Saturday, July 11, 2020

#HagiaSophiaCathedral #HagiaSophiaMuseum - Secular laws and civil protections have eroded tremendously under Erdogan’s Turkey

Atheist Alliance International
Hagia Sophia became a mosque again. Secular laws and civil protections have eroded tremendously under Erdogan’s Turkey. Now, secular culture is being undermined with the museum status of this landmark revoked. Hagia Sophia was not always a mosque of course. It started out as a church. Perhaps the current Turkish government is enviously looking east at Iran, or south to Saudi Arabia.
A personal hypothesis of mine is that the erosion of liberties and the rise of Islam in Turkish politics is a reaction to that decade long effort by Turkey to join the EU, which was met with delays and condition-precedent reforms that signaled refusal. EU feared a wave of immigrants (which they eventually go from Syria anyway). Then, with the collapse of Greece and Cyprus during the 2008-9 financial crisis, Turkey had good reason to give up on its EU dreams. It withdrew its application.
Yes, Turkey lacked regulations protecting civil liberties then. But where is it now? The EU could have granted membership and help gradually transform Turkey. It was bad form by EU; it was always viewed within Turkey that the delays were racists/culturalist. Not sure if an EU Turkey would have behaved as they have in Kurdish Syria if it would have sacked professors and judges, changed laws to hand power to a pseudo-king, etc. For now, Turkish politics remains dominated by Islamic parties who dominate and veer conservative by the day.

https://www.facebook.com/AtheistAllianceInternational/

Video - #JohnBolton #DonaldTrump #dwZone How incompetent is Donald Trump? Interview with John Bolton | Conflict Zone

Video Report - #US #Pandemic Coronavirus: US records nearly 70,000 new cases in a single day

Video Report - Dr. Anthony Fauci opens up about why he's not being allowed on TV

U.S. Opinion: #CoronaVirusUpdates #COVID__19 Reopening Schools Will Be a Huge Undertaking. It Must Be Done.

By The Editorial Board

Officials need to think outside the school building.
American children need public schools to reopen in the fall. Reading, writing and arithmetic are not even the half of it. Kids need to learn to compete and to cooperate. They need food and friendships; books and basketball courts; time away from family and a safe place to spend it.
Parents need public schools, too. They need help raising their children, and they need to work.
In Britain, the Royal College of Pediatrics and Child Health has warned that leaving schools closed “risks scarring the life chances of a generation of young people.” The organization’s American counterpart, the American Academy of Pediatrics, has urged administrators to begin from “a goal of having students physically present in school.”
Here is what it’s going to take: more money and more space.
The return to school, as with other aspects of pre-pandemic normalcy, rests on the nation’s ability to control the spread of the coronavirus. In communities where the virus is spreading rapidly, school is likely to remain virtual. The rise in case counts across much of the country is jeopardizing even the best-laid plans for classroom education.
Other nations are checking the spread of the virus and preparing to reopen schools. America, by contrast, is squandering its chance and failing its children.
But even in places where the virus is under control, schools lack the means to safely provide full-time instruction. In New York City, the nation’s largest school district says that it can only safely provide a few days each week of in-person instruction.Other large districts, like Fairfax County, Va., and Clark County, Nev., have announced similar plans for a partial return to the classroom in the fall.
To maximize in-person instruction, the federal government must open its checkbook.
Districts need hundreds of billions of dollars to cover the gap between the rapid decline in tax revenue caused by the virus and the rapid rise in costs also caused by the virus. Guidelines published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommend, among other things, the installation of physical barriers in common areas, increased cleaning and daily health checks. The School Superintendents Association estimates that necessary protective measures would cost about $1.8 million for an average district of eight schools and 3,500 students. With more than 13,000 school districts in the United States, the total adds up.
House Democrats passed a bill in May that included some aid for schools, but Senate Republicans have neither considered it nor passed an alternative. President Trump could set an example by wearing a mask, and by urging states to require masks. He could work to expand testing. He could work to get money to schools.
Instead, Mr. Trump has sent tweets, demanding in ALL CAPS that schools reopen — and threatening to cut off existing federal funding.
Crucially, money alone is not enough. If safety dictates that classrooms can hold only half as many students, it follows that schools need twice as much room. Some of that space can be found by repurposing gyms and cafeterias, but districts including New York have cited a lack of space as a key reason students won’t be able to return full time.
Officials need to think outside the building. Some fall classes could be held in the open air, or under tents with no walls — spaces in which the available evidence suggests transmission risks also are much lower. In Denmark, schools held spring classes on playgrounds, in public parks and even in the stands of the national soccer stadium.Some states, including Florida, Minnesota and Connecticut, have encouraged schools to use available outdoor space. Particularly in cities, where space is scarce, officials should give serious consideration to closing streets around schools and holding classes there.
Under the circumstances, public education is surely the best use of those public spaces.
Outdoor education is not a cure-all. Students still would need to use shared bathrooms. Equipment still would need to be stored in buildings. Environmental conditions also are a limiting factor: heat, rain, high winds — and air pollution.
But American communities need to choose among the available options.
The limits of virtual classrooms were on painful display this spring. While some students thrived, or at least continued to learn, others faded away. Boston reported that roughly 20 percent of enrolled students never logged in. In Los Angeles, one-third of high school students failed to participate. In Washington, D.C., the school system simply gave up and ended the school year three weeks early. Evidence suggests schools particularly struggled to reach lower-income kids, exacerbating performance gaps.
The closures also have also deprived students of time with friends, limited their access to reliable meals, physical and mental health care and reduced the availability of support for those with special needs. Students have been thrown back on the resources of their families, and in every dimension, those with the fewest resources have tended to suffer most — a pattern certain to continue in the fall.
The economic damage is real, too. The consulting firm McKinsey estimates that 27 million American workers require child care, which includes schools, to return to full-time work.
Many teachers, and parents, are wary of reopening schools. They fear policymakers will cut corners and safety measures will prove inadequate. These fears have been reinforced by the president and by Vice President Mike Pence, both of whom have publicly encouraged corner-cutting. Such a strategy is willfully shortsighted. It might succeed in reopening schools for a time, but it is not likely to allow schools to remain open.
This week, the president and vice president called on the C.D.C. to relax its public health guidelines for safely reopening schools. The agency’s director, Dr. Robert Redfield, refused. The lesson here is for local officials to ignore the president, as well. Take the measure of the best available science, implement the necessary safety measures and maximize the amount of time that children can spend in classrooms.

