Sunday, August 20, 2017
Saudi Arabia moves to indict some 'radical' Twitter users
Saudi Arabia has said it will indict a group of "radical" Twitter users charged with "harming the public order," according to a statement on its state news agency website on Sunday.
The size of the group indicted and their identities have not been disclosed. However, Saudi Arabia's spokesman for the Ministry of Culture and Information Hani Al Ghufaily tweetedahead of the statement that radical Sunni cleric Ali Al Rabieei had been summoned to the "committee for publication crimes."
Al Rabieei's frequently tweets about Shia Muslims, who he refers to as "rejectionists," a derogatory term for the minority group. The cleric's profile photo on the social network also features the image of Iran's supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, with devil horns.
Al Rabieei could not be reached for comment.
Saudi Arabia has a sizable Shiite minority whose members reside primarily in the restive eastern province of Qatif.
Last week, Saudi authorities announced they had nearly rooted out gunmen from the town of Awamiya in Qatif, which has been a site of anti-government rebellion since the 2011 Arab Spring.
Saudi Shia Muslims have long chafed under Sunni-majority rule, where a hardline school of Islamic thought, known as Wahabism, predominates.
Saudi Arabia bans public worship by non-Muslims and severely restricts public displays of religion by non-Wahhabis, including Shia.
But in recent years, a series of reforms have swept through the ultra-conservative kingdom, curtailing the powers of the kingdom's religious police, granting women a growing list of rights, and cracking down on religious incitement.
Saudi Arabia's newly appointed Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, 31, is widely seen as a driving force behind the country's reforms.
The United Arab Emirate’s ambassador says of Saudi Arabia: “That whole country is fuckin coo coo!”
In the email, purportedly written by Mr Otaiba, he wrote: “They’re just so stupid… I’m sure Red roses are now being sold on the black market for extortionately high prices. They should’v banned heart-shaped chocolate as well.”
The correspondence reveals that although Mr Otaiba believes the UAE has “bad history” with Saudi Arabia, their crown prince Mohammed bin Salman could lead to better relations and a time to get “the most results we can ever get out of Saudi.” Previously, Mr Otaiba had written to New York Times columnist Tom Friedman, saying that “with MBS (Mohammed bin Salman), we see a genuine change. And that’s why we’re excited. We finally see hope there and we need it to succeed.”
In other emails, Mr Otaiba has hailed bin Salman as being “on a mission to make the Saudi government more efficient.”
The UAE ambassador is an influential player in world politics and has attended Pentagon strategy meetings. “He is incredibly savvy,” a former White House aide told the Huffington Post.
“He throws great social events. He understands how Washington works, how the Hill works, which a lot of these countries don’t.”
The correspondence from Mr Otaiba’s email account was initially uncovered by the GlobalLeaks group, who approached Daily Beast. The hacking group claims to “reveal how million of dollars were used to hurt reputation of American allies and cause policy change.”
The UAE embassy confirmed that the Hotmail address matched the ambassador’s, according to The Hill.
The identity of GlobalLeaks remains unknown although the Daily Beast noted that the email sent to them was from a free Russian email provider.
Pakistan: Right-Wing Activist Judge Urges Parliament to Prosecute Blasphemy Cases Under Terrorism Laws
Last Saturday’s (Aug. 12) recommendation by Justice Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui of the Islamabad High Court is unlikely to result in action by Parliament, but it reflects a radical strain of thought at high levels in Pakistan and will be seriously debated in the National Assembly, sources said.
Aasiya Nasir, a Christian member of the National Assembly, told Morning Star News that judges of the superior and high courts should refrain from making recommendations that could increase hostility towards minority communities. The recommendation to add Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) sections in blasphemy cases would only encourage continued misuse of blasphemy laws against rivals and minority groups, she said.
“Justice Siddiqui’s recommendations haven’t yet been taken up in the National Assembly,” she said. “No member has so far tabled any motion in this regard, and it is highly unlikely that the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) government will try to stir up debate on the controversial laws in the last few months of its government. Nevertheless, the recommendations will be thoroughly debated in the House whenever they are presented to us.”
In a detailed order on a petition seeking removal of blasphemous content from the social media, Siddiqui said that investigators should consider adding sub-section (F) of Section 6 of the 1997 ATA in blasphemy cases because they “directly hurt the emotions of Islam’s Prophet Muhammad.”
Sub-section (F) relates to inciting hatred and contempt on religious, sectarian or ethnic basis to stir up violence or cause internal disturbance.
“We hold the judiciary in high regard, but it hurts to see senior judges showing religious prejudice in their observations as well as judgments,” Nasir said.
