Sunday, July 24, 2022
Pakistan Headed The Sri Lanka Way Of Economic And Political Meltdown – Analysis
Sri Lanka’s complete economic and political meltdown attributable to Sri Lanka’s bartering its fiscal and autonomy to China’s ‘Debt Traps’ under the seemingly redoubtable President-Prime Minister Duo Rajapaksha Brothers, should be an eye-opener for Pakistan as with Pakistani economic meltdown underway what awaits Pakistan is a political meltdown.
Noticeably, Pakistan too like Sri Lanka’s leadership has courted and flirted with China economically and strategically. This became more marked in since 2018 when Pakistani masses mesmerised by Imran Khan selling dreams of a ‘Naya (New) Pakistan’ emerged as Pakistan’s Prime Minister.
It is doubtful that a return to power of Imran Khan as Prime Minister could forestall Pakistan’s economic and political meltdown. On the contrary Imran Khan’s credentials and demonstrated performance indicate otherwise.
Pakistan’s economic spiral downslide resulted in a big way from then PM Imran Khan with boundless political arrogance fostered by his China-tilt connect with Beijing made him brash to jettison United States and Saudi Arabia as Pakistan’s main donors underwriting Pakistan’s financial solvency.
Pakistan’s comparative situation with Sri Lankan terms of economic and political meltdown has not gone unnoticed within Pakistan and some media Columnists have reflected these concerns.
Further, reflected by this Columnist the disturbing similarities with Sri Lanka as import dependence on essential commodities, limited foreign exchange and piled up external debt.
Pakistan’s economic and political meltdown is a legacy issue of over three years of rule of former Prime Minister Imran Khan. Pakistan was mercifully saved by the Constitutional Coup underwritten by Pakistan Army bringing PM Shahbaz Sharif to replace him.
However, Pakistan seems to be in a self-destruct mode going by the recent by-poll election results in Pakistan’s majority province of Punjab. Former PM Imran Khan’s PTI party swept the polls leading to widespread speculation in Pakistan media that this could possibly herald the political resurrection of Imran Khan and his possible return as Pakistan’s Prime Minister.
However, Imran Khan’s big win in Punjab was from seats in which earlier PTI legislators had stood disqualified. The PTI therefore can be said to have retained its earlier poetically strong con constituencies. PTI has nothing to show that it has enlarged its political base.
In South Asian politics, by-poll results are not an accurate barometer of political mood swings and more so in Pakistan where there are too many imponderables at play, bot external and internal.
Pakistan’s foreign policy under Imran Khan as Prime Minister was horribly messed-up both by Imran Khan’s own predilections for China and those of his impulsive and brash Foreign Minister Qureshi. Both of them, more than earlier regimes swung Pakistan firmly into China’s orbit and flirting with notions of Pakistan-Turkey-Malaysia Islamic Bloc to offset the more conservative hold of the Arab Monarchs Bloc on the Islamic World.
In both cases, Pakistan was geopolitically positioning itself with countries which patently were in adversarial mode with United States which controlled global financial institutions.
The economic spinoff of the above impulsive moves was that Pakistan so- positioning led to an economic squeeze of financial sustenance of Pakistan by major donors like United States and Saudi Arabia which were the very sources of financial largesse which had sustained Pakistan financially.
Pakistan under Imran Khan Regime was not trusted by the United States and Saudi Arabia changed course only after PM Imran Khan went with a begging bowl to Jeddah and forsook moves to form Pakistan-Turkey-Malaysia Bloc as rival to Saudi-led Arab Monarchies Bloc.
The United States also made initial political outreach moves to Pakistan with exit of PM Imran Khan. The Pakistan Army Chief despite the Army’s predominant Chines military inventories publicly articulated that Pakistan sought good relations with the United States, signalling that it had not approved Imran Khan’s marked China-tilt.
Pakistan’s internal political dynamics, if going by recent by-poll results suggesting Pakistan’s political mood for return of Imran Khan as Prime Minister could then put United States political outreaches to Pakistan in jeopardy, and which in its wake ensures lending by global financial institutions slip into reverse gears.