How denial and conspiracy theories fuel coronavirus crisis in Pakistan

The coronavirus is spreading at an enormous pace in Pakistan. Analysts say the government's inaction and mismanagement of the virus have worsened the outbreak.
As of June 23, there were around 187,000 cases of the coronavirus with over 3,700 deaths in Pakistan. The number of infections is expected to reach 300,000 by the end of the month and over a million by late July or early August.
The World Health Organization (WHO) warned mid-June that the average infection rate in Pakistan has risen to 22.6%. Within a month, the country's daily infection count increased to an average of around 6,000 from 1,000.
Studies carried out by the Imperial College London and the University of Washington suggest that the actual number of cases in Pakistan could be anywhere between 3 to 10 times higher than those registered by the government.
Despite the virus spreading in Pakistan at an alarming rate, the government has relaxed lockdowns across the country and has decided to reopen the tourism industry.
In March, Prime Minister Imran Khan compared the coronavirus to an "ordinary flu," claiming that 97% of infected patients recover without requiring medical attention. In a televised address to the nation, Khan said that Pakistan could not afford a nationwide lockdown as one-fourth of its population lives below the poverty line. Instead, his government has lifted all public restrictions in an apparent attempt to revive the economy.
Analysts warn that the government's denial and mismanagement of the virus has worsened the outbreak in a country with an already weak and overworked healthcare system.

Why has Pakistan been left out of China and East Asia’s economic development boom?


