سے وابستہ اراکین قومی اسمبلی محسن داوڑ اور علی وزیر کی جیل سے رہائی کے بعد یہ پہلا موقع ہے کہ تنظیم نے ایک بڑا جلسہ منعقد کیا۔ ان دونوں رہنماؤں کو مئی میں شمالی وزیرستان میں ایک چیک پوسٹ پر فائرنگ کے واقعے کے بعد سکیورٹی فورسز نے نظر بند کر دیا تھا۔
پشتون تحفظ مومنٹ ملک میں سکیورٹی اداروں کی طرف سے مبینہ جبری گمشدگیوں اور ماورائے قانون ہلاکتوں کے خلاف آواز اٹھاتی رہی ہے اور اس کا کہنا ہے کہ وہ پرامن جدوجہد میں یقین رکھتی ہی۔
پاکستان کے عسکری اداروں کی جانب سے پی ٹی ایم کو 'ملک دشمن تنظیم‘ کے طور پر دیکھا جاتا ہے۔
ماضی کی طرح اس بار بھی پی ٹی ایم کے جلسے کی خبر کا پاکستانی میڈیا پر کوئی تذکرہ نظر نہ آیا۔ جبکہ سوشل میڈیا پر پی ٹی ایم مخالف ٹرینڈ چلتے رہے۔ پی ٹی ایم کا الزام یہ ہے کہ ٹوئٹر پر اس قسم کے جعلی ٹرینڈ پاکستانی فوج کے شعبہ تعلقات عامہ کے اس تنظیم کے خلاف پراپگینڈہ کا حصہ ہیں۔ جلسے کے موقع پر بنوں سے انٹرنیٹ میں خلل کی اطلاعات ہیں۔
ستمبر میں محسن داوڑ اور علی وزیر کی رہائی کو بعض ناقدین نے پاکستانی اسٹیبلشمنٹ کے ساتھ معافی تلافی کا نتیجہ قرار دیا تھا۔ لیکن حالیہ مہینوں میں محسن داوڑ اور علی وزیر نے قومی اسمبلی کے اندر اور باہر اپنی تقاریر اور عمل سے ایسے کسی تاثر کی نفی کی۔ رہائی کے بعد دونوں رہنما ملک میں دہشت گردی کے خلاف اور آئین کی حکمرانی کے حق ميں مسلسل آواز اٹھاتے رہے ہیں۔
پچھلے دنوں قومی اسمبلی میں آرمی چیف کی توسیع سے متعلق متنازعہ آرمی ایکٹ کی منظوری پر جب بڑی بڑی جماعتوں نے حکومت کا ساتھ دینے کا فیصلہ کیا تب بھی ان دو اراکین پارلیمان نے اس قانون کی مخالفت کی
Thank u people of Bannu for defying this cold weather as well as the tactics of our cold hearted State. #PashtunLongMarch2Bannu proved that things such as football & Kabadi r far lower on ur list of priorities than justice for target killings, missing persons & #KharQamarMassacre
Thank u people of Bannu for defying this cold weather as well as the tactics of our cold hearted State. #PashtunLongMarch2Bannu proved that things such as football & Kabadi r far lower on ur list of priorities than justice for target killings, missing persons & #KharQamarMassacre
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پشتون سیاست میں بنوں کی اہمیت - #PashtunTahfafuzMovement
پاکستان میں پشتون قوم پرست سیاست کا محور ولی باغ اور بلوچستان کا گلستان علاقہ رہے ہیں۔ لیکن اتوار کو پی ٹی ایم کے جلسے نے جنوبی پختونخوا میں بنوں کی اہمیت بھی اجاگر کی ہے۔
بنوں شہر کو شمالی وزیرستان کا گیٹ وے کہا جاتا ہے۔ شمالی وزیرستان سے متصل ہونے کی وجہ سے یہاں کے لوگوں کے رسم و رواج اور رہن سہن مشترک ہیں۔
دہشت گردی کے خلاف جنگ میں شمالی اور جنوبی وزیرستان کے ساتھ ساتھ بنوں جیسے علاقے خاصے متاثر ہوئے۔ اس لیے دیگر پشتون علاقوں کی نسبت یہاں کے لوگوں کی محرومیاں اور مشکلات زیادہ ہیں۔
