Video - #Pakistan - Speaker National Assembly Raja Parvaiz Ashraf addresses the NA Session - Apr 16, 2022

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#Pakistan - Testing times ahead - PM Shehbaz has a sea of challenges to navigate before he can take the country to safer shores

By Maleeha Lodhi

THE new government has assumed power in a deeply divided country. The political polarization in evidence today has few parallels in Pakistan’s recent history, with the social media amplifying the divide and giving it an inflammatory edge.

In this politically charged environment in which an angry party is unreconciled to its loss of power, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has a sea of challenges to navigate before he can take the country to safer shores. Calling for unity, consensus and the need to heal the nation in his first parliamentary address as premier he struck the right note. But this may be easier said than done. His efforts to establish political and economic stability face imposing obstacles.

For a start, managing an unwieldy coalition of disparate parties, which will be rivals in the next election, will consume much of his time and energy. After all, the government’s parliamentary majority is precariously narrow. He hopes that sharing cabinet portfolios with coalition partners will give them a stake in the survival of the government. But it will also mean forging agreement among them on policy measures. Meeting their demands while taking timely decisions by consensus will involve a delicate balancing act for a prime minister serving at the federal level for the first time in his otherwise long political career.

The coalition has an incentive to stick together in the face of the common challenge from a belligerent Imran Khan. Even so, they have differing views on key policy areas and will adopt positions with an eye on elections. For now, there is agreement that the government and assemblies should serve out the rest of their term of a year and a half until general elections are called. How politically feasible this turns out to be is open to question.

Sharif’s greatest challenge and top priority is to stabilise a deeply ailing economy. Pakistan’s chronic fiscal and balance of payments deficits are at a record high, foreign exchange reserves have depleted, the rupee is under pressure, inflation has soared and debt risen exponentially. The energy crisis is also set to worsen this summer.A spokesman of the new government claims that financing needs next year are estimated to be around $30 billion while the current account deficit in the ongoing fiscal year is about $20bn. Pakistan’s financing requirements this fiscal year are about $9bn, $6bn for the current account gap and $3bn for debt repayments.Some may deem these numbers as overestimates. But financing needs are large and urgent, and with reserves precariously low it is necessary to restart talks with the IMF to continue the loan programme. Without a Fund programme, Pakistan will be unable to access financing from the World Bank, other multilateral agencies and even bilateral partners including China.

This confronts the government with tough choices. While resuming the IMF programme is essential it will have to reckon with taking politically unpopular steps, especially at a time when inflation is hitting people hard and was the major factor for public discontent with the previous government.

The government’s dilemma could be mitigated to some extent if it is able to persuade the Fund to soften its conditionalities in the multiyear programme given that it will be a short-lived government with elections ahead. Even then, the government would have to manage the political fallout of measures it may still have to take.

The ruling coalition faces daunting economic and political challenges in a deeply divided country.

The political challenge is no less daunting. Imran Khan is set on a course to mount maximum pressure on the government through confrontational politics and demonstrations of popular power. He has announced public rallies across the country which are likely to be big draws as that in Peshawar last week.

His aim is to force the Sharif government to call early elections. He is encouraged by the response he has received from supporters to believe elections would return him to power. He may be mistaken in assuming large crowds automatically translate into votes, but for now he is determined to play a spoiler’s role and try to make the new government dysfunctional. However, his decision for PTI lawmakers to tender mass resignations — to disrupt the political system — may hurt his party, which is why many opposed it. Not only does it leave the parliamentary field open to treasury benches to do as they will, but it may also weaken their MNAs’ prospects in electoral contests that lie ahead. Nevertheless, the Sharif government will face a formidable foe in Khan and efforts to establish political stability will confront constant hurdles from PTI’s agitational activities.Khan will continue to fuel the narrative of a foreign conspiracy that unseated him and seek to tap into anti-American sentiment. Despite the fact that the DG, ISPR has clearly debunked the conspiracy claim, Khan’s allegation has traction among his loyal base and even beyond in a conspiracy theory-ridden society. It is therefore imperative for the government to counter this by unequivocally proving it to be false.

Sharif’s plan to call a meeting of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security to examine this, with service chiefs in attendance, is a step in the right direction. But it needs to happen sooner rather than later.