     By David Dodwell

  • Despite Southeast Asia and China’s astonishing development story, some parts of the world have not shared in that inspiring progress
  • Constant conflict, the influence of radical Islam, ferocious local politics and challenging conditions have combined to impede Pakistan’s development.
  • This weekend exactly 50 years ago, I walked for a final time out of University Public School into the blinding Peshawar sunlight after a year as a gap-year teacher in what was then called the North-West Frontier Province, tucked under the Khyber Pass leading from Pakistan into Afghanistan.
Whether I made a difference to the lives of my 30-odd students – several had been killed during the year in local feuds – I never discovered, but my life had been transformed. Plans to study English and history at university were turned on their head midway through my immersion in Pakistan. Instead, I reapplied to study social anthropology and development economics. My simplistic Christian views over how communities set rules over good and bad behaviour crashed and burned in the humble mud-built homes of local Muslims. The crude and complete confinement of women made me appreciate the freedoms and opportunities facing my three younger sisters back home.
Many back in Britain thought I was crazy to disappear to Pakistan and were alarmed at my decision to study something as esoteric as social anthropology and development economics. In truth, I, too, did not clearly know what possible relevance such a combination of study might have to my future life and career.
As it turned out, it could not have been more relevant. It paved the way for a 40-year journalistic career focused on Asia, and in particular China. It meant immersing in cultures most of my schoolmates never discovered and wrestling with development challenges across Asia that few mainstream economists were adequately equipped to analyse.
By 19, I had learned one of life’s most important lessons: no matter how meticulously you or your parents strive to plan your life, you are doomed to stumble. The single most important force in our lives is chance – the influence of random, accidental events that suddenly and unpredictably transform your life and steer it in unimaginable directions. I also discovered that no matter what the conventional wisdom about getting the best possible grades and earning a good degree as promptly as possible, my determination to take a gap year between school and university and spend it on the border with Afghanistan was one of the best decisions of my life.
Since then, I have been a passionate advocate of gap years, no matter what nervousness it generates among protective parents. Nothing can so speedily prepare a naive and inexperienced child for independent adulthood. I have thought of this a lot recently. My research assistant has had her hopes dashed of a year of study at George Washington University in the United States, all because of the pandemic and the sudden appearance of tough new visa rules for students hoping to study in the US.
Chance has sideswiped her carefully laid career plans. For sure, she will do well. But she is, because of the pandemic, probably heading in a direction quite different from that expected just two months ago. While I managed to get back to Peshawar half a decade later – glimpsing into Soviet-occupied Afghanistan as yet another aspiring colonist strove to tame a profoundly untameable region, and witnessing jirgas in the Balochistan desert aimed at settling decades-old blood feuds – I never got back to University Public School or those pupils.
Neither was I able this year to fulfil a dream of returning 50 years later to explore what half a century had done to this remote, charismatic, impoverished part of the world. I blame the Taliban and the many dangers of searching for former tribal pupils now in their 60s, as well as the fear that it would have been a deeply sad story to unravel. Having spent most of my life since the late 1970s focused on the astonishing development story that Southeast Asia and China have to tell, I am constantly reminded that some parts of the world have not shared in that inspiring period of progress. Pakistan is one of those places. I would have liked to return to examine why places like Peshawar captured such a small share of half a century of progress.
Some of the elements are obvious: constant conflict to the west with Afghanistan and Iraq and in the east with India and Kashmir means Pakistan has been doomed to be a pawn in the “great game” global powers like to play; radical Islam has combined with ferociously cantankerous medieval tribalism; the impossibility of trying to fit Western-style democratic institutions with local “patronage” politics; and the challenges of building even basic infrastructure across some of the bleakest, hottest desert regions in the world. It still shocks me to see how far the region has lagged behind countries in East Asia. While between 1970 and 2019, the World Bank says China lifted its GDP from US$92.6 billion to US$14.3 trillion, and South Korea from US$9 billion to US$1.6 trillion, Pakistan’s GDP has grown from US$10 billion to just US$278.2 billion.
That is even worse than Bangladesh (US$9 billion to US$302.6 billion) and India (US$62.4 billion to US$2.9 trillion), and it sits well below Nigeria (US$12.5 billion to US$448 billion) and Brazil (US$42.3 billion to US$1.8 trillion). On a per capita basis, Pakistan has done even worse as its population has almost quadrupled, to 220 million, in that period. Its per capita GDP today is about US$1,280, up from US$172 in 1970. The extremities of poverty and illiteracy have been purged, but progress has been painfully slow.
China’s success in slowing population growth provides a stark contrast, with GDP per capita up from US$110 in 1970 to US$10,260 in 2019. Other East Asian economies have grown similarly in that span – South Korea’s GDP per capita is up from US$280 to almost US$32,000, Indonesia from US$80 to US$4,140, and Malaysia from US$360 to US$11,400. East Asia’s extraordinary success in reducing the gap with rich Western economies has been the story of my lifetime. It continues to perplex me that Pakistan, where the story all started, has shared in it so little. Therein lies the fickle force of chance, which continues to make a mockery of all our best-laid plans.
https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3092619/why-has-pakistan-been-left-out-china-and-east-asias-economic

