Saturday, October 10, 2020

#Pakistan: Is Political Change in the Air?

Mohammad Taqi
@mazdaki
The opposition, particularly Nawaz Sharif, is going after the Imran Khan government and Pakistani army all guns blazing.
Over the past two weeks, Pakistan’s political opposition has gone after Prime Minister Imran Khan and his benefactor, the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Qamar Javed Bajwa, with all guns blazing.
The three-time former premier, Nawaz Sharif, has unequivocally indicted General Bajwa and the incumbent and former Director General Inter-Services Intelligence (DG ISI) – Generals Faiz Hamid Chaudhry and Zaheer-ul-Islam, respectively – for blatantly meddling in political affairs. The former prime minister named the two generals for first, attempts to topple his government through orchestrated street protests, and failing that, by influencing the judiciary and the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) to disqualify him from holding the high office. He called them out for subsequently installing Imran Khan as their puppet prime minister, after rigging the 2018 election in his favour.
Sharif fired the first salvo at an All Parties Conference (APC) hosted by the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) of Asif Ali Zardari and Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari. They were joined by nationalist Pashtun and Baloch parties, the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), and above all, the Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam (JUI) of the cleric-politician Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman, who had led a march onto Islamabad, a year ago with the intent to topple the Imran-Bajwa hybrid martial law regime. The maulana failed at the time, simply because both the PPP and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) opted to play it safe in the end and had jumped off the wagon. The APC formed an alliance dubbed Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), issued a 26-point charter of demands, and resolved to start street protests shortly.
What has changed since the maulana’s fizzled out march? I had noted here that to topple the Imran-Bajwa regime, the maulana would need help from the PMLN and to a lesser extent, the PPP. But the two had left him hanging simply because their priorities, at the time, were different. The PPP has the provincial government in its power base, Sindh, and did not wish to lose that, lest it may not be able to return to power. It is still lukewarm to the idea of mobilising on the street for the same reason. The PMLN had abandoned the maulana because there is a sizeable faction within its leadership, headed by the party president and current opposition leader in the National Assembly, Shehbaz Sharif, which pushed for a rapprochement with the army brass in the aftermath of the 2018 elections.
Nawaz Sharif, the Quaid or supreme leader of his party, had ostensibly allowed his brother Shehbaz to pursue that track. Whether it was a good cop/bad cop routine, or the younger Sharif’s chance to appease, he gave it his best shot – for two years, no less – but had little to show in return. In fact, instead of the army backing off from using the courts and the NAB to hound and arrest the Sharifs and other PMLN leaders, remained relentless. Shehbaz Sharif was arrested days after the recent APC.
The army through its civilian fig leaf, Imran Khan had recently pushed a set of laws through the parliament, which, prima facie, are supposed to bring Pakistan into compliance with the requirements of the anti-terror financing watchdog, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). But Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) rammed these bills through the parliament, despite the opposition’s protests, with verbiage that not only immixes terror financing with white-collar crime, but gives the notorious NAB and the intelligence agencies sweeping powers to go after the suspects.
The opposition had initially defeated these bills in the parliament’s upper house, the Senate, where it has a majority. The Imran-Bajwa regime circumvented that roadblock by steamrolling the legislation in a joint session of the National Assembly and the Senate. But not leaving anything to chance, the junta hounded dozens of the opposition parliamentarians and forced them to stay away from the joint session, eking out a slim majority. The opposition rightly fears that in the garb of fulfilling the FATF requirements, these laws have been passed to further persecute the political opponents. The army has overplayed its hand. This legislation might have the last straw that broke the camel’s back. The opposition has sensed that more of the same will follow if something is not done urgently.
Another major milestone less than six months away is the Senate elections in March 2021, when half the senators are up for a reelection. The senators are elected indirectly by the provincial assemblies, in a process that is historically infamous for manipulation. Control over the Senate would complete the hybrid martial law’s vice-like grip over the country’s political system. The constitution could then be tinkered with or even defaced beyond recognition, by changing its character from parliamentary to presidential.
Pakistan’s army dictators have trampled upon the existing constitution(s), introduced virulent mutations and anomalies into it, or replaced with warped ones of their own. The army brass’s sole aim has been to have a controlled democracy either under it, when it ruled directly or in front of it, when it has ruled from behind the scenes. The latter arrangement is the idea behind the army’s Imran Khan project. The project ostensibly was conceived to last at least ten years, and the army appears inclined to perpetuate at any cost. Khan is a perfect marionette who is doing exactly what his puppeteer wants him to do. The army, therefore, has no plans to change its horse midstream, despite Khan driving the country’s economy into the ground. In fact, both a JUI leader and Nawaz Sharif have charge-sheeted General Bajwa for first actively conniving to oust the PMLN government and then to keep Khan in power by keeping Sharif, his family and party, on the ropes.
While Nawaz Sharif had always wanted to take the army head on, his brother and some lieutenants were able to restrain him for the past two years. His daughter and political heir-apparent, Maryam Nawaz Sharif, on the other hand, worked hand-in-glove with him to buttress his narrative summed up in their slogan ‘vote ko izzat do’ i.e. the army must respect the people’s mandate. The father-daughter duo faced disqualification and prison in their quest for civilian supremacy but did not back off.
After the APC volley, Nawaz Sharif has been on fire. He has barraged the army almost every other day in speeches to his party, short media talks and Twitter postings. He has raised questions about family of the former military spokesperson Lieutenant General Asim Salim Bajwa, going from rags to riches in tandem with his rise to power in the army. The army then leaked information about various parliamentarians from many opposition parties and (separately) another party leader from the PMLN meeting the army chief with a clearly malicious intent to undermine the narrative evolving since the APC. It backfired, big time.
Nawaz Sharif upped the ante by barring his party leaders and cadres from meeting with members of the armed forces. If naming and shaming Generals Bajwa, Faiz and Zaheer-ul-Islam, was unprecedented, proscribing even the social interaction with the servicemen – read army brass – is virtually unheard of, in Pakistan, let alone doing so in writing via a directive from his party’s secretariat. It simply means that there’s no turning back for the PMLN supremo. What Nawaz Sharif has done by naming the generals is to pry away the civilian fig leaf this hybrid martial law had. The strength of the hybrid regimes is in wily use of a civilian façade to prevent people from directly challenging the army brass’ hegemony. A declared martial law draws a clear line between pro-democracy and anti-democracy forces, whereas an indirect martial befuddles even the well-meaning democrats at times. The army, especially General Bajwa, has been flayed proverbially naked by Nawaz Sharif and the maulana.
So, what’s next? The PMLN and the maulana can count on each other and assorted Pashtun and Baloch nationalist parties, and sections of the PTM. The PPP while casting its lot with them, on paper, would probably play it safe still. And that usually is name of the game in loosely allied movements. If the agitation gains steam, the fence-sitters would jump into the fray, on the winning side. The JUI had demonstrated last year that it can mobilise its dedicated cadres and religious seminary students in droves, across Pakistan. The PMLN has rather limited history of agitational politics but with Nawaz Sharif mincing no words and Maryam Nawaz holding no punches, their workers are charged and motivated.
In fact, the sentiment within the PMLN cadres has gone from palpably anti-establishment to outright sloganeering against General Bajwa in the heart of Lahore. Nawaz Sharif, who had gone to London for medical treatment, has given no indication of returning anytime soon. And he certainly shouldn’t till the proverbial iron is hot for the final strike. It is highly likely that Maryam Nawaz would be arrested sooner than later. That the PMLN cadres may put up resistance to her arrest is not outside the realm of possibility but having the party patriarch guide the movement from outside the country, is all the more imperative, if she indeed is incarcerated again.
The way the APC and its aftermath were handled by both the army and its civilian veneer, the PTI, indicates that they have opted to fight back. While the army tried to smear the opposition for meeting the COAS, Imran Khan ludicrously blamed India for helping Nawaz Sharif. The dictum in Pakistan goes that chief is the army and army the chief. The army behemoth acts in unison. But the tenure extensions and out-of-turn promotions, invariably leave many in the general staff very sour. Additionally, the blatant intrusions by General Bajwa – beneficiary of an extension – in political affairs, does not sit well with some in the brass and soldiery. Add to the mix that the Punjab province is the power base for both the army and Nawaz Sharif, and there is a possibility that sections within the brass may tacitly approve of a shakedown if not a complete toppling of the applecart.
Civil and military bureaucracies have an uncanny ability to sense when the political sands may be shifting. Nawaz Sharif’s recent speeches getting live airtime on the otherwise tightly controlled media, suggest that there may be a few sensing that something is afoot. But that couldn’t be lost on the Imran-Bajwa regime either. What do they plan on doing, then? Chances are that they’d resort to both carrots and sticks to play off the opposition against each other. Various parties would be promised different rewards – electoral or material – to stay out of the fracas. Failing that, they would be threatened by NAB cases, leaks of personal and political nature, and eventually arrests. If the PDM is able to hold the trifecta of its street and parliamentary power – the PMLN, JUI, nationalist groupings – together, it can give Imran-Bajwa regime hell. By resigning en masse from the assemblies, they can create a crisis of moral legitimacy, if not a constitutional one. One’s calculated hunch is that General Bajwa is extremely vulnerable on many counts. By resorting to childish leaks about meeting politicians, he may have blinked first.
To protect Imran Khan, the junta would have to expose itself further, and in the process become more vulnerable. Clamping a direct martial law is always an option but definitely not a viable one. It would unite the political forces within Pakistan and an international outcry with deep financial repercussions, which no dictatorial regime would be able to handle. General Bajwa and his coterie had opted to sink or swim together with Imran Khan. At the present time, they can barely keep their head above the political waters. Sinking together seems quite plausible. It is unlikely that one would survive without the other. https://thewire.in/south-asia/pakistan-nawaz-sharif-opposition-imran-khan