Pakistan’s economy would take at least a decade to recover under present political conditions continuing to prevail. However, should political mood-swings veer towards Former PTI PM Imran Khan then Pakistan’s economic meltdown would get accelerated?
Former PM Imran Khan with all his political demagoguery is less likely to continue in power, even if he returns, as political meltdown is a natural corollary of Pakistan’s economic meltdown.
China has already exhibited that it can bail out Pakistan financially only up to a point where any Pakistani regime can ensure the security of Chinese economic and strategic interests in Pakistan. But how can a future Imran Khan Regime forestall Pakistan’s economic meltdown if China does not go in for massive re-scheduling of Chinese loans to Pakistan. Can China do it with its own declining economic growth?
While dwelling on the subject, the attitudes of Pakistan Army cannot be side-lined. The Pakistani Army is a strong determinator of Pakistan’s foreign policies and Pakistan’s political dynamics. Too much significance is being attached today to speculation that Pakistan Army is a ‘Divided House’ with some of the Generals supporting Imran Khan.
In the overall analysis, it can be safely asserted that when it would come to an eventual showdown on Pakistan Army losing its grip on Pakistan’s governance, then Pakistan Army hierarchy would close its ranks to safeguard its corporate interests. Can it be forgotten by Pakistan Army hierarchy that Imran Khan as Prime Minister was dividing the Pakistan Army’s Collegium of Generals while in power?
Concluding, it can be asserted that if Pakistan is to avoid going the Sri Lanka path of economic and political meltdown, then Pakistan’s political dynamics seeking return of former PM Imran Khan to power would only hasten the meltdown of Pakistan.
https://www.eurasiareview.com/24072022-pakistan-headed-the-sri-lanka-way-of-economic-and-political-meltdown-analysis/
One such informed Columnist, Mohsin Saleem Ullah on July 21 in Express Tribune has assessed and compared the economic situation in Pakistan as akin to Sri Lankan major crisis. It is brought out that Pakistan today is similarly plagued with severe external debt, high inflation, surge in unemployment and scarcity of food grains and medicines
Water management for Balochistan
Dawood Khan
It is time policies are made and implemented swiftly to respond to the water needs of the province.
B |
alochistan’s water crisis has reached a level where rain is needed everywhere, all the time. Sadly, the annual rainfall is meager. On the other hand, there is little preparedness for it. Every time it rains, flooding damage affects lives and livelihoods, particularly in the agriculture. All this was on display last week when it rained in most parts of Balochistan.
In Pishin district, the rain storm caused a number of families to migrate to higher points under an open sky. Water entered the living quarters in many areas. People in the Malakyar village had to flee their homes during the night. Many families migrated to urban regions and started living with their relatives in the host cities.
A few weeks ago, videos of some female students at Loralai Medical College went viral on social media. They were carrying pots of water. They travelled great distances from their hostels and fetched water for themselves. The students have been deprived of safe drinking water. For a long time, the people of Gwadar have not had sufficient water. On several occasions they have been forced to hold street protests.
Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, is over-populated. Families that hail from quite far-flung regions (both Pashtuns and Baloch) also reside in the capital. It is mostly because unlike their ancestral villages their children have access to basic healthcare and schools. The large population needs water. However, the water supply is not sufficient. Water tankers charge around Rs 10,000 per fill. Over the years, an entire water economy has evolved in the city.
In Killa Saifullah, the agriculture has been affected the most by heavy rains. Many shepherds lost their livestock on the eve of Eid-ul-Azha. Some said they had to watch helpless their animals drowned. The already marginalised segment of the society was badly hit economically. Similar stories poured in from other parts of the province. It cannot be claimed, however, that all parts of the province received adequate media coverage.
Potable water scarcity is a serious issue. It causes poverty, illiteracy, stunted growth and security issues. The population of Balochistan is less than the city of Lahore but it is scattered over 48 percent of the land area of the country.
Many people in Balochistan do not have clean water to drink. The water table has gone down nearly a thousand feet in recent years. Installation of solar-powered tubewells, promoted by some politicians, brings only temporary relief.