Pakistan: Protect religious freedom for Hindus

Pakistan’s authorities must protect the right to freedom of religion and belief for the country’s beleaguered Hindu community, including the construction of temples to exercise that right, Amnesty International said today.
The human rights organization’s call came as authorities in Islamabad capitulated to pressure from a discriminatory campaign mounted by politicians, media outlets and clerics to halt the construction of a rare temple in the Pakistani capital. The boundary wall of the site where the temple is supposed to be constructed has also been torn down by a mob.
“The respect for the right to freedom of religion was promised to Pakistan’s Hindus by the country’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Those who deny a long-marginalized community the right to practise their faith freely not only betray his legacy, but also violate the human rights of religious minorities protected under Pakistan’s constitution and its international human rights obligations,” said Omar Waraich, Head of South Asia at Amnesty International.
 “Pakistan claimed positive global attention last year when it opened the Sikh temple at Kartarpur to pilgrims from India. By caving into hateful pressure, it now threatens to reverse that achievement and deepen the discrimination that Pakistan’s Hindu community faces.”
 The destruction of the Hindu temple site is yet another example of persistent discrimination faced by the Hindu community in Pakistan. In recent years, they have faced increasing marginalization, with individuals facing false accusations of “blasphemy” – a crime that carries a mandatory death penalty in Pakistan – attacks on temples and shops, and the horrific abduction, forced conversion and forced marriage of hundreds of young Hindu women.
 In 2019, in two separate incidents, mobs attacked Hindu properties and places of worship in the southern Sindh province after allegations of “blasphemy” were made against a Hindu school principal and a Hindu veterinarian.
Every reported act of violence against minorities must be promptly investigated and those responsible must be brought to justice. 
Omar Waraich
 "The Pakistani authorities must clearly and publicly condemn such acts instead of giving into them. Every reported act of violence against minorities must be promptly investigated and those responsible must be brought to justice. A recurrence can only be prevented if adequate measures are taken," said Omar Waraich.
In Pakistan, “blasphemy” allegations are often made on the basis of little or no evidence.  There is overwhelming evidence that the laws violate human rights and have encouraged people to take the law into their own hands. Once a person is accused, they become ensnared in a system that presumes them guilty and fails to protect them against people willing to use violence.
Prime Minister Imran Khan has made repeated commitments to protect Pakistan’s religious minorities. In February 2020, he said: “I want to warn our people that anyone in Pakistan targeting our non-Muslim citizens or their places of worship will be dealt with strictly. Our minorities are equal citizens of the country.”
“Prime Minister Imran Khan must lend his commitments some weight to ensure religious freedom for all and to ensure that Pakistan’s Hindus and other religious minorities are able to practise their faith freely and without fear,” said Omar Waraich.
Background
Hindus constitute Pakistan’s largest non-Muslim minority, estimated at between two and four per cent of the population. They include members of parliament, a former chief justice, military officers, and prominent names in the arts.
 In a landmark speech on religious freedom, Pakistan’s founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah said in August 1947: “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or any other place of worship in the state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the state.”