Sen. Hafiz Hamdullah of the Islamist party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam also opposed prosecuting blasphemy under terrorism charges, saying it would not serve any purpose.
“We just need to ensure that the law is not exploited,” he said. “But unfortunately, no one in parliament is serious in dealing with this issue.”
The high court judge’s recommendation also called for punishing those who falsely accuse others of blasphemy, something Hamdullah welcomed.
“Even the Council of Islamic Ideology has made repeated recommendations to the government to legislate against false accusations of blasphemy, but it’s an open secret that neither the government nor other secular parties in parliament are willing to do anything about this,” he said, adding that it was a fact that most blasphemy cases in Pakistan were motivated by personal enmity. “We oppose abolition of the blasphemy laws, but we will endorse any legislation that brings an end to wrongful accusations against innocent people, no matter which religious community they belong to.”
Attorney Riaz Anjum of the Pakistan Center for Law and Justice (PCLJ) questioned whether the judge had a constitutional right to make his recommendations.
“Although I agree with Justice Siddiqui’s observation that false accusers of blasphemy should be punished sternly, I am strongly opposed to inclusion of terrorism charges in such cases,” Anjum said. “The judge should not have encouraged investigation officers in this regard, as it will only add to the miseries of those falsely accused of blasphemy and make it difficult for their defense counsels to secure their release. Such a suggestion is also illegal constitutionally.”
Under existing law, a false accuser faces a maximum punishment of only six months or a fine up to 1,000 rupees, about US$10. The judge recommended punishments for those falsely accusing people of blasphemy equal to those convicted of blasphemy.
Senior attorney of the Supreme Court Saif-ul-Malook said that the judge was stepping out of his jurisdiction by suggesting application of the anti-terrorism law in blasphemy cases.
“The Supreme Court of Pakistan has clearly defined that the anti-terrorism laws are applicable only on people accused of creating chaos or unrest in the country through acts of terrorism,” he said. “In cases involving blasphemy, an accused is simply exercising his right of free speech by giving his opinion on any religious personality, which by no means falls under the definition of terrorism.”
Saif said Article 189 of the Constitution of Pakistan states that whatever the high court defines on a question of law shall be binding on all the judicial authorities of the country, including the high courts.
“It is also beyond the jurisdiction of a high court to recommend parliament to promulgate any law, as under Article 175(2) of the constitution, no high court can issue any such directions to the legislature,” he said.
Article 175(2) states that “no court shall have any jurisdiction save as is or may be conferred on it by the Constitution or by or under any law.”
Saif, who was the special prosecutor in the assassination case of former Punjab Gov. Salmaan Taseer and now represents Christian blasphemy convict Aasiya Noreen, better known as Asia Bibi, in the Supreme Court, said that he believed that rampant accusations of blasphemy in Pakistan could be discouraged if the parliament makes a law prohibiting arrest of the accused until a trial court proves them guilty.
“Accusers of blasphemy know that the police will immediately arrest the accused and throw them in prison without carrying out an impartial investigation into the serious allegation,” he said. “This serves their purpose of settling personal rivalries, as those accused under the charge are forced into imprisonment for years till a court decides their fate.”
Christian rights activist Shakeel Naz said the time has come for Pakistan’s parliament to seriously address blatant misuse of the blasphemy laws rather than clamping down on free speech rights on social media.
“I’m not sure whether Pakistan’s parliament will consider his other suggestions such as equal punishment for false accusers, but his advice to police officials will only worsen the situation as everyone knows how easy it is to accuse someone of blasphemy and register a case under the laws in Pakistan,” he said.
Siddiqui also ordered a complete ban on the social networking site Facebook if the website’s management does not conform to Pakistani laws.
“In case the Facebook management does not remove the indecent content against the holy prophet and revered personalities, the website may be banned completely in Pakistan,” the judge’s verdict said.
He directed the Federal Ministry for Interior and other departments concerned to vigorously take up the matter with Facebook management. On March 31 he had issued a shorter order on a petition seeking elimination of blasphemous content from social media. In the 116-page, detailed judgment issued on Saturday (Aug. 12), the judge directed the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) to create a firewall to block sacrilegious content in Pakistan.
Attorney Anjum of the PCLJ said that since 2010, nearly 480 cases of blasphemy have been registered in Pakistan. Of these, 24 have been handed the death sentence, while 18 were given life imprisonment, he said.