When it rains, the worries of many citizens are multiplied. Rural regions are affected the most because of the poor design and construction of buildings.
Potable water scarcity is a very serious issue. It causes poverty, illiteracy, stunted growth and security issues. The population of Balochistan, less than that of the city of Lahore, is scattered over 48 percent of land area of the country.
Government policies to solve these issues have not proved compatible with the ground realities. Balochistan does not have enough dams and reservoirs to store rain water. Most of the rainwater is wasted. It flows out quickly and joins the sea, becoming unfit for drinking and other uses.
There is an opportunity for the federal and provincial governments to bring the issue to the table with the Chinese under the CPEC umbrella. The issue must be given priority. The authorities should declare a water emergency. Use of clean water for washing cars etc should be banned.
Balochistan is blessed with minerals and natural resources. It should resolve its water issue by requiring mining companies to provide water for the host communities.
The provincial government should also develop a water trade system with other provinces. In return for the water received Balochistan can provide grapes, apples, melons and watermelons to the rest of the country.
Balochistan is adjacent to Afghanistan which has sufficient water. The government should analyse this option wisely and enter a suitable arrangement with the Afghan government.
The karez system in Balochistan has become extinct. Restoring this system is not viable. A better alternative is small dams to store rainwater.
In the near future, construction and operation of such dams will likely be the best indicator of the health of the economy. It will also be a good yardstick for the sincerity of politicians.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/976186-water-management-for-balochistan
Pakistan: 100 killed, 57 injured in rain-related incidents in Balochistan province
Christians in Pakistan are victims of rape, forced marriages, and violent mobs using blasphemy laws against them
Saturday, July 23, 2022
Is Pakistan the Next Sri Lanka?
By Muhammad Akbar Notezai
Pakistan’s own economic crisis has sparked worrying comparisons to the disaster unfolding in nearby Sri Lanka. Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka housed ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa following the recent crisis, until he was forced to flee the country entirely. That continues a trend of the city, and especially its strategic deep-sea port, being in the news for all the wrong reasons. In 2017, when Sri Lanka found itself struggling to make debt repayments on time, it sold a 99-year lease of the port to the Chinese company that had constructed it for some quick cash. Many analysts and writers penned articles pointing to Hambantota as Exhibit A in the theory that China deliberately plunges developing countries into a “dept trap” by offering loans to finance extravagant infrastructure projects. Similarly, many analysts and writers who warned the same fate might befall Pakistan, where Chinese authorities have been heavily involved in investment projects, particularly under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) since 2015. Like Sri Lanka’s Hambantota, the Chinese have been heavily investing in Gwadar, the deep-sea port in Pakistan’s southwestern Balochistan province that serves as the epicenter of CPEC in Pakistan. Hence, the news about Hambantota port rang alarm bells in the corridors of power in Pakistan. Some feared that if Chinese influence further increased in Gwadar, it might follow the example of the Sri Lankan port, for all the wrong reasons. Today, the current political and economic situation has worsened tremendously in Sri Lanka, culminating in the country defaulting on its debt payments. Amid shortages of basic necessities, Sri Lankans have erupted in mass protests. And the crisis is unlikely to be resolved soon, even though the protesters have forced Rajapaksa to quit. He was replaced by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is also unpopular with the masses and seen as a symbol of the political status quo. Once again, Pakistan (among other developing countries) has come under discussion in light of the worsening situation in Sri Lanka, with questions as to whether the country may fall down the same dark path. Undoubtedly, Pakistan, too, has a shambling economy, now going from bad to worse in the wake of political uncertainty. There is gross unemployment, while the inflation rate has skyrocketed. Among other things, The News, an English national daily in Pakistan, reported recently that the value of the Pakistani rupee versus the U.S. dollar has worsened more than 4,100 percent, from just 4.76 rupees per U.S. dollar 50 years ago, in May 1972, to a whopping 200 rupees per dollar on May 18, 2022. The depreciation of the Pakistani rupee against the U.S. dollar continues its downward slide, and it stands at 225 per dollar at the time of writing, further compounding the country’s economic miseries amid dwindling foreign exchange reserves. Like Sri Lanka, Pakistan has welcomed Chinese investments to support its ailing economy. This is why some analysts argue that heavy Chinese investments in Pakistan pushed the country to the brink of economic collapse. But that narrative is an exaggeration: Most of Pakistan’s problems, especially its economic problems, are the creation of its own mismanagement, lack of planning, political uncertainty, and, above all, the deteriorating relations with