Pakistan's "Commission for Minorities" without the Ahmadis


Pakistan’s conduct towards the Ahmadis and its obsession with religious identity is symptomatic of the radicalization of society that permeates all areas of life and is reflected in the laws of the land, says Mohammad Luqman.
"Naya Pakistan", or new Pakistan was Imran Khan’s 2018 election campaign slogan. As he indicated over and over at the time, he intended to liberate the nation from the corrupt elites and political family clans that had been sucking Pakistan dry like leeches for decades.
The populist electoral pledges for greater justice, tolerance and improved participation stirred the hopes of young voters in particular. In late 2018, Khan won the elections and became prime minister, admittedly with a little help from the powerful "establishment", the military.
Following his induction, he once again declared his intention to doggedly continue the fight against corruption and extremism in society. After almost two years in power, there is little evidence of the promised changes. Recently Khan’s close associates have been embroiled in corruption scandals and Pakistani society is still as intolerant as ever.
"National Commission for Minorities"
The example of the National Commission for Minorities is just one glaring example. In 2014, following a wave of attacks on religious minorities, the constitutional court instructed the government to set up a National Commission for Minorities. The commission’s role is to monitor compliance with the constitutional rights of minorities and advise the cabinet on issues concerning those minorities.
The government recently tasked the Ministry of Religious Affairs with the job of setting up a forum along similar lines, whereupon the Minister for Religious Affairs presented the cabinet with a panel with representatives of all religious minorities – apart from Ahmadi Muslims.
Infographic regarding the killing of Ahmadi Muslims in Pakistan between 1974 and 2014 (source: Deutsche Welle)
Cast out from the Muslim fold: the Ahmadiyya were declared a non-Muslim minority in 1974, because they regard their founder Hadhrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as the long-awaited Messiah and as an "ummati nabi", a prophet within Islam. Since 1984, practically all the religious activities of this community have been criminalised: they are not allowed to call themselves Muslims, describe their mosques as mosques, or "to pose as a Muslim". Even the greeting "Assalamu alaikum" can constitute an infringement. And indeed, Ahmadis have ended up in prison for this "offence"
When several cabinet members voiced their displeasure at this omission and demanded that the Ahmadis be assigned representation on the panel, it triggered fierce controversy. Islamist parties, politicians, scholars, government ministers and members of the public unleashed their anger and hatred over the participation of "qadianis" – a pejorative term for Ahmadis – in a government body.
Calls for murder and boycotts circulated on social media and the hashtags "qadianis the world’s worst infidels" and "qadianis the worst traitors" were trending for several days. In a television interview a few days later, the Minister for Religious Affairs Noor-ul-Haq Qadri said: "Anyone showing sympathy or compassion for qadianis cannot be loyal to Islam and Pakistan."
Khan’s government caved in under the pressure and categorically ruled out any Ahmadi participation in the commission, remarking that the Ahmadiyya question was a "religiously and historically sensitive" matter. This could have been predicted. Imran Khan took his first U-turn in late 2018 shortly after his inauguration. He had appointed a number of renowned experts to his Economic Advisory Council (EAC), among them the world-famous economist and Princeton University professor Atif Mian, an Ahmadi. The IMF ranks Atif Mian among the world’s top 25 economists. The news of Mian’s appointment soon attracted the attention of religious hardliners who demanded his immediate removal. Khan bowed to pressure at the time and forced the economist to stand down from the EAC.
Obsession with religious affiliation
Pakistan’s conduct towards the Ahmadis and its obsession with religious identity is symptomatic of the radicalisation of society that permeates all areas of life and is reflected in the laws of the land.
Firefighters stand in the burnt-out shell of a factory owned by Ahmadis in Jehlum, Pakistan. It was torched, along with an Ahmadi mosque, by an angry mob in November 2015 (photo: Getty Images/AFP)
No to "qadianis": following on from the National Commission for Minorites that was set up in 2014 following a wave of attacks on religious minorities, the Pakistani government recently tasked the Ministry of Religious Affairs to set up a forum for religious minorities. Ahmadi Muslims were the only ones to be excluded from the line-up. Calls to correct this injustice were met with vitriol from Islamist parties, as well as several politicians, scholars, government ministers and the general public
The Ahmadis were declared a non-Muslim minority in 1974, because they regarded their founder Hadhrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as the long-awaited Messiah and as an ummati nabi, a prophet within Islam. Since 1984, practically all the religious activities of this community have been criminalised, not only by notorious blasphemy laws, but also by what is known as the anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance XX.
For example in criminal proceedings, they are not allowed to call themselves Muslims, describe their mosques as mosques or "to pose as a Muslim" – behave like a Muslim, whatever that is supposed to mean. Therefore, for example, the simple greeting "Assalamu alaikum" (peace be with you) can constitute an infringement. And indeed, Ahmadis have ended up in prison for this "offence".
Despite repeated criticism from the United Nations, HRW, Amnesty International and other human rights organisations, this mediaeval jurisdiction remains in force. Criticism of the legislation can have fatal consequences, as in the case of Salman Taseer, the governor of Punjab. Taseer had spoken out in defence of Asia Bibi, the Christian woman accused of blasphemy and described blasphemy laws as "kala qanoon" , or "black law". He was shot dead by his own bodyguard in broad daylight. Taseer’s murderer, who has since been hanged, is revered like a saint by a large section of the populace.
The ostracised minority
The Ahmadis are among the most persecuted and ostracised minority in the south Asian nation. In Pakistan, it is easy to put pressure on political opponents and rivals by accusing them of being "qadiani nawaaz", pro-qadiani or worse still, a qadiani themselves. This is all it takes to put the accused on the defensive and force them to evince their "correct" faith as an absolute priority. Even the powerful army chief Bajwa was not spared this treatment. Many shops and bazaars publicly display posters with the words "Qadianis keep out" or "Qadianis should first enter Islam, and then my shop". There are warnings against "qadiani" products such as the popular Shezan mango juice, as though mango juices also follow a religion.