Bilawal Bhutto challenges Imran Khan, says ready to go to jail

 

Pakistan Peoples' Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari on Friday stated that he is ready to go to jail with all other politicians, and will not be afraid of the Imran Khan government.

While addressing a press conference in Karachi, Bilawal claimed that the Prime Minister is using Army as a political bloc and the government appears nervous due to the rallies carried out by the opposition, reported Dunya News"He said that the opposition is ready to protest against this system, adding that we are trying to get the people out of this predicament," quoted Dunya News.

Bilawal further said that the army was not an institution of one party, and that the Prime Minister should not use it as a political bloc.

He also added that the government has pushed the masses against the wall with rising inflation.

The opposition parties of Pakistan have alleged that Khan's government had belittled the expectations of the general people and had left them in tatters amid the economic havoc caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Imran Khan-led government have launched multiple crackdowns against several opposition leaders, with the latest case under the sedition law filed against former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, his daughter Maryam, and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir "premier" Raja Mohammad Farooq Ahmed Khan on October 1.

A First Information Report (FIR) was registered on the basis of a complaint lodged by a local resident in Shahdra police station against the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) leader on the charges of criminal conspiracy for the "provocative speeches" he made in London to "defame Pakistan's institutions".

Sharif's daughter, Khan and three retired generals among 40 PML(N) leaders have also been named in the FIR.

As many as 11 Pakistani opposition parties, prominent among which are the PPP, PML-N, Awami National Party, and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F), at the conclusion of an All Parties Conference (APC) on September 20 announced the formation of a joint platform, PDM. (ANI)

https://www.bignewsnetwork.com/news/266645731/bilawal-bhutto-challenges-imran-khan-says-ready-to-go-to-jail

پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے یوم شہدائے کارساز کے موقع پر پاکستان ڈیموکریٹک موومنٹ کے تحت 18 اکتوبر کے جلسے میں خطاب کے لئے مریم نواز کو دعوت دے دی،


کراچی: پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے یوم شہدائے کارساز کے موقع پر پاکستان ڈیموکریٹک موومنٹ کے تحت 18 اکتوبر کے جلسے میں خطاب کے لئے مریم نواز کو دعوت دے دی، انہوں نے یہ دعوت سابق وزیراعظم شاہد خاقان عباسی کے ذریعے مریم نواز کو دی، چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری سے ملاقات کے لئے مسلم لیگ ن سے تعلق رکھنے والے سابق وزیراعظم شاہد خاقان عباسی، مفتاح اسماعیل کے ہمراہ کراچی میں بلاول ہاؤس پہنچے تھے، 

اس موقع پر پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے سینئر رہنما اور رکن قومی اسمبلی سید نوید قمر بھی موجود تھے، چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری کو سابق وزیراعظم شاہد خاقان عباسی نے 16 اکتوبر کو گوجرانوالہ میں ہونے والے پاکستان ڈیموکریٹک موومنٹ کے جلسے میں خطاب کی بھی دعوت دی،

 اس موقع پر دونوں رہنماؤں نے ملکی سیاسی صورت حال پر بھی تبادلہ خیال کیا، چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے مسلم لیگ ن کے وفد سے گفتگو کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ عمران خان تحریک سے پہلے بوکھلا کر گرفتاریوں کی دھمکیاں دے رہے ہیں، اگر پی ڈی ایم نے جیل بھرو تحریک چلائی تو قیدخانوں میں جگہ کم پڑجائے گی،

 انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ حکومت کی غریب دشمن پالیسیوں کی بدولت ملک پیچھے جارہا ہے، ملک میں مہنگائی، بے روزگاری اور لاقانونیت اپنے عروج پر ہے، ایسی صورت حال میں سلیکٹڈ حکومت کو اب زیادہ عرصہ برداشت نہیں کیا جاسکتا، چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے اس عزم کا بھی اعادہ کیا کہ پی ڈی ایم کی تحریک اس ظالم حکومت کو گھر بھیج کر دم لے گی۔


https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/23890/

Friday, October 9, 2020

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In Pakistan, ‘Modi ka jo yaar hai, woh ghaddar hai’ mood is on

 

 

If Pakistan continues the onslaught of giving out ‘traitor' and 'Indian agent’ certificates, then the day is not far when Indian population will increase by about 22 crore.

