Tuesday, September 15, 2020
#Pakistan - Foreign Office needs reform
NO institution can perform effectively unless it is able to adapt to changes around it, leverage the opportunities offered by a globalised world and learn new skills to deal with emerging challenges. Periodic review and reform are essential to reinvigorate any organisation and make it fit for purpose. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is no exception to this rule.
For decades little has changed in its working methods, structure, training of personnel and mode of recruitment — and thus in its outlook and approach. If foreign policy is the country’s first line of defence, Pakistan’s foreign service needs serious attention and reform.
A frequent and justified lament heard from the ministry is that over the years it has steadily lost its centrality in the foreign policy-making process to other stakeholders in the country’s hybrid civil-military system. But the answer to this is to make the ministry more relevant, even pivotal, by improving the quality of its policy inputs and by showing initiative to stay ahead of the curve. After all, demoralisation only disempowers the institution.
Leadership by the head of the service, the foreign secretary, is the key to revival of its once central role. But this has long been in short supply as careerism has been prioritised over professionalism. An unnecessarily timid and subservient attitude towards other stakeholders has characterised the conduct of recent holders of this office. This is a far cry from the 1990s and 2000s when foreign secretaries stood their ground to a military ruler and assertively gave policy advice to prime ministers even when that did not accord with their views.
As a first step a task force should be appointed to propose reforms for the PM’s approval.
The foreign secretary’s principal role is to lead, inspire and motivate the service by offering intellectually sound advice and resist any politicisation of decisions and personnel policy by the government of the day. A culture of open internal discussion should be fostered not of discouraging independent, out-of-the-box thinking.
Beyond behavioural changes, a number of structural measures are essential. An adequately resourced ministry that has financial autonomy is crucial to the performance of its basic functions. It must have the means to adapt quickly to changing needs and for that it needs greater financial authority, within its allocated budget. The numerical strength of the service also needs to expand especially as the number of missions has risen, complexity of international issues has increased and so have avenues for diplomacy. The financial cost can be offset by cutting down the support staff of a tail-heavy service.
A second structural change is to reduce the centralisation that has occurred over the years with decisions on even minor administrative matters concentrated in the foreign secretary’s office. Empowering additional secretaries and giving them greater policy responsibility will encourage initiative and fresh thinking. The director general should be the tier assigned to initiate new ideas and become the thinking post for the concerned division.
Three, working methods should be substantially overhauled to improve communication within headquarters, between divisions still operating in silos, and with Missions. The information flow is either too slow or absent, seriously handicapping mission work. Ambassadors can only be effective if they are kept regularly briefed. Sharing of timely information is hobbled by a communication and feedback system that needs urgent modernisation, without compromising security. It also needs a change in mindset from one that prizes monopolising information over sharing it. Clear lines of communication have to be instituted for the information flow.
Four, training requires major reform in several areas. The generalised initial training has to be replaced by more specialised training in which practical aspects of diplomacy should be taught along with knowledge of foreign policy. In other words, training modules should be focused on how to negotiate, communicate, practise public diplomacy and deal with a complex media landscape — modern tools every diplomat needs. Diverse expertise is now required on a complex array of global issues. Training should cater to these rather than be mired in mental maps of the past. The ministry’s lack of legal expertise also needs to be addressed at the training stage. This weakness was tellingly exposed during Pakistan’s representation at the International Court of Justice in the Kulbhushan Jadhav case.
As economic diplomacy acquires more importance, diplomats, who have long thought this wasn’t their job, need exposure to the country’s trade and business environment to be knowledgeable and effective. Above all a know-your-country (not just its foreign policy) approach is essential as sometimes diplomats appear out of sync with the domestic dynamics of a changing Pakistan.
Short courses at mid-career can also be introduced on public diplomacy especially as new opportunities open up to deploy soft power in a more globalised world in which diverse non-state actors increasingly shape a country’s foreign policy outlook. Certainly, use of the social media should be in the diplomat’s toolkit, but as of now, the foreign ministry has yet to evolve any rules for its use.
Promotions and postings are issues that generate much controversy and in-house resentment as they are either predicated on narrowly defined criteria (eg length of service) or favouritism rather than performance. A truly merit-based policy will lift the service’s sinking morale by rewarding the best officers, rather than those politically connected or favoured by the ministry’s top echelon.