neighboring countries that have had traditionally good relations with Pakistan. A case in point is the recent government of former Prime Minister Imran Khan, which came to power in 2018, allegedly with the backing of powerful security establishment. During his tenure, which came to an abrupt end in April 2022 through a no-confidence motion in the parliament, Pakistan’s relations with both Saudi Arabia and Turkey deteriorated. Traditionally close friends of Pakistan, these two countries have previously supported Pakistan in times of need. Meanwhile, China, an all-weather friend of Pakistan, remained dissatisfied with progress on CPEC projects, which slowed down under Khan’s rule. Thus as Pakistan’s economic crisis began to sink in, Islamabad’s friends were less disposed than usual to provide a bail out. Perhaps most notably, Pakistan’s ties with the United States plummeted. Washington remained furious over Pakistan’s role in supporting the Taliban in Afghanistan, to the extent that U.S. President Joe Biden did not call Khan after becoming president. The downward slide did not stop there. Khan went one step further and visited Russia in February 2022, a move bound to anger the U.S. — it happened to be the very day Moscow began its invasion of Ukraine. When he was ousted by a no-confidence vote in parliament, Khan further blamed the U.S. for his downfall. In the media and public gatherings, he claimed he was the target of a U.S. conspiracy to remove him from office. Khan’s strategy was to whip up anti-U.S. sentiments in Pakistan in order to gain votes and to woo his political opponents – and it worked. In the recent by-elections in Punjab, the most populous province in the country, his party clinched a majority of seats, thanks to his fiery speeches and the upsurge of inflation that began during his own rule. Above all, Pakistan’s powerful security establishment has extended its role and influence in all sectors, including politics. It is common knowledge in Pakistan that governments come and go with the military’s approval. But the heavy hand of the security establishment has created a stalemate in the country, preventing it from proceeding on the path of development. Most of Pakistan’s problems, including its economic and political uncertainty, emanate from this issue. For example, Pakistan’s security-centered approach to nearby terrorist groups pushed the country onto the grey list of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), with economic consequences. Successive governments have struggled to remove Islamabad from the grey list (and stay off it). On the other hand, the new government in Islamabad, led by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, is faced with myriad problems, starting with an economic crisis. In the wake of prevailing economic issues in Pakistan, the Sharif government is negotiating with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to receive $2 billion in relief funds. Yet, if the prevailing political uncertainty further increases, it will be quite hard to get this package from the IMF. For the purpose of attaining a loan package, Pakistan has reportedly taken several steps to reduce its expenditures, increase energy prices, and improve tax collection, as demanded by the IMF. But these moves are unpopular with the public and could lead to yet another change in government this fall, when elections are due. Moreover, Pakistan has a long history of running to the IMF when economic challenges become dire. Its repeated requests are proof that this is not a long-term solution to Pakistan’s economic woes. As the economic crisis continues to unfold, the parallels to Sri Lanka are becoming alarming. Like Sri Lanka, Pakistan faces a growing shortage of foreign exchange reserves, limiting its ability to import basic necessities like food and fuel. And like Sri Lanka, too, that economic turmoil is mapped onto fertile grounds for political contestation. Should the economic situation bottom out, Pakistan could also spiral into mass protests and a leadership vacuum. Noted Pakistani columnist Zahid Hussain is one of the voices warning that Pakistan must take action now to avoid Sri Lanka’s fate. “What led to Sri Lanka’s economic collapse is obvious. Crippled by the shortage of foreign exchange, the country has not been able to pay for imports of even essential commodities such as fuel. In fact, the crisis had been building up for many years as the country piled up foreign debts to the tune of $51bn,” he wrote for Dawn, a Pakistani daily. “…There are many developing countries, including Pakistan, which confront a similar predicament. We may not be in Sri Lanka’s shoes yet, but are not very far off as there are some comparable symptoms.” Unfortunately, grounded realties tell us that Pakistan is, gradually and slowly, slipping into dire economic and political uncertainty. If the policymakers of Pakistan continue to ignore the warning signs, as they have always done in the past, things may lead to a similar crisis as that unfolding in Sri Lanka. It is high time Pakistan swallowed the bitter pill of hard economic reforms before it is too late.Friday, July 22, 2022
Lack of technology prevents Pakistan from producing own Covid vaccine
https://theprint.in/world/lack-of-technology-prevents-pakistan-from-producing-own-covid-vaccine/1051430/
Thursday, July 21, 2022
Crisis and instability threaten Pakistan’s economy yet again
APARNA PANDE
Pakistan’s backing of anti-Indian, anti-Western extremism has cost it dearly as its new prime minister confronts economic misery, rising discontent and challenges from his predecessor.