Winter is coming, but in Pakistan, the season of ‘Modi ka jo yaar hai, woh ghaddar hai’ is setting the mood. Yes, whoever is Narendra Modi’s friend in Pakistan is a traitor. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf government is telling opposition leaders that when they criticise Prime Minister Imran Khan and his policies, they tend to make India happy. And when you make India happy, you make Indian Prime Minister Modi happy. That’s not all. According to this new doctrine, anyone happy on this side of the border is making Modi happy. Makes no sense, right?

However, in all this happiness, the ‘Prime Minister’ of Pakistan’s Kashmir has been made unhappy. Raja Farooq Haider just became the latest victim of the government’s hobby of declaring every opposition politician an agent of India and by virtue, a traitor. Haider was named in the mysterious sedition FIR against 40 leaders of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). He was in the august company of two former Pakistani prime ministers, Nawaz Sharif and Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, three retired army officers, former Sindh governor, and former defence, interior and law ministers.

The FIR stated that Nawaz Sharif’s speech was aimed to indirectly “benefit his friend Indian Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi.” The complainant believed Sharif supported the policies of India and his speeches were to divert world’s attention from Indian atrocities in Kashmir. Also, Sharif wanted to isolate Pakistan globally and defame Pakistan Army as “an anti-democratic institution”.

Kashmir cause with a bias

So, what did PM Haider do that made him ‘Raja Hindustani’? He heard Nawaz Sharif’s fiery speech on Zoom, then raised his hands in solidarity — and the rest, as they say, is history. So much for the ‘Kashmir cause’ that an elected prime minister is booked for raising hands while watching an online speech. A self-goal for a government that claims to be the loudest voice for the Kashmiris living in India but takes a U-turn when it comes to Kashmiris at home. But let’s focus on the bigger issue of making Modi happy.


Looking at this performance of PM Khan, the self-proclaimed ambassador of the Kashmiris, even Sharif took a dig at him saying that Iske sar mein bhoosa bhara hua hai (his head is full of hay).

After facing harsh criticism on the obnoxious sedition case and labelling others as traitors, the Imran Khan government first distanced itself from the complaint and then the complainant, a PTI labour wing office-bearer with a criminal record. While the sedition charge can’t be registered without the State’s compliance, it was said that PM Imran Khan was unhappy over such a case. Also, that the government doesn’t know who was behind the case. Now that is hardly surprising anymore since the PTI government also doesn’t know who runs it. As a great leader once said, “Doing a U-turn to reach one’s objective is the hallmark of great leadership.” The U-turn of social distancing from the sedition FIR was taken. After all, it is the hallmark of the PTI government.

It’s difficult to understand, though, why such a U-turn would be taken. PM Khan is what he calls ‘100 per cent convinced’ that Nawaz is working on India’s behest and foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi says India and its media are happy over Sharif’s revelations. What, then, stopped the government from pursuing the sedition case? Or is it difficult to measure Indian happiness?

PML-N leader Maryam Nawaz clapped back that India gets happy when a three-time elected former prime minister is booked for treason, and when the ‘Fall of Kashmir’ takes place. India becomes happy when you present Kashmir on a tray to them or when elections are rigged in Pakistan. As a result, a selected government weakens the country, then India gets happy.  

بلوچستان کی بیٹیاں: جبری طور پر گمشدہ افراد کے خاندانوں کا نوحہ


کل کوئٹہ کے سڑکوں پر،کڑکتی دهوپ کے چهاؤں تلے،اداس چہروں میں  ایک امید لے کے بلوچستان کی دو بیٹیاں سراپا احتجاج تهیں۔ ان میں سے ایک اپنے بهائی اور دوسرے اپنی شوہر کی بازیابی کے لیے آئی تهی،دونوں میں خاص خاندانی و علاقائی  فرق نہیں تها۔ ایک شبیر بلوچ کی بہن اور دوسرا شبیر بلوچ کی بیوی تهی.
شبیر بلوچ کی اہلیہ نفسیاتی طور پر کنفیوز تهی. اسکے ہاتھ میں موجود بینر بهی کنفیوز تهی یہ بینر نما چارٹ کی فوٹو سوشل میڈیا پر وائرل ہوئی تو ناظرین بهی کنفیوز ہوئے،اس احتجاج میں موجود بلوچستان کی ہر بیٹی کنفیوز ہوئی ،اس لیے ہم بهی کنفیوز ہیں۔ بظاہر چار  انچ لمبا اور ساڑهے تین انچ چوڈا ایک چارٹ بھلے کیسے کنفیوز کرنے کی صلاحیت رکهتا ہے۔ لیکن چارٹ پر لکهے الفاظ ہر دل کو مقناطیس کی طرح کهینچ لیتے ہیں۔ شبیر بلوچ کی بیوی کہہ رہی تهی “کہ میں خود کو شبیر کی بیوه سمجهوں یا بیوی”ایک  نا تمام جملے کو بیان کرنے کے لیے شبیر کے خاندان آواران سے آیا ہوا تها۔
وه آواران جہاں لوگ احساسِ محرومی کا شکار ہیں۔ جس سے پاکستان کا ہر بچہ سوائے ان طبقے  کے جو سوشل اور الیکٹرونک میڈیا سے دور ہیں۔  شاید انہیں پتا نہ ہو وگرنہ حامد میر کی 7 ستمبر کی نشریات تو سب نے دیکھ لیا ہوگا۔ آواران کی محرومی ،پسماندگی سے لگ ایسا رہا تها کہ کہیں آواران ایک ایسا علاقہ ہو جو گویا آج آزاد ہوا ہو،آج بنا ہو، گورنمنٹ کی تشکیل آج ہوا ہو۔ وہاں کے لوگ صاف پانی بجلی جیسی سہولیات سے محروم  ہیں۔
صحت اور تعلیم جیسے بنیادی اور انمول تحفے آج تک آواران کے باسیوں کی نصیب میں نہیں آئے۔ صاف پانی،بجلی،روڈ،صحت اور تعلیم کے پیسے آج تک آواران میں نہ پہنچ سکے وه پیسے کہیں کوئٹہ کے رہائشی مکانوں میں آپکو ملیں گے۔ جعلی اکاؤنٹ سے بنک تک ملیں گے یا پهر آواران کے لیے فنڈ بیرونِ ملک اور اندورنِ ملک  جائیدادوں اور کمپنیوں کی شکل میں  ملیں گے۔  بلکہ صرف آواران نہیں پورا بلوچستان اسی طرح پسمانده ہے مگر وہاں تک ہماری رپورٹنگ ناکافی ہے۔
گوادر کو اگرسمندر نے ترقی دلوائی تو “شکریہ سمندر”،گوادر کے باسی  سمندر کی خاطر بنائی گئی  پارک ضرور دیکهیں گے۔ سمندر کے لیے بنائی گئی روڈ بهی، چین  کی خاطر دیا ہوا  صاف پانی بهی شاید گوادریوں کے کهاتے میں جمع ہو۔ گر اسی طرح گوادر کا ساحل  چین کے لیے آباد  رہے تو ہو سکتا ہے گوادر کو ایک یونیورسٹی بهی نصیب ہو،وہاں بلوچستان کی بیٹے اور بیٹیاں صاحب اور صاحبہِ تعلیم بنیں۔  “بلوچستان کی بیٹیوں” نے تعلیم کو چنا ہے،بلوچستان کی بیٹیاں  تعلیم سے استفاده کرکے مستقبل میں بلوچستان کو  محرومیوں سے نکالنے کے عزم میں  ثابت قدم ہیں۔  وه آئنده آواران کو اسی طرح پسمانده نہیں دیکهنا چاہتے۔ وه بلوچستان کو وہاں تک پہنچانے کے عزم میں ہیں جہاں بلوچستان کا حق بنتا ہے۔ 
بلوچستان کی بیٹیاں خاندانی اور معاشرتی قید و بند سے نکل کر حصولِ علم کی خاطر دور دراز علاقوں تک جانے میں کامیاب تو رہی ہیں مگر وه کالجز اور یونیورسٹیز تک نہ پہنچ سکے ہیں جہاں وه ایک خواب لے کے گئے تهے بلوچستان کی بیٹیاں کہیں ہمیں کوئٹہ کے سڑکوں پر دهکے کهاتے ہوئے ملیں گے،کہیں ہم انکی تلاش جیلوں تک کریں گے،کبهی وه سڑکوں پر بهوک ہڑتال میں مشعول  ہونگے  کبهی وه اسپتالوں کے آئی سی یو میں   بے ہوش ہوتے ملیں گے،کبهی  وه اپنے بنیادی حقوق کے لیےسوشل میڈیا میں ہیش ٹیگ چلا رہے  ہونگے اور کبهی وه بہاالدین زکریا یونیورسٹی کے گیٹ کے باہر احتجاج کرتے ہوئے ملیں گے۔
بلوچستان کی بیٹیاں تعلیم جیسی عظیم ہستی تک پہنچنے سے بالکل قاصر ہیں،  تعلیم کی خاطر آدها کلومیٹر کا سفر  طے کرکے کہیں انتظار گاه میں بیهٹے  ہیں کہ کہیں حکومتی گاڑی ہمیں لینے آجائے۔
تعلیم نے انہیں مزاحمت سکها دی ہے،لڑتے لڑتے جیتنے کا ہنر سکهایا ہے۔ بهوک ہڑتال کرنا،بهوک و افلاس میں زنده رہنے کی برداشت سکهایا ہے، تعلیم نے انہیں جیل بهی دکهائے ہیں،حکمرانوں کو  بیدار کرنا انہوں نے سکهایا ہے۔