Finally, a longer-term reform to consider is direct recruitment to the foreign service rather than through a generalised civil service examination. Long discussed, this has always been discarded for involving cumbersome changes including in the law. But as foreign service work is very different from that of other government departments its entrance exam should serve specific service requirements. This would attract better candidates and make the initial training process focused on the skills needed for diplomacy. The process can remain entrenched in the Federal Public Service Commission.
The menu of reforms to make the Foreign Office fit for purpose is extensive but aversion to change should not stand in the way of measures to make Pakistan’s diplomacy more effective and able to capitalise on the opportunities unleashed by a more multipolar and multi-stakeholder world. The government can take the first step by appointing a task force to propose reforms for approval of the prime minister within a specified time frame.
https://www.dawn.com/news/1579617/foreign-office-needs-reform
Pakistan: Hardline Sunni groups on collision course with Shiites
Rights groups in Pakistan say they are alarmed over rising blasphemy cases in the past months. Many of these cases have been registered against Shiites, who have come under pressure from fundamentalist Sunni outfits.
Pakistani police registered at least 40 blasphemy cases in August, according to the country's human rights groups.
The South Asian country's independent Human Rights Commission said most of these cases were filed against Shiite Muslims in relation to speeches made at religious processions.
On Friday, hardline Sunni groups organized a large-scale rally against Shiites in the country's financial hub, Karachi. Thousands of people participated in the demonstration and chanted anti-Shiite slogans, including "Shia kafir" (Shiites are infidel).
Although, the Sunni-Shiite conflict in Islam is centuries old, it intensified in Pakistan in the 1980s, after the 1979 Iranian revolution and the subsequent Saudi-Iranian rivalry.
Sunni groups accuse Shiites of "disrespecting" some of the Prophet Muhammad's companions, who they hold in high esteem.
In the past decade, pro-Saudi Sunni militant extremists have intensified their attacks on Shiites, who have a religious affiliation to Iran.
Fear of violence
The rise in blasphemy accusations and street protests against Shiites has raised concern about a possible violent confrontation between the two groups.
"It is an unprecedented rise, and we are worried it can flare up sectarian violence," Mehdi Hasan, chairman of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), told Dpa news agency last week
Rights groups criticize the government for not taking action against hardline sectarian outfits, some of which are banned in the country.
Asad Iqbal Butt, a senior official of the HRCP, says the authorities are not doing anything to rein in extremist groups.
"The situation is alarming not only for Shiites but also for the members of other minority groups. The government has turned a blind eye to sectarian organizations that are spreading hatred against Shiites and other religious minorities," Butt told DW.
Protection of Islam
In July, lawmakers of the provincial Punjab assembly passed a bill that imposed punishments for vilifying holy Sunni figures.
Shiite activist Rashid Rizvi told DW that most of the blasphemy cases against Shiites have been filed after the passage of the bill. "More than 40 cases have been registered in the month of August only and more people are being booked. One Shiite cleric fled the country due to death threats against him and some were arrested by police," Rizvi said.
Senator Akram Baloch is also of the view that the bill has led to a spike in blasphemy cases. "The Punjab government should immediately scrap the law because it is fueling sectarian tensions in the country. The law is being misused," Baloch told DW.
Sunni groups, however, say the law is necessary to protect Islam.
Hafiz Ihtesham Ahmed, an Islamabad-based Sunni cleric, alleges that members of the Shiite community regularly commit blasphemy. "The Punjab assembly bill has exposed Shiites who blaspheme against holy figures that are revered by Sunni Muslims. So, I think the cases [against them] are genuine, and the government should arrest all those who have been booked," Ahmed told DW.
Muhammad Jalal Uddin, a member of the Jamiat Ulema Islam, says his party would oppose any attempt to amend or repeal the Punjab assembly law. "We will go to any extreme to protect this law. Pakistan is an Islamic country and we should have Islamic laws," he told DW.
An alarming situation
Blasphemy is a sensitive topic in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, where 97 percent of its 180 million inhabitants are Muslims. According to Pew Research Center, adherents of Shiite Islam in Pakistan make up between 15-20% of the country's total population.
Pakistan's blasphemy laws have come under hefty criticism, as they have often been used to target minorities, activists, and to settle personal vendettas. Although no one has yet been executed under the laws, dozens of people are currently sitting on death row due to blasphemy convictions.
According to rights groups, around 1,549 blasphemy cases were registered in Pakistan between 1987 and 2017. More than 75 people have so far been killed extra-judicially after blasphemy allegations. Some of them were even targeted after being acquitted in blasphemy cases by courts.