“Everyone in Pakistan knows that the majority of blasphemy cases are motivated by personal vendettas, yet the legislature is doing practically nothing to contain this exploitation of the law,” he said.
http://morningstarnews.org/2017/08/judge-pakistan-urges-parliament-prosecute-blasphemy-cases-terrorism-laws/
In search of Jinnah’s Pakistan
By Raza Rumi
As we celebrate the 70th anniversary of Pakistan’s creation, it is important to revisit the key questions that have befuddled the country. What is Pakistan’s identity? Can a larger Pakistani identity subsume the other identities of its citizens? Is it a nation-state or a state-nation? These vital quandaries have remained ever-present through the country’s history, and perhaps even before. It is critical that these be addressed for future direction.
Seventy years are a sufficient time period to determine the contours of nationhood and build consensus around such issues. Yet, we seem to struggle with some of these quandaries. A key reason for this is divergence from Jinnah’s vision — a vision that was neither didactic nor dogmatic and evolved as he argued the case for Pakistan in the 1940s. There is no question that Jinnah invoked religious identity as the marker of a separate nationhood. The political context also demanded this, given that Gandhi had effectively introduced religious idiom in Indian nationalist politics. India was and remains a country where religion is enmeshed with culture and politics. The religious separateness of the Muslim community had wider political and economic issues of minority status in postcolonial India. The Cabinet Mission Plan of 1946 with a weak centre and strong federating units with autonomy presented a workable way to keep India united and safeguard the interests of Muslim majority provinces. It failed and so did the prospects for a united India.
Jinnah’s struggle was centered on India’s minority question — a question that uncannily persists in 2017, too. Pakistan was meant to be the solution. But the idea of a nationalism anchored in religion as it evolved over decades has left minorities marginalised and at times hapless victims of violence Once Pakistan was inevitable, Jinnah’s vision for the new state began to crystallise: a clear expression of this was his August 11 speech which underscored social justice, minority rights and no religious identity of the state despite its Muslim majority population. In the eleven months he lived, Jinnah also spoke about the neutrality of the civil service and civilian supremacy over the armed forces. The most critical policy direction he articulated pertained to relationship with India citing the US-Canada association as a model. Jinnah kept his Bombay home, inquired about its upkeep and saw it as a post-retirement place to visit. Would he have kept that house if India were to be the permanent and all-weather enemy of Pakistan?
He objected to the cover of TIME magazine sent by its editor for an autograph. The cover showed Jinnah as a Muslim tiger eating the Hindu cow. He returned the copies of the magazine, writing: “As I think the description ‘Mohamed Ali Jinnah, His Muslim tiger wants to eat the Hindu cow’ is offensive to the sentiments of the Hindu community, I cannot put my autograph on the cover page of the TIME magazine as requested by you.”
The story of Pakistan tells a different story: officialdom such as the powerful civil-military establishment, opportunistic politicians and a rudderless intelligentsia, took the country into an altogether different direction. The debates of the Constituent Assembly, which ended in 1956, are hauntingly relevant even today. By the time the country was a decade old, it was under martial law, had waged war with India, adopted a semi-theocratic objectives resolution; and appointed historians to write a new history denying Pakistan’s pre-1947 past.
Jinnah had expressly stated: “Do not forget that the armed forces are the servants of the people. You do not make national policy; it is we, the civilians, who decide these issues and it is your duty to carry out these tasks with which you are entrusted.” The 1958, 1977 and 1999 coups narrate a different story.
Thus the ideal Pakistani imagined by the state had to be delinked from the past, a caricature of a South Asian and upholder of the security state which had come into being. This is why we ended up as a State-Nation. Fatima Jinnah, a founder of the country, who challenged this security-centric and autocratic idea of nationhood, was termed an Indian agent.
Ethnic identities were also undermined at the expense of a broader national identity. The most tragic example of this phenomenon was the treatment of Bengalis culminating in the 1971 war and creation of Bangladesh. We endlessly complain about Indian interference, which was certainly there, but overlook that Pakistan reduced multiple identities of its citizens and groups. Jinnah’s struggle was centered on India’s minority question — a question that uncannily persists in 2017, too. Pakistan was meant to be the solution. But the idea of a nationalism anchored in religion as it evolved over decades has left minorities marginalised and at times hapless victims of violence. This includes minority Muslim sects too. Non-Muslims are barred from holding the office of President or Prime Minister. Pakistan’s first cabinet had Hindu and Ahmadi members. Jinnah — a Shia-Ismaili — belonged to the minority Muslim sect. In 2017, the constitutional equality of citizenship is negated by the same document, and associated legislation. And the Shias have been at the receiving end of lethal militias. In 2017, the constitutional equality of citizenship is negated by the same document, and associated legislation.