اس علاقے میں پشتون زبان کا لہجہ بلوچستان میں آباد پشتونوں اور افغانستان کے قندھار علاقے جیسا ہے جبکہ سیاسی سوچ خان عبدالغفار خان کے فلسفہ عدم تشدد سے متاثر ہے۔
شاید اسی لیے جب اس علاقے کے جنگ زدہ لوگوں کی آواز اٹھانے کے لیے منظور پشتین سامنے آئے تو نوجوانوں میں جلد مقبول ہو گئے۔
پی ٹی ایم کا بنوں جلسہ
اتوار کو بنوں میں پی ٹی ایم کے جلسے میں ہزاروں لوگوں نے شرکت کی۔ تنظیم نے اس طرح کا اجتماع کوئی سات ماہ کے وقفے کے بعد کیا۔ منظور پشتین نے جلسے سے اپنے خطاب میں کہا کہ اسٹیبلشمنٹ کا یہ خیال تھا کہ اب پی ٹی ایم بڑا جلسہ کرنے کے قابل نہیں رہی لیکن اس جلسے نے انہیں غلط ثابت کر دکھايا۔
رکن قومی اسمبلی محسن داوڑ نے کہا کہ فوج کے ترجمان نے کہا تھا کہ پی ٹی ایم کا وقت ختم ہو چکا ہے لیکن اس جلسے نے ان کے دعوے کو غلط ثابت کیا۔ علی وزیر نے جلسے سے اپنے خطاب میں کہا کہ پارلیمنٹ کے نمائندے اسمبلی میں عوامی جذبات کی ترجمانی نہیں کرتے۔
پی ٹی ایم کی رہنما ثناء اعجاز نے کہا، ''قبائلی علاقوں میں ملٹری آپریشن ہوئے اور کہا گیا کہ یہ علاقے دہشت گردوں سے پاک ہو گئے ہیں لیکن کچھ عرصے سے ان علاقے کے لوگ نامعلوم افراد کے ہاتھوں قتل ہو رہے ہیں۔ ہم اس جلسے کے ذریعے حکومت کو پیغام دینا چاہتے ہیں کہ اب پشتون خاموش نہیں بیٹھیں گے۔‘‘
پی ٹی ایم کوئی ختم نہیں کر سکتا، بنوں جلسہ اس بات کا ثبوت: محسن داوڑ - #PashtunTahfafuzMovement
پشتونوں کے حقوق کے لیے آواز اٹھانے کا دعوی کرنے والی تنظیم پشتون تحفظ موومنٹ کے سربراہ منظور پشتین نے پی ٹی ایم کے زیر اہتمام ضلع بنوں منڈان پارک میں جلسہ عام سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ وہ تمام سیاسی پارٹیوں کے ساتھ بیٹھ کر پشتونوں کے حقوق کی بات کو آگے لے کر جانا چاہتے ہیں۔
پی ٹی ایم کی جانب سے کئی ماہ کے بعد خیبر پختونخوا ضلع بنوں میں جلسے کا اہتمام کیا گیا جس میں تنظیم کے سربراہ سمیت ارکان قومی اسمبلی محسن داوڑ، علی وزیر اور صوبائی اسمبلی کے رکن میر کلام وزیر کے بھی شرکت کی۔
عوامی نیشنل پارٹی کے سربراہ کی جانب سے مشال ریڈیو پر ایک انٹرویو میں پی ٹی ایم پر الزام لگایا گیا تھا کہ یہ تنظیم ملک کے اداروں کے خلاف پرتشدد باتیں کرتی ہے اور اسی وجہ سے وہ پی ٹی ایم کی موجودہ روش کو سپورٹ نہیں کرتےدوران خطاب رکن قومی اسمبلی نے مزید کہا کہ پی ٹی ایم ہی کی وجہ سےآج پشتونوں کو حکومتی اداروں میں عزت کی نگاہ سے دیکھا جاتا ہے اور پشتونوں کا مسئلہ بھی عالمی سطح پر اجاگر ہو رہا ہے نیز پی ٹی ایم ہی کی وجہ سے ہی راؤ انوار پر عالمی پابندیاں عائد کی گئی ہیں۔
جلسے سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے منظور پشتین نے کسی کام نام لیے بغیر کہا کہ ’پی ٹی ایم کو اگر کوئی گالی بھی دے، جو مرضی الزام لگائے لیکن ہم پھر بھی ملک کی تمام سیاسی پارٹیوں کے ساتھ اتحاد کرنے اور ان کے ساتھ بیٹھ کر پشتونوں کے مسائل حل کرنے کے لیے تیار ہیں۔‘
انھوں نے جلسے کے شرکا کو مخاطب کرتے ہوئے کہا ’آپ لوگ میرے ساتھ وعدہ کریں کہ ہم سیاسی پارٹیوں کے سربراہان کے پاس جرگہ لے کر جائیں گےتاکہ ہم مل کر پشتونوں کے حقوق کی بات کر سکیں۔ چاہے وہ اسفندیار ولی خان ہوں، محمود خان اچکزئی ہوں، مولانا فضل الرحمٰن ہوں یا آفتاب شیرپاؤ، ہم ان کے پاس جائیں گے۔‘