Pakistan has so far managed to stave off riots and repay creditors, avoiding an economic meltdown like that seen in Sri Lanka. Still, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif’s coalition government, which took over in April 2022, is grappling with multiple political and economic crises. Pakistan’s rupee is one of the world’s worst-performing currencies, the country’s foreign exchange reserves are abysmally low, and it has been unable to attract much-needed foreign investment.
Domestic political instability and increased vulnerability to terrorism following the Taliban takeover in neighboring Afghanistan add to the country’s problems. Four years of erratic rule by former cricketer Imran Khan has deeply polarized Pakistani society. Ex-Prime Minister Khan’s claims that his ouster through a parliamentary vote of no confidence was orchestrated by the United States, with help from the army leadership, have had an unsettling effect.
Pakistan’s political class is fragmented. Its society has been radicalized further. The economy is weaker than it was four years ago, and the country is more isolated internationally. The all-powerful military establishment has been bruised by coming under criticism, first for helping Mr. Khan into office, and now for helping push him out.
Mr. Khan came to power in 2018 through the open backing of the security establishment, but his government was hobbled by poor coalition management and ineffective governance. As Pakistan’s economic crisis grew, and tensions between Prime Minister Khan and the military establishment deepened, a coalition of opposition parties used the opportunity to push a no-confidence motion against him.
Instead of facing the no-confidence motion in parliament and accepting defeat gracefully, Mr. Khan sought to hold on to power through extra-constitutional means. In the end, the Supreme Court of Pakistan intervened, supported behind closed doors by the army top brass, to ensure that the no-confidence vote took place, and a new government was sworn in.
If Pakistan’s economic crisis continues, the public may forget that it was Prime Minister Khan who is responsible for the mess
Mr. Sharif, the current prime minister, is a former chief minister of Punjab state, and the younger brother of Nawaz Sharif, a three-time prime minister. Shahbaz Sharif is a good administrator but lacks the national-level political experience critical to managing a disparate coalition. Mr. Khan, in the meantime, is applying pressure on the government and the military establishment both through social media and street protests.
Pakistan badly needs to get back on track with an International Monetary Fund (IMF) lending program, both to get through its immediate balance of payments difficulties as well as for longer-term economic stability. The political environment makes tough economic decisions, like ending subsidies and raising taxes, difficult to implement.
Economic and political challenges
Pakistan’s current crisis is the culmination of decades of fraught policies. The desire to combat a perceived existential threat from India, the country from which Pakistan was carved out in 1947, resulted in decades of unsustainable military expenditure that depended on foreign, historically American, support.
That external backing ended in part because of changing geopolitics. Rival India, not Pakistan, is now America’s ally of choice. Pakistan’s policy in Afghanistan and its support for jihadi terrorist groups targeting India have also led to a loss of Western support. Unable, or unwilling, to raise revenue from taxes and economic expansion, Pakistan has repeatedly turned to either multilateral institutions or friendly countries – in the Arab Middle East and China – for budgetary support.