 شاید آنے والے حکمرانِ وقت ان سے کچھ سیکھ  جائیں،شاید بلوچستان کی محرومیوں کا خاتمہ انکی بدولت ختم ہو،شاید ان کی بدولت کل کا بلوچستان  “پسمانده” نہ ہو۔ 

https://urdu.nayadaur.tv/47262/

عدم اعتماد اور استعفوں کا آپشن ہے، قمر زمان کائرہ


پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے سینئر رہنما قمر زمان کائرہ نے کہا ہے کہ ہم اداروں کی سیاست میں مداخلت کے خلاف ہیں، ہمارے پاس عدم اعتماد اور استعفوں کا آپشن ہے۔

جیو نیوز کے پروگرام ’آج شاہزیب خانزادہ کے ساتھ‘ میں اظہار خیال کرتے ہوئے قمر زمان کائرہ نے کہا کہ اگر ہم حکومت کو ہٹادیتے ہیں تو تمام جماعتوں کو پہلے سے زیادہ ووٹ پڑیں گے۔

انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ اگر دوبارہ الیکشن ہوں تو ہمیں پہلے سے زیادہ ووٹ ملنے کا امکان ہے، بتائیں تو ہم کیوں نہ استعفے دیں؟

قمر زمان کائرہ نے یہ بھی کہا کہ اداروں کی سیاست میں مداخلت نہیں ہونی چاہیے، ہمارا مطالبہ ہے کہ شفاف انتخابات ہوں اور تمام ادارے آئین کے تحت کام کریں۔

https://jang.com.pk/news/829906 

چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے جزائر کے متعلق صدارتی آرڈیننس فی الفور واپس لینے کا مطالبہ کردیا

 


پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے جزائر کے متعلق صدارتی آرڈیننس فی الفور واپس لینے کا مطالبہ کرتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ موجودہ صورتحال میں ہم اِس معاملے پر وفاقی حکومت سے مزید کوئی بات نہیں کریں گے۔ آج رات کے اندھیرے میں صدارتی آرڈیننس جاری کرکے جزائر پر قبضہ کیا جا رہا ہے، کل اِس طرح شہروں پر بھی قبضہ کرلیا جائے گا۔ ان خیالات کا اظہار انہوں نے کراچی میں میڈیا سیل بلاول ہاوَس میں پریس کانفرنس سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے کیا۔

 پی پی پی چیئرمین نے کہا کہ ہم نیک نیتی سے کام کر رہے تھے، ہمیں اندازہ ہی نہیں تھا کہ وفاقی حکومت اس طرح رات کے اندھیرے میں صدارتی آرڈیننس جاری کرے گی۔ کوئی پاکستانی اسے برداشت نہیں کرسکتا کہ ایک صدارتی آڈیننس کے ذریعے سندھ یا بلوچستان کے جزائر پر قبضہ کرلیا جائے۔ ہم مطالبہ کرتے ہیں کہ اس تضحیک آمیز و غیر آئینی آرڈیننس کو واپس لیا جائے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ پورے صوبے نے ایک آواز ہوکر اس قدم کی مذمت کی ہے، حکومت اپنی غلطی مانے اور آرڈیننس واپس لے، ہم کسی بھی صورت میں اپنی زمین کے ایک بھی ٹکڑے پر بھی غیرآئینی طریقے سے قبضہ نہیں کرنے دیں گے۔ پی پی پی چیئرمین نے کہا کہ جب ایک کرکٹر کو جب وزیراعظم بنایا جاتا ہے تو اس کو سمجھ نہیں آتا کہ اِس قسم کی حرکتوں سے وفاقی نظام کو کیا نقصان ہوگا۔ بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ عمران خان کو اپنے سیاسی مقاصد کی خاطر ریاستی اداروں کو استعمال کرکے متنازعہ نہیں کرنا چاہیئے، فوج کسی ایک پارٹی نہیں، بلکہ پوری قوم کا ادارہ ہے۔ ایسا نہیں کہنا چاہئیے کہ فوج آپ کے ساتھ ہے، جبکہ کرپشن کو دیکھنا فوج کا کام نہیں ہے۔

 انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ اندرونی و بیرونی فورمز پر ہمارا ملک اس لیے ناکام ہورہا ہے کیونکہ ایک نالائق و نااہل سلیکٹڈ وزیراعظم کے عہدے پر برجمان ہے جسے میں کام کرنے کی صلاحیت ہی نہیں ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ملک سلیکٹڈ حکومت کا مزید بوجھ برداشت نہیں کرسکتا، وقت آگیا ہے کہ اب عوام کو نہیں، بلکہ عمران خان کو گھبرانا پڑے گا۔ سلیکٹڈ حکومت کی الٹی گنتی شروع ہو چکی ہے۔ بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ موجودہ حکومت کا رویہ غیرجمہوری ہے، مخالفین کے بغض میں انتقامی سیاست پر اتر آتی ہے اور آزاد کشمیر کے وزیراعظم پر بغاوت کے الزامات لگا دیتی ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ عوام اب سلیکٹڈ حکمرانوں کا ظلم برداشت نہیں کرسکتے، جو ہر روز نیا ظلم کرتے ہیں۔ دن بدن بجلی کی قیتموں میں اضافہ ہوتا ہے، صوبے کو اس کے آئینی حق کے مطابق گیس نہیں دی جارہی، جبکہ گیس کی لوڈ شیڈنگ کا بھی سامنا کرنا پڑ رہا ہے۔ موجودہ حکومت نے عوام کو دیوار سے لگا دیا ہے۔ 

بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی پہلے دن سے موجودہ حکومت اور اس کے سہولت کاروں کے خلاف آواز اٹھاتی آئی ہے اور آج تک اپنے مؤقف پر قائم ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ملک میں عوامی حکومت اور جمہوری نظام کو واپس لانا ہوگا۔ جمہوری نظام میں عوام کا اسٹیک ہوتا ہے، انہیں سنا جاتا لیکن اِس نظام میں ایسا کچھ نہیں ہے، پارلیمینٹ کو ربر اسٹیمپ بنا دیا گیا ہے، اسپیکر اسمبلی نے حکومت کے کہنے پر آمرانہ طریقہ کار اختیار کیا ہوا ہے۔ ایک سوال کے جواب میں پی پی پی چیئرمین نے کہا کہ گلگت بلتستان میں آئندہ انتخابات صاف و شفاف ہی ہوں گے، اگر نہ ہوے تو اس کے نتائج کو سلیکٹڈ حکومت اور اس کے سہولتکاروں کو بھگتنا پڑے گا۔ ہم کب تک برداشت کریں گے کہ کوئی ہمارے ووٹوں پر ڈاکہ ڈالتا رہے۔


https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/23880/ 

په پاکستان کي د زيارتونو، پیرانو او ځاى ناستو سیاسي ګټې

ژباړونکى: ح حقوېش،

دا وخت په پنجاب کي د زيارتونو شمېر 598 دى، په دې کي د 64 زيارتونو مينجور(ملنګان)، متوليان او پیران مستقماً په سياست كي برخه لري. سرګوده (سرګودھا)، جنګ (جهنګ)، پاکپتن، ساهیوال، وهاړي، منډي بهاوالدین، اوکاړہ، حجرہ شاہ مقیم، ملتان، چشتیان او د خیرپور ټامیوالا ګدۍ نشين مستقيماً په ټولټاکنو کي برخه اخلي. د دې ځاى ګدۍ نشين لومړى ځل د ازادۍ په جنګ کي د مجاهدينو د ځپلو لپاره د ختیځ هند  (ايسټ انډيا) کمپنۍ سره لاس يو کړ او د انګريزانو په حق کي يې فتوې ورکړې جنګ يې بغاوت ياد کړ او په امتياز کي يې مځكي ترلاسه کړې. همدا لامل وو چي دا ګدۍ نشين انګريزانو د نوې آبادي د واک سره په پاور سټرکچر کي ورګډ کړل او د کورټ آف وارډز له لارې هغوى ته مستقل سیاسي طاقت ورکړل شو، د کورټ آف وارډز سسټم له لاري چي کومو ګدۍ نشینو ته مځكي ورکړل شوې د هغوى تفصیلات په لاندي ډول دي:

په 1930ز کال کي د شاہ پور غلام محمد شاہ، ریاض حسین شاہ ته 6423 ایکټره مځکه، د اټک سردار شېر محمد خان ته 25185 ایکټره، د جهنګ د شاہ جیونا کورنۍ خضر حیات شاہ، مبارک علي، عابد حسین ته 9564 ایکټره، د ملتان سید عامر حیدر شاہ، سید غلام اکبر شاہ، مخدوم پير شاہ ته 11917 ایکټره، د ملتان ګردیزي سید جن کي سید محمد نواز شاہ، سید محمد باقر شاہ، جعفر شاہ ته 7165 ایکټره، د جلالپور پیر والا سید غلام عباس، سید محمد غوث ته 34144 ایکټره، ګیلاني سید آف ملتان په هغه كي سید حامد شاہ او فتح شاہ په نوم 11467 ایکټره، د دولتانه کورنۍ اللہ یار خان آف لډھن ته 21680 ایکټره، د ډیرہ غازي خان میاشاہ نواز خان آف حاجي پور ته 726 ایکټره، د مظفر ګړ د ډیرہ دین پناہ کورنۍ ملک اللہ بخش، قادر بخش، احمد یار او نور محمد ته 2641 ایکټره او د ستپور مخدوم شیخ محمد حسن ته 23500 ایکټره مځكه ورکړل شوه. نن ددې کورنيو ځاى ناستي او اولادونه د ولايتي شورا(صوبائي اسمبلي) او ولسي جرګې(قومي اسمبلي) په څوکيو ناست دي او د ولسواکي دفاع کوونکي دي.

بریتانیايي استعمار د مځکو ورکولو سره سره د درباريانو ګدۍ نشينو کورنيو ته د ذیلدار(چي يوڅه سيمي يې تر واک لاندې وي) عهدې هم ورکړې، په دې کي د مظفر ګړ څخه دیوان محمد غوث، سید باندې شاہ، خان صاحب مخدوم محمد حسن، سید تراب علي شاہ، سید عامر احمد شاہ، سید غلام سرور شاہ، سید جندوډا شاہ، د میانوالې څخه سید قايم حسین شاہ، غلام قاسم شاہ، د شاہ پور څخه پیر چن پیر، سید نجف شاہ، فیروز دین شاہ، پیر سلطان علي شاہ، علي حیدر شاہ، د جهنګ څخه محمد شاہ، اللہ یار شاہ، محمد غوث او بهادر شاہ ته د ذیلدار عهده ورکړل شوه.