In 2018, Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, was acquitted on appeal and left the country, provoking violent protests across Pakistan.
Peter Jacob, a rights activist, said he was concerned at the recent spike in blasphemy cases, which also involved other minority groups. "In recent weeks, three members of the minority Ahmaddiya community have been killed – one over alleged blasphemy and other for unknown reasons. Some Christians have also been booked in blaspheme cases. Now even Shiite Muslims are being targeted, with extremist groups openly spreading hatred against them," Jacob told DW.
Ishaq Khakwani, a former federal minister and member of the ruling Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, admits that the situation is worrisome. "I am concerned over an increase in blasphemy cases. People are afraid of supporting the accused. Even if the person who is accused of blasphemy is released, his life continues to be in danger," he told DW.
Christian Community’s role in modern education in Pakistan and the price they paid
By Ali Hasnain
Christians made remarkable efforts in introducing modern education in British India, which later became Pakistan and India. But rather than being appreciated they had to pay a heavy price for it.
Pakistan, being a third world country, struggles with many problems. Low literacy rate is one of the prominent one. But the condition is bleaker when it comes to the literacy rate of religious minorities, especially the Christian community of Pakistan.
It is an undeniable fact that the missionaries played a vital role in bringing English medium education to what was known as the British India, in 1854.
The first missionary school of the sub-continent Rang Mahal Lahore, which started under a tree with only three students and was soon transformed into a high school.
The churches continued their endeavours to develop more institutions with modern education, in fact within fifty years, hundreds of institutions and an increasing number of students reflected the centrality of education as the missionary objective.
Despite all the efforts, Christians had to pay a heavy price, not only for pioneering modern education in the sub-continent, but also for supporting the Muslims when the British India was being partitioned into two states, namely: India and Pakistan. Majority of the Christians supported the formation of Pakistan. Prominent Christian leaders of that time even argued before the Boundary Commission that, in case of division, the Christians must be counted with the Muslims.
After the creation of Pakistan:
After the creation of Pakistan, in 1947, missionary schools were known for quality education. Admissions were given irrespective of any religious affiliation. In fact, founder of the country, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, National poet of Pakistan, Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal and other main leaders studied at Christian institutions.
But things started changing dramatically in 1972, when all educational institutions, including missionaries, were taken over by the ruling government. Civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator Zulfikar Ali Bhutto ordered nationalisation of all educational institutions.
Since those schools were an identity of the Pakistani Christians, nationalisation was not only seen, but felt, as an attack on this identity. Although the decision was not made on religious grounds, it initiated some other serious issues.
Aside from providing good education, missionary schools were also a source of interaction between various faiths. With a low-fee structure, these institutions provided an opportunity to students from every social class and religion to come in contact with others. This helped in breaking barriers and developing harmony between the adherents of different religious denominations.
Nationalisation not only had an adverse effect on the quality of education, it also sabotaged the inter-religious connections. This resulted in persecution and instances of prejudice against minorities.
Policy implementation and its Aftermath:
The policy to nationalise all the educational institutions was announced on 15th March 1972. According to the data conducted by Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), a research organisation in Pakistan, 3,334 institutions consisting of 1,826 schools, 346 Islamic seminaries, 155 colleges and five technical institutes were taken over by the government.
Apparently, the government vowed that this step would enhance the literacy rate, but reality was contrary to the claims. As an aftermath, strength of non-Muslim teachers and students was seen to plummet and the standard of education also declined.
In order to take back their schools from the government’s possession, Christians of the society staged protests in various cities to condemn the arbitrary move of the government, on 30th August 1972.
“I participated in that protest as a schoolboy and I heard a phrase from a passer-by ‘Where have they come from? I did not know there were so many Christians in Pakistan’,” said, Executive director of CSJ, Peter Jacob.
Press release for the protest was issued with the heading ‘Death Knell for Christians – 1st September 1972’ which accentuated the severity and urgency of raising voice against the take-over which was due on 1st September 1972.
“Protestors demanded a meeting with the then President, Zulfiqar A. Bhutto, at the Presidency which was 300 meters away from the protestors in Rawalpindi,” said Jacob.
“Police, who were in riot-control gears, initially resorted to baton charging and firing tear gas and eventually opened fire on the protestors, killing two marchers,” Jacob added.
According to the press dispatch issued by the administration, protestors were armed with guns and sticks.
