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Saturday, September 4, 2021
Don’t Assume a Taliban-Ruled Afghanistan Means Smooth Sailing for Pakistan
Don’t Assume a Taliban-Ruled Afghanistan Means Smooth Sailing for Pakistan.With the withdrawal of the U.S.-led coalition forces from Afghanistan and reclamation of political power by the Afghan Taliban, countries in the region are shifting to respond to the emerging scenarios. For nearby countries like China, Russia, the Central Asian republics, India, and Pakistan, the political, economic, and security stakes in Afghanistan remain high. To Afghanistan’s east, Pakistan has been preparing to cope with the changing political and security dynamics in Afghanistan, and whatever may follow in the future. From pressing for a politically inclusive settlement to evacuations and delivery of medical supplies, Islamabad is trying to keep its position in Afghanistan strong. As simple as it may sound, engaging with the Taliban will not be an easy affair for Islamabad. Contrary to the general belief that Islamabad exercises considerable leverage over the Afghan Taliban, the coming days may reveal the limitations of Pakistan’s influence. The Taliban of today possess a renewed vigor. The group has emerged as a dominant political force in Afghanistan, poised to assume the reins of government. The United States’ direct talks with the Taliban, resulting in a U.S. withdrawal, and the unexpectedly quick fall of Kabul have bolstered the Taliban’s image as victors in a war against a mighty superpower. Moreover, the world’s major powers, European states, and the world at large, have developed the uneasy understanding that Taliban are a political reality in Afghanistan. Hence, the Taliban’s power quotient, domestically and internationally, has considerably risen since the last time they were in power. Pakistan is no longer their only option for international support. Even during the last period of Taliban rule, Pakistan’s leverage over the Afghan Taliban was overestimated. Pakistan remained unable to exercise its leverage on the issue of Durand Line, which is a key national security concern for Islamabad. During the Taliban’s rule in the 1990s, Pakistan was unable to pressure the Taliban into observing human rights. These examples are telling of the limits of Pakistan’s leverage over the Afghan Taliban. Most recently, three incidents particularly raise concerns over how Pakistan’s engagement with the Afghan Taliban will evolve. First, the Taliban freed Pul-e-Charkhi prisoners which included a senior TTP commander Maulvi Faqir Muhammad. Second is the Afghan Taliban’s display of discontent over the fencing of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. And third are the Afghan Taliban’s claim that the issue of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has to be dealt by Pakistan, and not Afghanistan, though Islamabad has long complained that TTP militants find safe harbor across the border.Pakistan is closely following the developments in Afghanistan. This focus on Afghanistan stems from the idea that any untoward development in Afghanistan will have a direct and impactful bearing on Pakistan. To put this into perspective: Pakistan lost over 80,000 lives and suffered over $150 billion worth of economic losses owing to the global war on terror in Afghanistan. Therefore, for Pakistan, a politically negotiated settlement is the only viable way to stability in Afghanistan. This policy orientation hinges on Pakistan’s desire for a stable Afghanistan — one without the internecine power struggles that provide operational spaces for militant groups. In tandem, Pakistan sees engagement with Afghanistan as a bedrock for encouraging the Afghan Taliban to conduct themselves responsibly in world politics. Pakistan’s concerns help explain its actions since the fall of Kabul to the Taliban. From August 14 to August 28, Pakistan had evacuated more than 7,000 foreigners from Afghanistan, via some 400 special flights. Pakistan International Airlines was the first airline to carry medical supplies to Afghanistan on August 30. The plane flew from Dubai to the city of Mazar-i-Sharif, carrying 12.5 tonnes of supplies. Pakistan is engaging with the Afghan Taliban, but this engagement should be cautiously delimited by Pakistan’s prime national security interests. Anti-Pakistan militancy is the primary concern. Apart from the threat of militancy, three other major issues should form the basis of Pakistan’s security calculus vis-a-vis Afghanistan: mutual border management, repatriation of Afghan refugees from Pakistan, and an earnest commitment by the Taliban government to human rights. In particular, anything less than the Afghan Taliban’s active role in taking on anti-Pakistan militants operating on Afghan soil and mutual border management should be unacceptable to Pakistan. Pakistan has long pressed the Afghan Taliban to crack down on TTP and Islamic State Khorasan (ISK, also referred to as ISIS-K). While the Taliban are fighting against ISK, they have not taken decisive action against the TTP. On the issue of the TTP, while speaking on a talk show on August 29, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said; “The issue of the TTP is one that Pakistan will have to deal with, not Afghanistan.” That is a worrying sign of the Afghan Taliban’s interest in tackling the issue. Hence, how the TTP question will develop Pakistan remains to be seen. In particular, Islamabad must press the issue of TTP leadership residing in Afghanistan. Pakistan considers border management