Yet, the picture is not all bleak. Pakistanis have participated in three major popular movements for democracy; and never given in to authoritarianism. Most political parties want to change the security paradigm and move to an altered set of relationships in the neighbourhood. The 2010 amendments to the Constitution resulted in historic devolution of powers to the provinces for the first time in the country’s history. More importantly, even rightwing political parties have realised the perils of nurturing extremist ideas and improving the status of minorities. Legislative work by two Parliaments since 2008 has been momentous. Social transformation in terms of women and minority rights, decentralisation and federalism will be more pronounced in decades to come. But this will require staying the course by the democratic forces in the country.
Pakistan of 2017 is a different polity than before. The country has never been so young and bursting with creative energies; and never has been there a more noticeable consensus on democratic governance. At the same time, the unfortunate legacy of past decades haunts the country; and threatens the march forward. Pakistan’s youth will have to seize the moment and complete the stalled project of nation-building. A nation that respects diversity, celebrates it’s past, and locates itself in South Asia. A nation-state that ensures citizen equality, socioeconomic justice and securing regional peace. This will be Jinnah’s Pakistan, once it has been retrieved from the debris of autocracy, conflict and bigotry.
Gilgit: People oppose acquiring of land for Pakistan's ISI
Days after thousands of acres of land in Gilgit was illegally allotted to Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Force Command Northern Areas (FCNA), the locals on Sunday took to the streets to protest against move.
"Thousands of acres of land worth billions illegally allotted to the ISI and the FCNA shows ample testimony to the fact that how state owned and non-state owned land is being sold to the Pakistan army at throwaway prices", Ghulan Shah, a local in Gigit, was quoted as saying by ANI. "This is not merely a paper of land allotment, but a document exposing the duplex and diabolical nature of the Pakistani establishment," he addded.
Shah also said that the state government has 3,000 kanal of land from the region. "The other news I've heard is that 20,000 kanal of land has been acquired in a nearby village and this all has been happening at the pretext of CPEC. A similar situation is prevailing in another village Minaaur too. Although 800-900 Kanal of land was already given by our village still 300 Kanal has been given for the firing range," Shah said, while pointing out that the land has not been occupied by covert tricks, but by blatant hooliganism.
"When China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was first announced in the region, then it was declared by Chief Minister Hafiz-ur-Rehman that special economic zones would bring employment in the region. However, the army diktat changed the tone and tenor of the leaders and subsequently all hopes of the people were quashed," he stated.
"The government has allotted land for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) without taking permission of the local people and there is animosity among the people of Gilgit- Baltistan," Meraj, a Journalist in Gilgit said. He further noted that various political parties of the region have also expressed their concern, and that the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) has initiated a movement under the name Haq Malikaan and has informed the residents that they should be given compensation from the government for acquiring their land. Highlighting the fact that Pakistan is assisting Chinese for CPEC, he said, "The proper fencing of the land acquired by the Pakistan military has been done .In order to appease the Chinese and assist them in completing their dream CPEC project, people were threatened, beaten and were forced to make a compromise with the Pakistan establishment."
Accusing the Pakistani government of violating the rules for changing the demography of the region, he added, "The most significant factor is that the law stated that no one outside of Gilgit- Baltistan can purchase or sell the land in the region and Pakistan government has violated the rule by allotting the land for CPEC projects. Pakistan Army and Inter Services Intelligence has been constantly been planning to alter the demography of the region."
Pakistan: 16 years old Christian boy arrested on blasphemy
On 16th August TVS came to know about blasphemy case which was held registered Village Jhamkay Tehsil Wazeer Abad, District Gujranwala. A fact-finding team was comprised of Chief Executive Aneeqa Maria, Shahid Anthony, Napoleon Qayyum and Asif Yaqoob.
Asif is having 4 siblings named Mujahid, Kajul and Irum Stephen. Among them Kajol is married and the rest are unmarried. His father Stephen Masih is a Serf at the Muslim Landlords. Asif collects papers and used bottles from garbage and sell them to support his family. Asif also collects empty bottles from the Sundhay Shah Tomb. Which is about 2Kms away from his house. Whereas Muhammad Nawaz Alias Maju also collects garbage and bottles from the Tomb. Therefore, he always have grudge against Asif for collecting used bottles and giving him economic loss, as he claimed that this is my area of collection.
The conspiracy started about 24 days ago that is on 18th or 19th July when somebody burnt Holy Quran on the Tomb, but nobody took the notice and only M. Nawaz was talking about it and tried to attract the people upon the issue.