Daily calls issued by scholars such as "qadiani wajib ul qatal hen" (the Qadianis must be punished by death) pass by without any legal action. When in the year 2010, after two devastating terror attacks on Ahmadi mosques with more than 80 deaths, the prime minister at the time Nawaz Sharif addressed the marginalised minority as "our brethren", he was lambasted by the mullahs, who said that "qadianias" could never be the brethren of Muslims. A judge at the Supreme Court in Islamabad recently demanded that Ahmadis should add the suffix "qadiani" or "mirzai" to their names to make them more easily identifiable. In Pakistan, you don’t get more outcast than this.
Meanwhile, the blatant smear campaign continues across social media, with all manner of politicians and scholars talking about the minority in endless television talk shows. But we never hear from the Ahmadi Muslims themselves. No mainstream television channel or newspaper ever asks them for their point of view. And in any case, Ahmadi publications have been officially banned for years. Any discussion on an equal footing is impossible and as a consequence, the discourse is dominated by the unilateral anti-Ahmadiyya narrative.
The Ahmadis are nothing but spectators in a drama in which they have already been accused, convicted and punished, without anyone ever listening to their side of the story..

Pakistan Church condemns violence, discrimination against minorities

The National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) of the Pakistan Catholic Bishops' Conference (PCBC) releases a statement following the death of a Christian after a brutal attack.
By Vatican News
The Catholic Church of Pakistan has denounced the religious intolerance and discrimination against the country’s minorities that continue even amid the hardships of Covid-19 and its restrictions. 
The National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) of the Pakistan Catholic Bishops' Conference (PCBC) raised its concern in a statement, a copy of which was sent to the Vatican’s Fides news agency.

Nadeem Joseph and family

The National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) of the Pakistan Catholic Bishops' Conference (PCBC) particularly condemned the brutal attack by Muslims on June 4 on Nadeem Joseph, after his family recently moved to a house he bought in Peshawar’s TV colony, whose residents did not want non-Muslims as their neighbours. 
Nadeem’s wife said the residents threatened her family and created problems to force them to leave.  Since they refused, the Muslims brutalized her husband, dragged him into the street and shot him. 
The woman's mother and brother went out to rescue Nadeem and one of the bullets hit the mother in the shoulder.  Nadeem died of injuries in hospital on June 29, after he was operated for the fifth time.  “My mother and brother are still recovering from their wounds,” Nadeem’s wife said.

NCJP – "violation of human rights"

A joint statement by NCJP chairman, Archbishop Joseph Arshad Bishop of Islamabad-Rawalpindi, national director Fr. Emmanuel Yousaf and executive director Cecil Chaudhry, called on law enforcement agencies to do everything possible to bring the culprit to justice.  Calling it a "clear violation of human rights" the NCJP said it is "an act against the law that cannot go unpunished".  
Police arrested several members of Salman Khan's family who are said to be behind the murder.
The NCJP urged protection for the family of Nadeem that is in difficulty and in danger of reprisal. “My children and I have lived in fear since that day," Nadedem’s wife said.

Intolerance and discrimination continue

The Commission of Pakistan’s Catholic bishops expressed regret that society has grown intolerant and life has become more difficult for members of minority communities.
Noting that many cases go unreported, the NCJP said, “religious minorities continue to face discrimination as part of their daily lives."  As examples, it cited the denial of food aid and relief material to non-Muslims during the lockdown and the lack of adequate safety equipment to health workers fighting the pandemic.   
The Commission also pointed to the recent episode in Islamabad in which some extremist Muslims stopped the building of a Hindu temple.  Fr. Yousaf noted the incident reflects the lack of acceptance of religious minorities who have been part of the country.  He said such acts go against Article 20 of the Constitution, which allows religious minorities the freedom to profess their faith and manage their own religious institutions. “The government must work to safeguard the rights of religious minorities in Pakistan enshrined in our Constitution," the NCJP statement said.