دیگر سیاسی پارٹیوں پر تنقید اور ان کے سربراہان کے خلاف باتیں کرنے کے حوالے سے منظور پشتین کا کہنا تھا کہ اس مجمعے میں اگر کوئی کسی بھی سیاسی لیڈر کے خلاف کچھ بھی کہتا ہے تو وہ اس کا ذاتی فعل ہوگا اوروہ پی ٹی ایم کا موقف بالکل نہیں ہوگا۔
انھوں نے دوران خطاب کہا کہ ’ہم ہر مظلوم کے ساتھ ہیں چاہے اس کا تعلق کسی بھی پارٹی یا تنظیم سے ہے۔ ہم اس کے لیے آواز اٹھائیں گے اور اس کے حقوق پر کسی قسم کا سمجھوتہ نہیں کریں گے۔‘
اپنے خطاب کے آخر میں انھوں نے پی ٹی ایم کے یوم تاسیس کے سلسلے میں دو فروری کو کوئٹہ میں جلسے کا اعلان کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ جلسوں کا یہ سلسلہ دوبارہ شروع ہوگیا ہے اور اس کے بعد مردان، چارسدہ سمیت دیگر مختلف اضلاع میں جلسے منعقد کریں گے۔
رکن قومی اسمبلی محسن داوڑ نے جلسے سے خطاب میں کہا کہ کچھ مہینے پہلے کہا گیا تھا کہ ’پی ٹی ایم کا وقت ختم ہوگیا اور پی ٹی ایم جلسے نہیں کر سکتی لیکن ہم بتانا چاہتے ہیں کہ پی ٹی ایم کوئی بھی ختم نہیں کر سکتا اور آج کا یہ جلسہ اس بات کا ثبوت ہے۔‘
انھوں نے شرکا کو مخاطب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ ’آپ لوگ مایوس نہیں ہوں گے کیونکہ پی ٹی ایم ہی کی وجہ سےآج پشتونوں کو حکومتی اداروں میں عزت کی نگاہ سے دیکھا جاتا ہے اور پی ٹی ایم ہی کی وجہ سے پشتونوں کا مسئلہ عالمی سطح پر اجاگر ہو رہا ہے نیز پی ٹی ایم ہی کی وجہ سے پشتونوں کے قاتل راؤ انوار پر عالمی پابندیاں عائد کی گئی ہیں۔‘
واضح رہے کہ پی ٹی ایم نے ماضی میں ریاستی اداروں پر مختلف الزامات لگائے ہیں جن میں لاپتہ افراد کا معاملہ سر فہرست ہے۔ پی ٹی ایم کا موقف رہا ہے کہ بغیر کسی ثبوت کے ریاستی اداروں کی جانب سے لوگوں کو لاپتہ کیا جاتا ہے اور کسی بھی عدالت میں پیش نہیں کیا جاتا۔ تاہم پی ٹی ایم کی جانب سے لگائے گئے تمام الزامات کی تردید پاکستان کے ریاستی اداروں اور حکومتی وزرا نے مختلف مواقع پر کی ہے۔ ماضی میں پاکستان فوج کے ترجمان پی ٹی ایم کے بیرونی فنڈنگ معاملے میں مبینہ طور پر ملوث ہونے کے حوالے سے بھی بیانات دے چکے ہیں۔
پی ٹی ایم کے بنوں جلسے میں مختلف ایسے خاندانوں نے بھی شرکت کی جن کے اپنے پیارے لاپتہ ہیں۔ ان لاپتہ افراد کے رشتہ داروں نے پلے کارڈز اٹھا رکھے تھے جن میں لاپتہ افراد کے کوائف درج تھے۔
مقامی میڈیا کی جانب سے جلسے کا بلیک آوٹ
مقامی میڈیا کی جانب سے بنوں جلسے کو کوریج نہ دی جا سکی۔ میڈیا مانیٹرنگ کے دوران صرف پشتو چینل خیبر نیوز پر جلسے کی کوریج دیکھنے کو ملی ۔ ماضی میں بھی مقامی میڈیا کی جانب سے پی ٹی ایم کے جلسوں کی کوریج نہ ہونے کے برابر رہی ہے اور زیادہ تر
چینلز پی ٹی ایم جلسوں کو مکمل نظر انداز کرتے ہیں۔
#PashtunTahfafuzMovement - پي ټي اېم: پاکستان دې د بل جنګ برخه نه جوړېږي - زرګونو کسانو د بنو جلسه کې ګډون وکړ
پښتون ژغورنې غورځنګ [ پي ټي اېم]، د جنورۍ پر ۱۲مه، په بنو کې د جلسې پر مهال پر حکومت غږ وکړ چې په منځني ختیځ کې دې د شخړې برخه نه جوړېږي.