The new prime minister and his foreign minister, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, have indicated their desire to reframe U.S.-Pakistan relations. However, to truly repair relations with Washington, Pakistan would have to completely revise its foreign and security policy, especially vis-a-vis India and China, which might not be possible in the short term.
Pakistan’s economy remains dependent on the export of cotton textiles, with little investment in diversification. The literacy rate stands at 52 percent, the lowest in South Asia, resulting in an unskilled labor force that migrates primarily to the Gulf and sends remittances back. Pakistan’s ratio of taxes to gross domestic product (GDP) is one of the lowest in the world and key segments of the economy, such as agriculture and some military-run corporations, are exempt from income tax. Instead of raising revenue through taxes, governments have preferred to keep giving subsidies to avoid political and social unrest.
A direct military coup is the least likely scenario but cannot be ruled out.
Mr. Khan’s poor management and the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic left Pakistan’s economy badly battered. He changed finance ministers four times in three and a half years and changed his mind on trade and investment policies frequently. In addition to a $6 billion loan from the IMF, over the last four years, Pakistan has borrowed $10 billion altogether from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and China.
To forestall balance of payments difficulties, Pakistan borrowed in 2019 from the IMF – its 22nd loan from the institution since 1958. Pakistan has a pattern of drawing the first one or two tranches from the IMF and then abandoning the program to avoid fulfilling stringent conditions for economic restructuring. Mr. Khan’s government also initially agreed to the IMF’s demands to lower fuel subsidies in February 2022 but reinstated them once its ouster became imminent.
Though it was a difficult decision politically, Mr. Sharif’s government has rolled back the fuel subsidies and the IMF is expected to release the next tranche of its loan soon. But there is still no quick fix for Pakistan’s economic predicament. Rising utility costs and food prices, and a potential hike in interest rates, will slow industrial activity. That would hurt employment and add to the likelihood of street protests that are already being incited by Mr. Khan and his followers.
This vicious cycle will be difficult to break, even more so at a time when the global economy is recovering from the dual blows of Covid-19 and Russia’s war on Ukraine. Further, Pakistan has refused to open trade with its largest neighbor, India, because it is anathema to Pakistan’s ubiquitous security establishment.
For decades, Pakistan’s military establishment has intervened, directly and indirectly, in Pakistani politics to choose winners and losers. They once chose Mr. Khan but have now discarded him. The former prime minister is using the army’s own playbook against them: blaming everything on a foreign conspiracy, using anti-Americanism and pan-Islamism to rally support on the streets, and labeling anyone who disagrees with him – including military leaders – as anti-national.
The army is finding it difficult to fight an ideology it crafted and the monsters that it created. There are enough people within the lower and middle ranks of the military, in the media, and within the middle class in Pakistani society who believe Mr. Khan’s narrative, as it echoes what is taught in the educational curriculum.
Scenarios
The three key actors right now are the coalition government, the military-intelligence establishment and ex-Prime Minister Khan. The current army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, is reluctant to intervene in politics directly and is still bruised from supporting Mr. Khan for the last four years. Prime Minister Sharif is a good administrator, but his experience in provincial politics might not transfer effectively to national politics. The quicker he solves some of Pakistan’s economic challenges, the better it is for him, irrespective of when the next elections are held.
If Pakistan’s economic crisis continues, the public may forget that it was Prime Minister Khan who is responsible for the mess. Mr. Khan will try to generate chaos, believing that the more he pushes Pakistan to the brink, the more the army is likely to help bring him back to power as the savior.
A wild card in all these scenarios is the role of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which could upend the situation by disallowing certain politicians from participating in elections or striking down policies. Historically the court has sided with the military-intelligence establishment. Recent years, however, have witnessed judicial activism that has underlying Islamist and populist elements.
The timing of the next elections is important. The next army chief is scheduled to be appointed by the prime minister in November. All major actors – the political parties, the army, and the judiciary – would like their favored person to be prime minister when that decision is made.