On 12th August Asif went to bazaar to buy cigarettes Mohammad Nawaz caught him there and started beating him and started shouting that Asif broke the money box from the tomb. As Mohammad Nawaz beating and shouting at Asif a mob gathered there and some of them also started beating Asif. Mohammad Nawaz made a call to Qari Rana Rashid Razvi (a fundamentalist and a Former representative of the District Counsil) and told him that he has caught the person who burnt Holy Quran. Qari Rana Rashid Razvi arrived at the spot and without confirming or asking anything he also started beating Asif upon burning Holy Quran. So the issue of breaking the money box was turned very cunningly into the desecration of Holy Quran. Someone from the community made a phone call at police emergency number 15 police reached there and arrested Asif and took him to the Jhamkay police chokey (Chokey is the branch of main police station in a specific area. It’s a kind of Sub-Police station)
Within an hour Qari Rana Rashid Razvi along with a mob reached Jhamkay police chokey he broke the lock and took Asif from the police custody and started torturing Asif. They wanted to kill him after burning, but the Local police made a phone call to Ali Purr Chatta police Station and asked them for help. Police from Ali Purr Police Station came for help at Jhamkay Chatta Police Chokey and they took Asif to the Ali Purr Chatta police Station. Qari Rana Rashid Razvi along with a mob went to Ali Purr Chatta police Station as a Complainant and Mohammad Nawaz as eyewitness. Ali Purr Chatta police registered a FIR against Asif and send him to the District Jail Gujranwala.
The Voice Society took up the case and will provide the family legal help as well as financial support.
نظام کو کوئی خطرہ نہیں، الیکشن وقت پر ہوں گے، بلاول
پیپلزپارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ ہم میثاق جمہوریت کےبنیادی اصولوں پر آج بھی قائم ہیں،ہم میثاق جمہوریت سے پیچھے نہیں ہٹ رہے،ن لیگ نے ہمارے دور حکومت میں میثاق جمہوریت کا ساتھ نہیں دیا۔
کاغان میں پریس کانفرنس سے خطاب میں بلاول بھٹو کا کہنا تھا کہ عمران خان کو سندھ میں ویلکم کرتے ہیں، انہیں ضرور آنا چاہیے،عمران خان کےقول وفعل میں تضاد ہے جو سندھ کے عوام قبول نہیں کریں گے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ نظام کو کوئی خطرہ نہیں ہے، الیکشن وقت پر ہوں گے،سپریم کورٹ کا فیصلہ پورے ملک کو تسلیم کرنا چاہیے جبکہ حکومت کے رویے پر پارلیمنٹ میں بحث ہونی چاہیے، تخت رائےونڈ میں آپس میں لڑائی ہورہی ہے۔
بلاول نے کہا کہ ہمارے ایک کارکن کو پل سےدھکادیا گیاجس کی مذمت کرتاہوں۔انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ چترال اور مانسہرہ میں کامیاب جلسہ ہوا، جبکہ اٹک میں بھی جلسہ کامیاب ہوا،میں جلسے کرتا رہا تو عمران خان پریشان ہوجائیں گے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ خان صاحب کے پیغام میں تضادہیں،سندھ میں ایک ہی وزیراعلیٰ
کوکرپشن کےالزام میں نکالا گیا، جواب عمران خان کے ساتھ ہے۔
https://jang.com.pk/latest/364109-no-risk-to-the-system-election-will-be-held-on-time-bilawal
Rift has grown within Takht-e-Raiwind: Bilawal Bhutto
Pakistan People’s Party Chairman Bilawal Bhutto said on Sunday that rift has grown within the ranks of ‘Takht-e-Raiwind,’ making an apparent reference to the news of disagreements within the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz.
The PPP chairman was speaking to media in Kaghan where he said that the administration of the country is not at any risk or danger.
Bilawal Bhutto also criticised Imran Khan, whose party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf has ruling government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. “People will not approve the contradiction in words and deeds of the PTI chief,” he said.
“If I kept on addressing rallies then Imran will be reduced to tears,” said Bilawal.
On Saturday, the PPP chairman addressed a gathering in Mansehra, where he lashed out at Imran Khan, saying the country has not forgotten his pro-Taliban views and his failure to condemn Taliban.
Imran provided millions to a “Taliban-run” madressah, alleged Bilawal, adding that the PTI chief had wanted to open a Taliban office in the country.
Bilawal, who was accompanied by the central leadership of the party, made his first public address of in Mansehra after taking charge of the party.
Meanwhile, former interior minister and senior PML-N leader Chaudhry Nisar will hold a press conference at the Punjab House today (Sunday). Speculation runs rife that the former interior minister will discuss internal issues of his party.
https://www.geo.tv/latest/154495-rift-has-grown-within-takht-e-raiwind-bilawal-bhutto
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