This will enable his government to press ahead more confidently to mend relations with the US and the rest of the West. The priority in the relatively short life of the government, however, will be to fortify ties with Pakistan’s two strategic allies, China and Saudi Arabia. That should be easy as Sharif has worked with the Chinese on several projects in the past and the Sharifs have long-standing relations with the Saudi royal family. The prime minister’s early meetings and statements have reinforced this priority as also the desire to strengthen ties with the US, EU and UK. But first order issues are expected to all be domestic. Thus, major foreign policy initiatives, including with India, will likely wait until after elections.

Critical tests lie ahead for the ruling coalition. It has to show it can stay together and govern, manage a troubled economy, dispel scepticism about ‘Purana’ Pakistan and meet the expectations of the public who yearn for stability and effective governance. https://www.dawn.com/news/1685583/testing-times-ahead

Pakistan tries to justify 1971 Bangladesh genocide: Report

Pakistan is trying to justify the massacre of Bangladeshi residents by its military during the 1971 Bangladesh war, denying the extent of the military oppression and blaming the whole incident on Bangladesh for the separation.

Pakistani scholars jointly agree on sabotaging the Bangladesi uprising in 1971, accusing the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, of recasting the killings of non-Bengalis as a struggle conducted by the Awami League and of implementing it against the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), reported by Global Strat View, an independent media group.

Pakistan believes the mock trials of war criminals to be absurd and deems that “those accused of attacking, killing and raping members of their community will never be brought to justice. In official memory, as institutionalized by the Bangladeshi state, only crimes against Bengalis are remembered.”

Pakistan even lends its support to war groups like the Khalistan movement, fighting against the Indian state. Pakistan also claims that Bangladeshi Hindu professors spread secessionist sentiments amongst its students, reported Global Strat View, an independent media group.Aggressive think tanks cover the separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan with a certain biasedness, highlighting only those issues that comply with the official policy while ignoring anything that violates the guidelines.The Pakistani authorities oppose Bangladesh’s efforts to deliver justice to the victims who suffered in the Pakistani war crimes, criticizing the execution of two convicted war criminals, Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury, leader of BNP, and Ali Ahsan Mohammad, leader of Jamaat-e-Islami.

Also, countries like China and The United States suppressed the genocide reports as well, provoking both activists and academics. Thus, in turn, the Bangladeshi uprising of 1971 has been reduced to a civic-political demand.

Recognition of the brutal massacre and the qualitative widening of the current legal understanding of genocide during the Liberation Struggle of Bangladesh is ethically demanded.

https://theprint.in/world/pakistan-tries-to-justify-1971-bangladesh-genocide-report/920819/

این آر او نہیں دوں گا کے بیانات دینے والے عمران خان اب ہر جلسے میں این آر او مانگنے پر مجبور ہیں۔

  پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے سیکرٹری جنرل سید نیر حسین بخاری نے عمران خان کی تقریر پر ردعمل میں کہا ہے کہ
یوٹرن ماسٹر عمران خان نے امریکہ پر مسلسل تنقید کے بعد امریکہ کے خلاف نہیں ہوں کا بیان دیکر ایک اور یوٹرن لیا ہےوہ وقت دور نہیں جب عمران خان مبینہ خط کے معاملے پر بھی یوٹرن لیں گے انہوں نے کہا ہے کہ این آر او نہیں دوں گا کے بیانات دینے والے عمران خان اب ہر جلسے میں این آر او مانگنے پر مجبور ہیں 

عمران خان کی چیخ و پکار اور روتے رہنا مقدر ہے نیر بخاری نے مزید کیا ہے کہ عمران خان خود کو فارن فنڈنگ کیس میں نااہل ہوتے ہوئے دیکھ رہے ہیں اسلئے الیکشن کمیشن کو بھی متنازعہ بنانے کی کوشش کی جا ری ہے

تحریک انصاف نے اپنے دور حکومت کے دوران فارن فنڈنگ کیس کے معاملے پر الیکشن کمیشن پر مسلسل دباو ڈالافارن فنڈنگ تحریک انصاف کے خلاف ایک مضبوط کیس اور بہت بڑا اسکینڈل ہے، نیر بخاری نے مزید کہا ہے کہ الیکشن کمیشن آف پاکستان آزاد صاف شفاف انتخابات کرانے کا خود مختار آئینی ادارہ ہے

پیپلزپارٹی آزاد اور خود مختار ادارے الیکشن کمیشن کے ساتھ کھڑی ہے

https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/26850/