The most likely scenario is that things continue as they are right now with the coalition government managing to stay afloat with tacit backing from the military. Neither the coalition government nor the army have any incentive in rocking this rickety boat and both need the next tranche of the IMF loan to come through quickly. Mr. Khan’s momentum is dissipating and, as of now, he has backed off when threatened with imprisonment.
In this scenario, Prime Minister Sharif would extend the current army chief’s tenure by a year and hold general elections, in which his coalition would then win the army’s support. Alternatively, Mr. Sharif could appoint a new army chief as advised by the incumbent.
If the IMF delays the next tranche of its loan and even friendly Gulf states – like the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia – are slow to offer support, there could be a real threat of Pakistan’s default on debts. In that second, less likely, scenario, the army might install an interim caretaker government to stabilize the economy. Such a caretaker government would comprise technocrats and retired politicians and judges and would have a limited mandate.
A direct military coup is the least likely scenario but cannot be ruled out. If the politicians continue to squabble, and an interim government fails to restore economic health, General Bajwa or his successor could take over, promising to clean up the political and economic mess. Deep divisions within the army make such a scenario possible but not very likely. If Mr. Khan and his reverential following threaten violence and the current prime minister asks the army to put down the violence, the possibility of direct army intervention would increase.
https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/pakistan-crisis-economy/
#Pakistan #ppp - Bakhtawar Bhutto slams Imran Khan for allegations against Asif Ali Zardari
Following the allegations, Bakhtawar, while taking to her Twitter account, warned Khan and stated: "Why don’t you take your obsession with proof to the court, otherwise you will be hearing from our lawyers for defamation and lies."
"Still not over the absolutely no phone call? Why don’t you take your obsession with proof to the court," she wrote, adding that she pities the PTI Chairman as he has never read the Constitution as nothing will save him from committing treason.
Pakistan’s Council of Islamic Ideology - Ignorance from the 7th century is still in effect. - Theocracy in the 21st Century
https://www.newsweekpakistan.com/theocracy-in-the-21st-century/
Monday, July 18, 2022
Sunday, July 17, 2022
International Relations – What’s in it for the Common Man?
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto took reins of a country in anarchic conditions, this undeveloped and war-shattered Pakistan was facing an international economic crisis. As soon as ZAB took the oath, he started visiting different countries to strengthen Pakistan’s ties with the international world. His foreign policy paid dividends and the world came to rescue Pakistan from difficult conditions by investing in different sectors. The economic cooperation from China, the Soviet Union, Iran, Saudi Arabia, U.A.E. and Libya are worth mentioning which resulted in the establishment of fertilizer plants, an oil refinery, Port Qasim, the Heavy Mechanical Complex, the Heavy Foundry and Forge near Taxila, self-sufficiency in wheat production, roads infrastructure, hospitals, educational institutes, nuclear reprocessing plant and the steel mill. All these projects led to the creation of hundreds of thousands of job opportunities and the reduction of poverty in Pakistan. Moreover, the government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto persuaded the Gulf countries to encourage both skilled and unskilled men from Pakistan to work there. In 1979, it was estimated that the Pakistani workforce in the Middle East lay somewhere around one million. Remittances sent by the migrants not only helped in building the country’s foreign exchange reserves and in providing a balance of payment support, which thus contributed to greater economic development but also provided necessary income support to their families. Similarly, when Shaheed BB came to power, she visited Iran, Turkey, China, US, UK, Switzerland, Korea, France, and Germany, among other countries, to convince business leaders of the viability of investing in Pakistan and to stress the potential for lucrative returns that such investment offers. SMBB succeeded in bringing Pakistan into the modern era. She brought fiber optic technology, cellular phones, and Internet technology to Pakistan. By early 1994, Telecom Australia started working on a $40 million contract to lay fiber optic cable from Karachi to Islamabad. During the same time, other foreign telecommunications companies, including Alcatel, Siemens, Ericsson, and Cable and Wireless had also begun installing digital communications networks in the Sindh, Punjab, and KP provinces. By mid-1994, 5430 telex lines had been installed, and a cellular mobile telephone system had been introduced.
https://en.humsub.com.pk/4261/international-relations-whats-in-it-for-the-common-man-2/