په هندستان د برتانيې له تسلط څخه 180 کاله وروسته په 1937ز کال کي محدود جمهوري انتخابات ترسره شول چي په یونینسټ ګوند کي شامل همدا مځکوال، ګدۍ نشین او پیران انتخاب شول. د 1946ز کال په انتخاباتو کي بيا هم دغه کورنۍ واکمنۍ ته ورسېدلې، د جنوبي پنجاب څخه ګیلاني، قریشي، د ډیرہ غازي خان څخه پرته د منځني پنجاب څخه پیر نسیر الدین شاہ آف کمالیه، شاہ جیونا آف جهنګ، مخدوم سید علي رضا شاہ آف سندھلیانوالي، مخدوم ناصر حسین شاہ، پیر محی الدین لال بادشاہ آف مکهد شریف له اټک څخه په نښه وو. دې کورنيو د یونینسټ ګوند پرېښود په آل انډیا مسلم لیګ کي ورګډ شول او خپلي ګټي يې د پاکستان د حمايت سره وتړلې.

د پاکستان له جوړېدو وروسته دا ګدۍ نشينه پيران د قومي جمهوري او مارشال لا په سياست کي په مستقل ډول ورننوتل. د ایوب خان د ولسواکۍ له فکر څخه رانيولې د ضیاء الحق په مجلس شوریٰ کي د اسلامائزیشن فکر ته وده ورکول او د جنرال پرویز مشرف د روشن خیال فکرونو څخه په حمایت کي دا ګدۍ نشین له هر چا څخه لومړي وو.

په ملي او ولايتي سياست کي د درباري نمايندګانو د همدې اثر لرونكي ګدۍ نشينو او پيرانو حلقې که وڅېړل شي، نو دلته به د تعليم کچه په بوږنونکي ډول سره کمه وي. د دربارونو همدا مذهبي نمايندګان د خپلو مُریدانو څخه نظرانې، خوړې او خيراتونه اخلي. او د اوقافو په ادارې هر وخت ددوى کنټرول وي، څه موده وړاندي د پنجاب اسمبلۍ ته د اوقافو وزير راپور ورکړ چي د ادارې تر انتظام لاندې د 544 زيارتونو څخه د کال څه باندې 150 ميليارده روپۍ د حکومت ماليې ته د مُریدانو او سيلانيانو له خوړې او نظرانې څخه ورکول کيږي. او ددې مځکوالو مځكي سلګونه ايکټره دې، د ځينو زيارتونو ګدۍ نشين په اصل كي اوس په جانشين اوښتي دي، او هغوى د ګدۍ نشينو يا متوليانو په مټ د کلني عرُس لمانځغونډې جوړيږي.

https://www.taand.com/ 

Thursday, October 8, 2020

#Colbert #LateShowLIVE #Monologue Like Flies On What? Stephen Colbert Goes LIVE After The Pence-Harris VP Debate

Video Report - #USElections #Debate #CNN Vice presidential fact check: Daniel Dale selects his lie of the night

Poll: Majority believe Harris won VP debate against Pence

 Nearly 6 in 10 voters who watched Wednesday's vice presidential debate between Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) and Vice President Pence came away with the impression that Harris had outperformed Pence, according to a poll.

In the CNN/SRSS poll of registered voters who watched Wednesday's matchup, 59 percent said that Harris had performed better onstage while 38 percent said that it was Pence who had outperformed his opponent.

Perceptions of the debate were split along gender lines, with 69 percent of female debate watchers saying they thought Harris had won, compared to 30 percent for Pence, while 48 percent of male debate watchers said that Harris had performed better, with 46 percent siding with the vice president.

Pence's favorability among respondents, who skewed Democratic according to CNN, remained at 41 percent after the debate while Harris's favorability rose from 56 percent to 63 percent.

While 55 percent of voters added that the outcome would likely have no effect on their vote, a majority of those who said it would have an effect reportedly indicated that the debate made them more likely to vote for former Vice President Joe Biden (D), Harris's running mate.

The CNN/SRSS poll contacted 609 registered voters in the hours after the debate, and the margin of error is 5.3 percentage points.

https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/520162-poll-majority-believe-harris-won-vp-debate-against-pence?__twitter_impression=true

Opinion: The Plot Against Gretchen Whitmer Shows the Danger of Private Militias

By Mary B. McCord
These groups have no constitutional right to exist.
In the swirls of disinformation that now pollute our political discourse, one is particularly dangerous: that private militias are constitutionally protected.
Although these vigilante groups often cite the Second Amendment’s “well regulated militia” for their authority, history and Supreme Court precedent make clear that the phrase was not intended to — and does not — authorize private militias outside of government control.
Indeed, these armed groups have no authority to call themselves forth into militia service; the Second Amendment does not protect such activity; and all 50 states prohibit it.
The danger of these groups was brought home on Thursday with the announcement that the F.B.I. had thwarted a plot by people associated with an extremist group in Michigan to kidnap Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and overthrow the government.
Court documents say that the group discussed trying the governor for treason and murdering “tyrants.” Six men now face federal kidnapping conspiracy charges, but unauthorized militia activity continues in Michigan and elsewhere.
The unnamed militia involved in the kidnapping plot is part of a growing number of private paramilitary groups mobilizing across the country, wholly outside of lawful authority or governmental accountability. These organizations — some of which openly refer to themselves as “militias,” while others reject the term — often train together in the use of firearms and other paramilitary techniques and “deploy,” heavily armed and sometimes in full military gear, when they deem it necessary.
Sometimes they want to fight against the perceived tyranny of the states, as when they stormed the Capitol in Lansing, Mich., this spring to demand the end of the governor’s pandemic shutdown order, egged on by President Trump’s tweets to “LIBERATE MICHIGAN!”
Sometimes they want to usurp the functions of law enforcement, as they’ve done in Kenosha, Wis., and elsewhere, purporting to “protect” property during racial justice protests, often in response to false rumors about leftist violence, rumors stoked by the president’s calls to designate “antifa” as a terrorist organization.
Most alarmingly, some of them are planning their own poll-watching and openly training in preparation for the post-election period.
Whatever their stated purpose, their conduct is unlawful and not constitutionally protected. Even before the adoption of the Constitution, the colonies recognized the importance of a “well regulated” militia to defend the state, in preference over standing armies, which they perceived as a threat to liberty. The militia consisted of able-bodied residents between certain ages who had a duty to respond when called forth by the government.But “well regulated” meant that the militias were trained, armed and controlled by the state. Indeed, 48 states have provisions in their constitutions that explicitly require the militia to be strictly subordinate to the civil authority.Likewise, state constitutions and laws then and now generally name the governor as the commander in chief of its armed forces — and only the governor or a designee has the power to call forth the able-bodied residents for militia service.
Emerging from the American Revolution, the founders reasonably were wary of insurgencies that could threaten the stability of the new Union. Shays’ Rebellion and other early armed uprisings against the states only solidified those fears. Thus, the “well regulated militia” in the Constitution’s Second Amendment refers to the militia once called forth by the government, not by private vigilante organizations deciding when and under what circumstances to organize and self-deploy.
The federal and state government control of the militia has also been confirmed by the Supreme Court. In 1886, the court upheld the constitutionality of a state criminal law that made it unlawful for “any body of men” outside state or federal governmental authority to “associate themselves together as a military company or organization, or to drill or parade with arms in any city or town of the state.”
This criminal statute and others were enacted after the Civil War and are on the books of 29 states. The Supreme Court said without question that states had authority to control and regulate military bodies and associations as “necessary to the public peace, safety and good order.”
The court’s 1886 decision was reaffirmed in 2008 in Justice Antonin Scalia’s majority opinion in District of Columbia v. Heller. That case established that the Second Amendment protects an individual right to bear arms for self-defense, but “does not prevent the prohibition of private paramilitary organizations.” Although there are many gray areas about Second Amendment rights, this is not one of them.
Which brings us back to the authority of the states. In addition to state constitutional and statutory schemes by which only the governor may activate “able-bodied” residents for militia service, other laws also forbid paramilitary activity and the usurpation of law enforcement and peacekeeping authority.
Twenty-five states prohibit teaching, demonstrating or practicing in the use of firearms or “techniques” capable of causing injury or death for use during a civil disorder. Eighteen states prohibit either the false assumption of the duties of public officials, including law-enforcement officials, or the wearing of uniforms similar to military uniforms.
All these laws point to a single conclusion: There is no right in any state for groups of individuals to arm themselves and organize either to oppose or augment the government.
Now, more than ever, state and local officials must enforce these statutes. In battleground states like Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin, as well as other hotbeds of militia activity like Oregon, Idaho, Virginia and Texas, they must ready themselves for unlawful private militias showing up at the polls and on the streets during ballot counting and beyond.Those groups, like the Three Percenters, Oath Keepers and others that claim to be “patriots” but answer to their own interpretation of the Constitution, are likely to hear the president’s unsupported claims about election fraud as their license to deploy to the polls to “protect” or “patrol” the vote.
Their armed presence not only would violate state anti-paramilitary laws, it would likely violate laws against voter intimidation as well. State attorneys general, secretaries of state, local prosecutors, law enforcement officers and election workers must know about these laws and be prepared to enforce them. They should announce this in advance and consider taking pre-emptive action through attorney general legal opinions, cease and desist orders, and prosecutions or civil litigation.
These efforts must continue after the election, when the threat of civil unrest could be at its greatest. State and local leaders, in both parties, must denounce armed militia activity, whether from the right or the left.
These leaders may also have to take swift action to protect public safety and preserve constitutional rights. But the law is on their side — private armed militias find no support in the U.S. or state constitutions or in American history. They must not be tolerated in our society.

Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer Links Kidnapping Plot To Trump’s Hate Rhetoric

By Sara Boboltz
When leaders “encourage or fraternize with domestic terrorists, they legitimize their actions, and they are complicit,” Whitmer said.

Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer drew a strong line between an alleged plot to kidnap her and the rhetoric of President Donald Trump, whose recent comments have been interpreted by right-wing militia groups as encouragement.

“Just last week, the president of the United States stood before the American people and refused to condemn white supremacists and hate groups,” Whitmer, a Democrat, said at a press conference Thursday afternoon.

Six men involved with a militia group called Wolverine Watchmen are facing federal charges of conspiracy to commit kidnapping, and an additional seven people are facing state charges in connection with the alleged scheme. The men wanted to “storm” the state Capitol in Lansing with 200 men to take hostages including the governor, court documents say.

Whitmer said Thursday that the suspects aimed to “possibly kill” her.

Trump failed to speak out against hate groups during his first presidential debate with Democratic contender Joe Biden last Tuesday. Pressed to condemn the Proud Boys, a group of violent right-wing extremists, Trump replied: “Proud boys, stand back and stand by.” Members of the Proud Boys quickly turned the president’s words into a T-shirt and other merchandise. 

Heavily armed anti-lockdown protesters began showing up at the Michigan State Capitol in April around the time President Dona
Heavily armed anti-lockdown protesters began showing up at the Michigan State Capitol in April around the time President Donald Trump tweeted “LIBERATE MICHIGAN.”

Trump also deflected criticism at the debate by claiming ― against the analysis of his own top law enforcement officials ― that the problem comes mainly “from the left wing, not the right wing.” The FBI warned as recently as two weeks ago that right-wing militia groups pose a “violent extremist threat,” particularly as the election approaches.

“Hate groups heard the president’s words not as a rebuke, but as a rallying cry — as a call to action,” Whitmer said.

She continued: “When our leaders speak, their words matter. They carry weight. When our leaders meet with, encourage or fraternize with domestic terrorists, they legitimize their actions, and they are complicit. When they stoke and contribute to hate speech, they are complicit.” 

White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany responded to Whitmer in a statement claiming that Trump “has continually condemned white supremacists and all forms of hate,” and that the Michigan governor was “sowing division.”

Trump has danced around hate groups that profess to support him throughout his presidency; it took him two days after the debate to say the words “I condemn all white supremacists,” which he eventually did on Sean Hannity’s Fox News program.

Whitmer had been attacked by the president at the start of the coronavirus crisis for issuing strict lockdown orders that are credited with preventing statewide outbreaks. In April, Trump reacted to news of Michigan lockdowns by tweeting, “LIBERATE MICHIGAN.” Heavily armed Michiganders began showing up in Lansing around that time to intimidate lawmakers and demand an end to lockdown measures.

When asked by reporters whether he thought Trump’s tweet had influenced militias like Wolverine Watchmen, Biden responded Thursday afternoon, “Yes, I do.”

“Why won’t the president just say ‘stop. Stop, stop, stop,’” Biden said.

One of the men charged with plotting against Whitmer, Adam Fox, called her a “tyrant bitch” in a private Facebook group, according to the FBI.

“Snatch and grab, man. Grab the fuckin’ Governor. Just grab the bitch,” Fox allegedly wrote. He is currently facing life in prison.

Whitmer called the decisions she has had to make in the pandemic “gut-wrenching,” adding that “2020 has been a hard year for all of us.”

“It’s been hard for the teachers, students and parents. Hard for those who have had to stay isolated to stay safe. But here’s what I know. We are Michiganders. We have grit. We have heart. And we are tough as hell,” she said.

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/michigan-gov-gretchen-whitmer-connects-kidnapping-plot-to-trump_n_5f7f6546c5b664c95bd6cb58

Music Video - Nashenas - زه خو شرابي يم، زه خو شرابي يم

Video Report - #NayaDaur #Pakistan Sedition Charges Against PML-N Leaders, And The History Of Treason In Pakistan