پښتون ژغورنې غورځنګ، د جنورۍ پر ۱۲مه، په بنو کې د جلسې پر مهال پر حکومت نیوکه وکړه چې د پښتنو حقونو ته یې پام نه دی کړی. هغوی همدا راز اعلان وکړ چې راتلونکې جلسه به یې د فبرورۍ پر دویمه وي چې پکې به د پي ټي اېم د وژل شوي مشر ارمان لوڼي تلین هم لمانځل کېږي.
جلسه د بنو په منډان پارک کې وشوه چې لږ تر لږه ۲۰ زرو کسانو پکې ګډون وکړ چې په منځ کې یې د هغو کورنیو غړي هم وو چې خپلوان یې ورک دي. هغوی تور پورې کوي چې امنیتي ادارې د خلکو په ورکولو لاس لري، خو حکومت دا تورونه ردوي.
جلسې ته د پښتون غورنې غورځنګ مشرانو ویناوې وکړې.
منظور پښتین:
منظور پښتین جلسې ته د وینا پر مهال وویل، پاکستاني ریاست د پښتنو په وړاندې له ظلمه ډکه رویه نده بدله کړې. نوموړي وویل چې په یو شمېر سیمو کې ریاست یو ځل بیا د خپلې خوښې وسله وال پورته کړي دي او خلک پرې ځوروي.
د هغه په وینا د ایین له مخې ورته حقونه نه ورکول کېږي خو چې کله جلسه وکړي، بیا همدا ایین د هغوی پر ضد کارول کېږي او ملګري یې نیول کېږي.
نوموړي وویل، د نقیب الله مسود او سلګونو نورو کسانو قاتل راوانوار تر اوسه ازاد ګرځي خو د هغوی ملګري په جیلونو کې دي.
منظور پښتین زیاته کړه چې هغوی پر پښتنه خاوره د هر ډول مرګ ژوبلې مخالف دي.
علي وزیر:
د پاکستان په قامي اسمبلۍ کې د جنوبي وزیرستان د خلکو استازي علي وزیر جلسې ته د وینا پرمهال په منځني ختیځ کې د ایران او امریکا تر منځ ترینګلتیا ته په اشاره وویل، هغوی د هر ډول تصادم خلاف دي.
علي وزیر وویل، د پښتنو خاوره تل د پردو د جنګونو لپاره کارول شوې ده خو اوس خلک پوه شوي، هغوی د دغو جنګونو مخالفت کوي او خپلو ماشومانو ته د روښانه سباوون غوښتونکي دي، هغوی د قلم او کتاب غوښتونکي دي.
محسن داوړ:
د پښتون ژغورنې غورځنګ مخکښ مشر او د قامي اسمبلۍ غړي محسن داوړ د بنو جلسې ته په وینا کې وویل، دا د پي ټي اېم برکت دی چې حکومت په قبایلي ضلعو کې خلکو ته د هغوی د شویو تاوانونو معاوضې ورکوي. هغه زیاته کړه چې تر هغې به خپله مبارزه جاري ساتي چې پښتنو ته یې پوره حقونه ترلاسه کړي نه وي.
میرکلام وزیر:
په صوبايي اسمبلۍ کې د شمالي وزیرستان د خلکو استازي میرکلام وزیر جلسې ته په وینا کې وویل، د پاکستان د نورو سیمو خلک چې له کومو حقونو څخه برخمن دي، د قبایلي ضلعو خلک ترې تر اوسه محرومه ساتل شوي دي. نوموړی وايي، حکومت پر هغو تورونه لګوي خو غوښتنو ته یې سم ځواب نه وايي.
عالم زېب مسود:
عالم زیب مسود چې د پي ټي اېم غړی دی او د ورکو کسانو په اړه معلومات لري مشال راډیو ته وویل، اوس هم له ۲۵۰۰ نیولې تر ۳۰۰۰ پورې کسان ورک دي.