critical for beefing up its security against terrorist infiltration, terror attacks, and illegal border transgressions from Afghanistan. Historically, management of the border has remained a contentious issue owing to Afghanistan’s refusal to recognize the Durand line. In fact, contesting the legality of the Durand line as an international boundary can be considered as one of the few issues that unites the differing Afghan political factions. While Pakistan has unilaterally fenced around 90 percent of the border, it must continue to pressure Afghanistan to initiate border patrolling at the Afghan side. To give perspective, attacks against Pakistani forces along the border have continued even after Kabul’s fall to the Taliban. The repatriation of Afghan refugees from Pakistan and Afghanistan’s commitment to human rights can be viewed as two sides of the same coin. Currently, Pakistan is hosting over 4 million Afghan refugees (around 90 percent of the total Afghan diaspora). So far, Pakistan has not registered any new incoming refugees. However, this should not dilute Islamabad’s concerns over the issue of refugees. In this regard, Islamabad will need meaningful engagement with the Taliban, prioritizing the facilitation of a formal repatriation of Afghan refugees. The Taliban should also be pushed to forge a domestic environment that is conducive to refugee repatriation. The issue of human rights under Taliban rule generally gains the most traction in external audiences. While the Afghan Taliban are notorious for their human rights violations, we should not forget that Afghanistan’s human rights crisis has continued even under other governments. To put this into perspective, a 2013 report by the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada revealed how gross human rights violations by the power elites remained a characteristic feature of Afghan society even under the U.S.-backed government. However, fears over an escalation of human rights violations under the Taliban rule are justified due to the group’s history. Human rights violations should be condemned irrespective of who is in power; for Pakistan, there is also the practical concern that abuses in Afghanistan will translate into an expanding refugee crisis. In terms of geoeconomics, which is the overarching theme of Islamabad’s foreign policy currently, Afghanistan remains vital for Pakistan. Historically, policymakers in Pakistan had largely viewed Afghanistan through a geostrategic lens. While Pakistan may seek to approach Afghanistan with a multidimensional, economically-driven approach in the longer run, the overriding focus on security cannot be overcome unless these issues are addressed. Hence, more than anything, political stability in Afghanistan remains paramount for Pakistan. As of now, Pakistan is trying to secure its interests in Afghanistan, while remaining in step with the international community. As a first step, Pakistan decided to await other countries’ recognition of the Taliban’s government in Afghanistan and refrained from recognizing it right away. This posture could be understood as Pakistan’s diplomatic move to remind the Taliban that Pakistan is not an unconditional backer; a give-and-take will form the basis of Pakistan’s engagement with the Taliban. Islamabad’s Afghan policy needs to be prepared for many topsy-turvy developments. It is still highly uncertain if the Taliban will establish an all-inclusive government by peaceful negotiation or consolidate their control through military might. Other unanswered questions include the extent of political and military resistance to the Taliban, how far the new government will decentralize and devolve power to local authorities, and much more. Afghanistan’s stability is the most desirable scenario for Pakistan. Like any other country, national security imperatives are and shall remain foremost for Pakistan. However, the resources that Pakistan has at its disposal, including its much-hyped influence over the Taliban, are limited. Pakistan may seek to be a partner in peace, but the responsibility of ensuring a peaceful Afghanistan lies on the bigger players. Stability in Afghanistan has to qualify as a concern for the international community at large. Multilateralism was not an option after the Soviet Army withdrew; it must be the choice following the U.S. withdrawal.
https://thediplomat.com/2021/09/dont-assume-a-taliban-ruled-afghanistan-means-smooth-sailing-for-pakistan/
Top Pakistani official travels to Afghanistan
https://thehill.com/policy/international/middle-east-north-africa/570836-top-pakistani-official-travels-to-afghanistan
Notable politicians join PPP during Chairman Bilawal’s Multan visit
We have to take forward the legacy of the elders of the Pakistan Peoples Party and this is our obligation to fulfill that dream of people’s prosperity and wellbeing. Quaid-e-Awam Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had founded this party to serve the people. Quaid-e-Awam had promised to give “Roti, Kapra aur Makan” but the present ruler who is selected is snatching these things from the poor people. Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto had provided jobs to thousands of youngsters during her government in1993-1996 so that the economy of the country could stand on its own feet. Then Mian Sahib during his government sacked those employees but in the next PPP government, our Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani reinstated them through the parliament. Now this selected government has sacked those 20,000 employees again.