No gain, with a big loss:
Steep decline in the quality of education and the literacy rate of the country made it clear that nationalisation was not the right decision. Apart from the decline, corruption and nepotism in the recruitments, religious biases and narrow mentality by the teachers was observed.
Sister Shehla Keane, Principle of St. Teresa’s High School, one of the nationalised missionary schools, penned her experience in Focus, published in 1988.
“As a principal I felt completely frustrated by not knowing what nationalisation really entailed. I would soon find out…The male science teacher was not allowed to continue, and the first vacancy was created and filled almost immediately.
There was no interview, Shamim (the appointee) arrived with her appointment letter and equipped with her knitting.
Three more young Muslim teachers had joined our staff in short period of one month. The School already had two teachers teaching Islamiat (Islamic Studies) and now five… These new teachers brought with them some closed ideas about the role of education in the emancipation of Christian girls, stating ‘And who is going to clean our houses and wash our clothes if these girls study and do exams.’”
Orders for Denationalisation:
In 1979, the then military government announced that there will be no further nationalisation of educational institutions. In fact, the authority of the denationalisation was given to provincial governments.
On 1st April 1985 Sindh government notified conditional denationalisation of 14 Christian schools. However, the notification remained a piece of paper for many years.
Conclusion:
Indeed, the nationalisation of the educational institutions resulted in retardation of the education milieu of the country. According to the data collected by CSJ, out of 118 nationalised Christian institutions, still 50% have to be denationalised.
Those, which are still under government´s dominance have 16% strength of non-Muslim students and 9% of Non-Muslim teachers. Nevertheless, the orders for denationalisation is still a ‘pie in the sky’ for the churches and the education sector of the country.
'Pakistan could be next to normalize ties with Israel'
The historic peace deals between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain have send shockwave across the Arab world, meeting both commendations and condemnations.
Jerusalem has expressed hope that the momentum caused by the two accords will continue to sweep through the region, despite the Palestinians' disapproval and Iran's implied and explicit threats against its neighbors over any attempted rapprochement with the Jewish state.
British-Pakistani analyst Noor Dahri, founder and executive director of Islamic Theology of Counter Terrorism, a UK-based think tank, told Israel Hayom Monday that many other Arab countries have taken notice of the regional winds of change, and may follow in Abu Dhabi and Manama's footsteps sooner that one may believe.
"The peace agreements of the UAE and Bahrain with Israel are just a door [for them] for opening further diplomatic, trade and strategic relations with the Israel. There are many countries that are awaiting their term to join the agreement, such as Oman, Sudan, Morocco and Saudi Arabia," he said.
"We must not forget that despite the tough political tension between Qatar and other members of the GCC [Gulf Cooperation Council], Israel has already maintained good mutual relations with Qatar and there is no doubt that Qatar may join the peace agreement with Israel sooner or later.
"Pakistan has also not closed the door completely but its national interests do not permit it to announce open relations with the Jewish state. … Both states have had intelligence and military relations for decades. Pakistan has never considered the Jewish state as its enemy but may establish conditional relations with it in the future, after the Arab agreements."
Dahri, an independent researcher specializing in Islamism extremism and counterterrorism, is an adviser to many national and international organizations, including British Association of Islamic Studies and the Council for Muslims Against Anti-Semitism, to name a few. As for whether the Israeli-Bahraini peace agreement may prove more problematic than the accord struck with the UAE over the Shiite-Sunni conflict, Dahri explained, "We need to look at the sectarian and political angle. As the majority in Bahrain is Shiite, Iran already has influence on the population, as is the case in Yemen.
"There are a few terrorist organizations in Bahrain that are supported and militarized by Iran. In the current situation of the Israel-Bahrain peace agreement, Iran may use these organizations to conduct terrorist attacks not only against the Bahraini government but also to target the Israeli interests in a country.
"The UAE has also conducted a few intelligence and security operations in the past few years and arrested more than 100 Muslim Brotherhood activists that also had logistic support from Iran. Therefore, the political satiation of the sectarian conflict in the UAE and far different than [the one that may develop] in Bahrain."
According to Dahri, "One must know that GCC is funded not by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia but the Kingdom of Bahrain, which has great influence over Gulf Cooperation Council decision-making.
"However, the peace agreement could benefit the state of Israel by establishing strong ties with the other members of the GCC and it is a prime chance that in the near future the state of Israel could be the member of the GCC."
https://www.israelhayom.com/2020/09/15/pakistan-could-be-next-to-normalize-ties-with-israel/
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