#Book - The Nine Lives of Pakistan by Declan Walsh review – first-rate reportage

The acclaimed correspondent captures a country torn apart by military aggression and religious extremism, and tries to work out why he was expelled.
Declan Walsh begins his captivating new book on Pakistan with an account of how he came to leave the country for the first time, abruptly and involuntarily in May 2013. “The angels came to spirit me away,” is the way he puts it, using the Urdu slang for the all-powerful men of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), whose presence is felt, even when not seen, throughout The Nine Lives of Pakistan.
The ISI goons give Walsh no hint as to why he is being kicked out, and the government officials he quizzes simply shrug. His quest to unravel that mystery drives the narrative of the book as he goes back through his nine years as a correspondent in Pakistan, first for the Guardian and then for the New York Times, in search of an answer. The solution to the riddle, which emerges out of the haze, says a lot about the turbulent, fractious country Walsh is trying to understand.
The subtitle of the book is Dispatches from a Divided Nation and the author criss-crosses those political, religious, ethnic and generational fault lines, assembling a portrait of the vast country of 220 million people through his travels and the lives of the nine compelling protagonists.
Walsh is a wonderful writer, with a gift for sketching an impression of a place, time and ambience with a few brief lines. He knows how to interweave travelogue with an account of the relentless tensions that always threaten to burst through each vignette in the book. What also shines through is the relish with which Walsh throws himself into the far corners of Pakistan, into crowds, celebrations and rites, with a drive born of fascination with the land and its people.
He is not a war correspondent. Most of the time he is not looking for trouble, and it is hard not to envy him all the parties and feasts to which he finds himself invited. He seeks out oversized characters and makes sure not just to interview them, but to linger at their shoulder to experience Pakistan through their eyes and ears. These are eight of the nine lives of the title. The ninth is Pakistan’s conflicted and complicated founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, a spectral presence.
It says a lot about Pakistan’s bloody history that only one of the nine subjects is still alive by the end of the book. Five of them meet violent ends, either killed by jihadists or the security forces. “You see, this murder and fighting business is very tricky,” as one brave Pashtun politician says, summing up local politics in the northwest. Accompanying him as he went from village to village campaigning, Walsh observes drily: “I didn’t see a single woman. Guns, on the other hand, were everywhere.”
By the end of The Nine Lives of Pakistan, it seems almost unbelievable that the author himself has survived the experience. The death rate among his subjects is just one measure of the dangers of doing Walsh’s job. As Pakistan’s home-grown Taliban rise in 2006 and 2007, more and more areas become unsafe, and the violence eventually surges into the capital, Islamabad. Within a few blocks of Walsh’s home, a courthouse, a UN office and an army checkpoint are all bombed.
Many extremist groups looked on western journalists as legitimate targets, for kidnapping at least, and at one point Walsh is saved by the man he has hired a car from. Overhearing a group of men discussing the logistics of grabbing Walsh, the rental man bundled the Irish journalist into the vehicle and sped away.
Islam or the army were supposed to be the glue holding the place together. Yet both seemed to be tearing it apart 
Declan Walsh
There was nothing inevitable about Pakistan’s association with extremism. After wrestling with the issue, Jinnah recommended a secular republic from his deathbed. After Partition in 1947, Walsh explains, imams lost their sway in society, sinking to a status somewhere between a teacher and a tailor in the villages. That all changed when a pious general, Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, seized power in 1977, hanging the democratically elected prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and opening the door to a “harsh unyeielding brand of Islam” imported from Saudi Arabia, whose princes and clerics Zia allowed to seed his country with madrassas.
Then the Soviets invaded Afghanistan at the end of 1979 and Zia’s Pakistan, instead of becoming an international pariah, was embraced by the west as a bastion against communism. Jinnah’s dream for the “land of the pure” has been sacrificed to the two beasts of violent religious extremism and militarism. “Depending on who you asked, Islam or the army were supposed to be the glue holding the place together,” Walsh writes. “Yet both, in their own way, seemed to be tearing it apart.”
By the end of Walsh’s time in Pakistan, the winner in this epic struggle is clear: the ISI and the military machine that stands behind it. “It seemed to boil down to one hard truth: the military always wins,” his realises as he prepares to leave, never to return. 
“When the ISI men come to the door, the illusion of a democratic state melts away.”
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2020/oct/08/the-nine-lives-of-pakistan-by-declan-walsh-review-first-rate-reportage

پی ڈی ایم کی تحریک کو منطقی انجام تک پہنچاکر دم لیں گے، بلاول


پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری کا کہنا ہے کہ پی ڈی ایم کی تحریک کو منطقی انجام تک پہنچا کر دم لیں گے۔

لاہور میں پیپلز پارٹی پنجاب کے صدر قمر زمان کائرہ سے ملاقات کے دوران بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ عوام کو پیغام دیں کہ اس حکومت کا خاتمہ بہت قریب ہے۔

بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ عوام کی امنگوں کے مطابق جلد نئی منتخب حکومت قائم ہوگی، عوام حکومت سے تنگ آچکے ہیں، پنجاب کے تفصیلی دورے پر آرہا ہوں۔

انہوں نے کہا کہ گوجرانوالہ اور ملتان کے جلسوں کو کامیاب بنانے کے لیے جیالے بھرپور شرکت کریں۔

قمر زمان کائرہ نے کہا کہ گوجرانوالہ جلسہ کو کامیاب بنانے کیلئے پیپلز پارٹی پنجاب تیار ہے، حکومت کے فاشسٹ ہتھکنڈوں کے خلاف جیالے پہلے ہی متحرک ہوچکے ہیں۔

قمر زمان کائرہ نے کہا کہ مزاحمتی تحریکوں کو کامیاب بنانے کا تجربہ صرف جیالوں کے پاس ہے۔

https://jang.com.pk/news/829463 

پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی نے ایم آر ڈی اور اے آر ڈی کی طرح پی ڈی ایم کے قیام میں کلیدی کردار ادا کیا، چیئرمین پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری


کراچی/اسلام آباد( – ) پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ پی پی پی نے ایم آر ڈی اور اے آر ڈی کی طرح پی ڈی ایم کے قیام میں کلیدی کردار ادا کیا، پاکستان ڈیموکریٹک موومنٹ عوام کی امید بن چکی ہے،

 چیئرمین پی پی پی نے کہا ہے کہ عمران خان کی حکومت مکمل طور پر ناکام ثابت ہوچکی ہے، اب عوام نہیں بلکہ عمران خان کے گھبرانے کا وقت ہوچکا ہے، انہوں نے یہ بھی کہا کہ عوام دشمن حکومت کے پاس ماضی کی حکومتوں پر الزام دھرنے کے سوا بتانے کو کچھ بھی نہیں، چیئرمین پی پی پی بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے یہ گفتگو اپنی سربراہی میں بلاول ہاؤس کراچی میں ویڈیو لنک کے ذریعے ہونے والے ایک اجلاس میں کی، ورچوئل اجلاس میں پاکستان ڈیموکریٹک موومنٹ کے بیانئے کی تشہیر کے حوالے سے تفصیلی مشاورت کی گئی،

 اس ویڈیو لنک اجلاس میں ڈاکٹر نفیسہ شاہ، مولا بخش چانڈیو، چوہدری منور انجم، پلوشہ خان، عاجز دھامرا، حسن مرتضی، سربلند جوگیزئی، روبینہ خالد، نوابزادہ افتخار، سعدیہ دانش، جاوید ایوب، سعید غنی، ناصر شاہ، شرجیل میمن، مرتضی وہاب، بیرسٹر عامر، سسی پلیجو، شاہین ڈار اور نذیر ڈھوکی موجود تھے۔

https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/23874/