The common man of this country is suffering from historic unemployment, poverty and inflation due to this selected government. We can take the country and its people out of this quagmire through the ideology of Quaid-e-Awam and the manifesto of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. We all have to work together to convince people that if we want to save Pakistan then we have to support the Pakistan Peoples Party. Insha Allah, we will form the next government, and once again there will be Awami raj.
He said this while addressing party workers at the residence of late Syed Nazim Hussain Shah. He condoled with his sons Liaqat Ali Shah and Barrister Mudassir Hussain Shah on the passing away of their parents late Syed Nazim Hussain Shah and Mrs. Nazim Hussain Shah. He said that Nazim Hussain Shah’s services for the party and the common people are unforgettable.Chairman PPP arrived in Multan this morning and spent a very busy day meeting political leaders of the area and visiting residences of notable PPP leaders who have passed away recently to condole with the families of departed souls and offering fateha. Large numbers of PPP workers gave a roaring reception to their Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari at Syedan Wala Bypass, Shershah road and other places. Rose petals were showered on the cavalcade.
Twice elected member National Assembly from Layyah and former federal minister Bahadur Khan Sehar called on Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and invited the Chairman for dinner at his place on 11 September which was happily accepted by Chairman Bilawal. Bahadur Khan Sehar will formally announce joining the party at that event. Former Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani and Makhdoom Ahmed Mehmood were also present at the meeting.
Earlier a ticket holder of Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q), Mian Mazhar Abbas and MQM ticket holder from Muzaffar Garh, Amjad Ali Amjad called on the Chairman PPP and announced joining PPP. Makhdoom Ahmed Mehmood, Khawaja Rizwan Alam, Natasha Doulatana, Haider Zaman Qureshi, Basroji, Abdul Qadir Shaheen, Hasan Murtaza and Shahzad Saeed Cheema were also present on the occasion.
During the day, Chairman Bilawal spoke to the opposition leader in the National Assembly Shahbaz Sharif and discussed the political situation and the appointment of members Election Commission of Pakistan.
Chairman Bilawal visited the residence of general secretary PPP Multan, A D Khan Baloch and condoled his brother’s death and offered fateha. Chairman PPP also visited the residence of former senior deputy president PPP Multan, Ali Haider Zaman Gardezi and condoled with him on his brother Col R Nasir Zaman Gardezi’s death and offered fateha for the departed soul. Rao Sajid, Abdul Qadir Shaheen and Haider Zaman Qureshi were also present during these visits.
Friday, September 3, 2021
U.S. presses Pakistan as Afghan crisis spirals, leaked docs show
By NAHAL TOOSI
Pakistan’s ambassador questioned reports of Taliban reprisals as U.S. diplomats struggle with refugee arrivals.The Biden administration is quietly pressing Pakistan to cooperate on fighting terrorist groups such as ISIS-K and Al Qaeda in the wake of the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. In response, Pakistan — long accused by U.S. officials of aiding the Afghan Taliban — has hinted that Islamabad deserves more public recognition of its role in helping people now fleeing Afghanistan, even as it has downplayed fears of what Taliban rule of the country could mean.These exchanges and others, described in emails, sensitive but unclassified cables and other written materials obtained by POLITICO, offer a glimpse into how tensions between Washington and Islamabad linger after two decades of war in Afghanistan. They suggest that the two governments are far from lockstep on the road ahead, even now that the United States has pulled its troops from Afghanistan.In one discussion with a U.S. official, for instance, Pakistani Ambassador to the United States Asad Majeed Khan appeared to question reports that the Taliban are carrying out revenge attacks in Afghanistan — including claims that the group has been executing its perceived enemies in door-to-door raids. Khan told the American official that, according to Pakistani “ground observations,” the Afghan Taliban “were not seeking retribution, and in fact were going home to home to assure Afghans that there will not be reprisals,” according to parts of a memo circulated among U.S. diplomats. The U.S. official, Ervin Massinga of the State Department, is described as noting that “he has seen reporting to the contrary and hopes the Taliban do not seek revenge.” Meanwhile, in Islamabad, the U.S. embassy is being strained by the Afghan refugee crisis. U.S. diplomats were scrambling just days ago to get answers from Washington to an array of questions about how to handle the influx of people arriving in Pakistan from neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistani officials at the embassy in Washington and beyond did not immediately offer comment for this story. A spokesperson for the State Department said, “We don’t comment on leaked documents, nor do we comment on private diplomatic conversations.” The Biden administration has been unusually circumspect about revealing its contacts and discussions with Pakistan. While Pakistan’s actions often appear at odds with the United States, it nonetheless is a nation with links to the Afghan Taliban whose cooperation on fighting terrorism can be helpful. It’s also a nuclear-armed country American officials would prefer not to lose entirely to Chinese influence.