د میرلي یوې مېرمنې د جلسې ځای کې مشال راډیو ته وویل:
"خاوند مې ورک شوی دی، زه منظور پښتین ته وایم چې زما خاوند دې راله پیدا کړي. که هغه مجرم وي، عدالت ته دې وړاندې کړي، که نه وي نو خوشې دې کړي. موږ خو په دعاګانو، ژړاګانو او ختمونو هم ستړي شولو. پینځه کاله کېږي چې هغه ورک ده."
پښتون ژغورنې غورځنګ د دې کسانو د تښتولو تور د پاکستان پر امنیتي ادارو پورې کوي خو هغوي یې نه مني.
د پي ټي اېم راتونکې جلسه:
منظور پښتین اعلان وکړ چې د غورځنګ د وژل شوي غړي ارمان لوڼي د لومړي تلین پر مهال به د بلوچستان په پښتنه سیمه کې جلسه کوي.
ارمان لوڼی د ۲۰۱۹م کال د فبرورۍ پر دویمه په لورالايي کې وژل شوی وو. د پښتون ژغورنې غورځنګ مشران وايي، ارمان لوڼی د پولیسو لخوا د تشدد پر مهال وژل شوی وو، خو حکومت دا نه مني او وايي، د پلټنو پر مهال پر هغه د زړه حمله شوې وه چې له وجې یې هغه مړ شو.
د حکومت او پوځ دریځ:
د پاکستان حکومت او پوځ د جنورۍ پر ۱۲مه د پښتون ژغورنې غورځنګ د مخکښانو او ملاتړو د څرګندونو په غبرګون کې څه نه دي ویلي خو تر دې وړاندې یې په بیا بیا د پي ټي اېم د زیاتره غوښتنو د منلو خبره تکرار کړې چې پکې د ترۍ تمو کسانو موندل هم شامل دي.
حکومت وايي، تر اوسه سلګونه ورک کسان موندل شوي او کورنیو ته یې سپارل شوي دي.
پي ټي اېم د پاکستان له حکومته غواړي چې د ماورای عدالت وژنو مخه ونیسي، ورک او ګرفتار کسان عدالت ته وړاندې کړي، قبایلي سیمې له ځمکلاندې بمونو پاکې کړي او په سیمه کې بشري حقونه باوري کړي.
د پاکستان حکومت او پوځ د دې غوښتنو د پوره کولو ډاډ ورکړی.
د نقیب مسود په وژنه تورن پولیس افسر راو انوار هم تر مقدمې لاندې دی خو په ضمانت خوشې شوی دی.
د پاکستان چارواکي وايي، د مسود کورنۍ ته انصاف ورکوي.
Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement Holds Rally in Pakistan, Calls for Pashtun Unity
The Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) held a public gathering in the city of Bannu in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on Sunday, calling for unity among Pashtun leaders, Pakistani news agencies reported.The Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement has formed a jirga—a local council—to strengthen unity among Pashtun leaders.
Pakistan’s Dawn.com reported that PTM leader Manzoor Pashteen and other leaders of the movement, Ali Wazir and Mohsin Dawar, addressed the crowd.
PTM is a Pashtun-rights group that has called for the de-mining of the former tribal areas and greater freedom of movement. It has called for an end to “extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and unlawful detentions,” according to a Dawn report.
According to PTM members, almost 30,000 people from the two provinces – Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan – have gone missing over the past 10 years. Pakistan’s army and ISI--the Pakistani intelligence agency--appear to be behind the disappearances, according to the PTM.
However, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has said that the number of missing individuals is 1,532.
In Sunday’s rally, Dawn reports, the movement’s leadership announced the formation of a jirga to convince Pashtun leaders to join the PTM to strengthen its cause and jointly fight for Pashtuns’ rights.
“We want the unity of Pashtuns,” said Manzoor Pashteen, while addressing the gathering, as quoted by Dawn.
“Pashtuns have suffered for long and are still suffering,” he said, asking that Pashtun political leaders unite. Pashteen added that they were not opposing any political party or Pashtun leader.
“We want peace and justice, but unfortunately, new waves of targeted killings have been seen in (the) former tribal belt and justice is not being served,” Pashteen said.
Pashteen said that PTM is a civil movement, not a political party, and will continue to struggle for the rights of Pakhtuns.
“I assure you, PTM will always stand by you in any difficult time," Pashteen told the gathering.
The report says that the gathering was also addressed by Arman Loni's sister. Loni was a prominent PTM leader who died allegedly during a police crackdown during a sit-in in Balochistan's Loralai on February 2, 2019.
PTM will hold a public gathering in Baluchistan in February on the anniversary of Loni's death.
https://tolonews.com/world/ptm-holds-rally-pakistan-calls-pashtun-unity
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