President Joe Biden has not spoken yet with Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan. Khan’s wait for a call from the American leader has been the stuff of Pakistani media gossip and memes. In the past month, as the Taliban made rapid gains across Afghanistan, Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke directly only once to Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi, according to what’s been made public by the State Department. Readouts of these diplomatic calls are usually so bland as to be useless to observers and the press, but this one, from Aug. 16, was unusually devoid of detail. About a week earlier, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin spoke with Pakistan’s Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa. Biden’s national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, met with his Pakistani counterpart, Moeed Yusuf, in late July — a meeting confirmed via a Sullivan tweet but no White House readout. “It’s clear that the Biden administration from the top levels seems to have pretty deep reservations about Pakistan, born of years of experience, and is not willing to either give Pakistan a pass or kudos for anything that Pakistan might like,” said Daniel Markey, a South Asia specialist who served at the State Department from 2003 to 2007. In the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, as the United States invaded Afghanistan to topple the Taliban regime at the time, U.S. officials leaned on Pakistan for help. Pakistan cooperated to some degree, especially in late 2001, but critics say it has played a double game ever since. Pakistani security forces had long fostered the Afghan Taliban, effectively supporting their harsh rule in 1990s Afghanistan. Following the U.S. invasion, Islamabad is alleged to have harbored Taliban leaders and fighters on its soil, undermining U.S. efforts to defeat the Islamist militia. Some analysts also suspect Pakistani training and tactical assistance helped the Taliban quickly sweep to power in Afghanistan over the past month. Former officials say that, among other reasons for its support, Pakistan sees the Afghan Taliban as a partner in any future fight against rival India. Pakistan also helped deliver Afghan Taliban leaders to peace talks with the United States and the now-fallen Afghan government, even as Islamabad has long officially dismissed the idea that it actively supports the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan has been more helpful to the United States in its fight against Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, but even that cooperation has been questioned. It was in Abbottabad, Pakistan, after all, that the United States found and killed Al Qaeda chief and Sept. 11 mastermind Osama bin Laden in 2011. The Pakistani government denied knowing he was there.That said, Pakistani help in tracking down and targeting terrorist targets in Afghanistan now that the U.S. has withdrawn troops would be “useful, if you can get it,” a former senior U.S. diplomat said. Getting humanitarian aid to Afghanistan in the future may require using supply lines that run through Pakistan, the former diplomat added.The Afghan Taliban’s triumph in August may not prove a long-term victory for Pakistan. The win has emboldened groups like the Pakistani Taliban, who have long used terrorist attacks and other means to try to overthrow the Pakistani government. The refugee crisis sparked by the Taliban’s victory in Afghanistan, too, is sure to test Pakistan, which already hosted numerous people displaced from the neighboring country. The meeting between Massinga and Khan took place on Aug. 26, the day that some 170 Afghans and 13 U.S. troops were killed in a bombing at the Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, which the U.S. was using to help evacuate at-risk Afghans, Americans and others. U.S. officials blamed the attack, which also wounded many people, on ISIS-K, an offshoot of the Islamic State terrorist organization and a rival of the Afghan Taliban. The Pakistani ambassador offered condolences and the use of Pakistani medical facilities, according to the description of the meeting. Massinga used the moment to indicate that Pakistan could help on other fronts. “Acknowledging the tragedy, Massinga underscored the mutual interest Pakistan and the United States have in targeting ISIS-K and al-Qa’ida,” the description states. In response, the Pakistani ambassador “acknowledged ISIS-K was a common enemy for the Taliban as well.” Massinga expressed appreciation for Pakistan’s role in helping evacuees get out of Afghanistan, according to the meeting notes. The portions seen by POLITICO did not specify exactly what Pakistan was doing. At one point in the talk, however, “Khan intimated the Pakistani government would also appreciate public acknowledgment for the country’s assistance on the evacuation front.” (An Aug. 20 statement of gratitude from Blinken to several countries for their help in the evacuations did not mention Pakistan, but earlier this week the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad tweeted its appreciation for Pakistan’s support.) Aside from his questioning of the reports about Taliban reprisals, Khan at other moments appeared to be defensive of the Afghan Taliban. The Pakistani ambassador “claimed the Taliban were not stopping any third country nationals from getting to [the Kabul airport], but acknowledged there were some issues with Afghans getting through checkpoints.” Khan also highlighted Pakistan’s “effort in pushing the Taliban (while acknowledging it was increasingly difficult to get in contact with them) to form an inclusive government in Kabul.” Lisa Curtis, who was a senior National Security Council official dealing with Afghanistan and Pakistan during the presidency of Donald Trump, said Islamabad and Washington appear to remain far apart on how Pakistan can be helpful in Afghanistan. “If anybody is arguing that we need Pakistan’s support to try to moderate Taliban behavior, I think they should remember that we didn’t get that support for 20 years, so we’re unlikely to get it now that the Taliban is in power in Afghanistan,” she said. A separate message obtained by POLITICO contains an Aug. 28 cable described as “an urgent request for guidance” on how to deal with “a rapidly increasing number of requests to assist Afghans in Pakistan” who were or claimed to be eligible for resettlement to the United States. In many of the cases, the embassy referred inquiries to the United Nations refugee agency or partner NGOs. But it was struggling to handle requests “from offices within the State Department and the interagency — as well as from international organizations, sponsors, and individual applicants, some of whom have appeared in person” to deal with myriad specific cases that included helping people arriving at the Afghan-Pakistan border. The embassy officials asked for guidance on several questions, such as how they should help Afghans with a Special Immigrant Visa application “in process but not yet approved,” and those who say they are eligible for that visa program or others but who have no referrals on file. Embassy officials indicated that things would only get harder. “The pace of these requests is creating an ad hoc system of responses that both taxes mission resources and increases potential confusion over guidance and responsibilities,” the cable states. “Moreover, we assess that the number of these requests is likely to dramatically increase as operations shift from evacuating Kabul by air to assisting individuals who cross into Pakistan over land.” Two days later, on Aug. 30, the embassy issued a staff notice, obtained by POLITICO, announcing it was creating a “task force for Afghanistan-Pakistan issues.” The goal of the unit, the notice said, is “to lead and coordinate the mission’s response to humanitarian, refugee, evacuee, and related issues associated with Afghanistan.” By signing up you agree to allow POLITICO to collect your user information and use it to better recommend content to you, send you email newsletters or updates from POLITICO, and share insights based on aggregated user information. 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پی پی پی عوام کو روزگار دیتی ہے، جبکہ عمران خان اور میاں نواز شریف کے ادوار میں لوگوں سے نوکریاں چھین لی جاتی ہیں۔چیئرمین پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری
پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ ان کی جماعت پاکستان کو بچانے نکلی ہے
عوام میرا ساتھ دیں۔ انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ پی پی پی عوام کو روزگار دیتی ہے، جبکہ عمران خان اور میاں نواز شریف کے ادوار میں لوگوں سے نوکریاں چھین لی جاتی ہیں۔ ضلع گھوٹکی کے علاقے بشیرآباد میں سینیٹر جام مہتاب ڈہر کی رہائش گاہ پر معززینِ علاقہ، پارٹی کارکنان و عہدیداران سے ملاقات کے موقعے پر خطاب کرتے ہوئے پی پی پی چیئرمین نے کہا کہ ہم سب نے مِل کر اس ظالم، نااہل، ناکام ترین اور ناجائز حکومت کو بھگانا ہے، جس نے عوام کے ووٹ، جیب اور پیٹ پر ڈاکہ ڈالا ہے۔ موجودہ حکومت نے پانی، گئس اور حقِ روزگار پر بھی ڈاکہ ڈالا ہے۔ چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ عوام کو ریلیف صرف تب ہی ملا ہے، جب پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومت آتی ہے۔
انہوں نے نشاندہی کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ پی پی پی کی گذشتہ حکومت کے دوران تنخواہوں میں 120 فیصد اور پینشنز میں 100 فیصد اضافہ کیا گیا، جبکہ میاں صاحب اور خان صاحب کے دور میں ایسا نہیں ہوتا۔ بینظیر انکم سپورٹ پروگرام جیسے منصوبوں کا آغاز کیا جاتا ہے، جس سے غریب خواتین کی مالی معاونت ہوتی ہے۔ چیئرمین پی پی پی نے کہا کہ سندھ کی عوامی حکومت کا پیپلز پاورٹی رڈکشن پروگرام بھی بینظیر انکم سپورٹ پروگرام کی طرح ایک انقلابی پروگرام ہے۔ ہم چاہتے ہیں کہ ہر صوبے میں ایسی حکومت ہو، جو عوام کو ریلیف دے۔ چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری کا کہنا تھا کہ خانصاحب اور میاں صاحب نے ہمیشہ بوجھ عوام پر ڈالا ہے۔
شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو اور شہید محترمہ بینظیر بھٹو نے ہمیں یہ سکھایا ہے کہ اگر غریب آدمی کو معاشی طور پر مضبوط کیا جائے گا، تو اس سے پوری معیشت طاقتور ہوگی۔ اگر عام آدمی کے بجائے امیر آدمی کو فوائد پہنچائے جائیں تو وہ سرمائے کو خرچ کرنے کے بجائے محفوظ کرلیتا ہے جس سے معیشت کو فائدہ نہیں ہوتا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ عمران خان کی بجیٹ میں ریئل اسٹیٹ اور بئنکرز سمیت امیروں کو ایمنسٹی دی جاتی ہے، لیکن عام آدمی کے لیئے کوئی ایمنسٹی نہیں ہوتی۔ عام آدمی کے لیئے ہر مہینے پئٹرول، گئس، کھانے پینے کی اشیاء کی قیمتوں میں اضافہ کیا جاتا ہے۔
چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ ہم سمجھتے ہیں کہ معاشی بحرانوں میں جتنا زیادہ لوگوں کو روزگار ملے گا، تو معیشت آگے بڑھے گی۔ لیکن وہ لوگ سمجھتے ہیں کہ جتنے کم ملازمین ہوں گے، خزانے پر اتنا کم بوجھ پڑے گا۔ جبکہ ہم سمجھتے ہیں کہ جتنے زیادہ لوگوں کے پاس روزگار ہوگا، اتنے زیادہ لوگوں کے پاس پئسہ ہوگا، اور وہ پئسہ ملک کی معیشت کو چلائے گا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ شہید محترمہ بینظیر بھٹو کے دور میں ملازمتیں حاصل کرنے والے 20 ہزار لوگوں کو باوجود پارلیمان کی جانب سے بحال کیئے جانے کے باوجود دوبارہ برطرف کردیا گیا ہے۔ .
دریں اثناء، چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری کو سینیٹر جام مہتاب ڈہر نے سندھ کی روایتی اجرک اور ٹوپی پہنائی گئی۔ اس موقعے پر وزیراعلی سندھ سید مراد علی شاہ، ناصر حسین شاہ، مکیش چاولہ اور دیگر رہنما بھی موجود تھے۔
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/25426/
Not just under Taliban, data shows Sharia law hardly ever lets freedom flourish
ThePrint uses studies by reputed international researchers to see whether Sharia and personal freedoms are as mutually exclusive as critics make them out to be.Images of Afghans rushing to the Kabul airport to try and get out of the country as the Taliban recaptured power last month have been etched into the collective memory of the world. The Taliban intend to make an Islamic emirate out of the strife-torn country, where Sharia will be the law of the land. And dozens of incidents in the last month alone have shown how individual freedoms are being hampered under the religious law, despite the Taliban projecting themselves as less hardline than before. Sharia is derived from the Quran and the Hadiths — the statements, actions and teachings of Prophet Muhammad. In most Islamic countries, Sharia finds its place in personal and legal matters. Lexico, a website powered by Oxford University Press dictionaries, says Sharia “prescrib(es) both religious and secular duties and sometimes retributive penalties for lawbreaking. It has generally been supplemented by legislation adapted to the conditions of the day, though the manner in which it should be applied in modern states is a subject of dispute between Muslim traditionalists and reformists”. However, critics like author Taslima Nasreen have said the Afghans, especially women, are actually trying to flee Sharia law, and the personal freedoms it restricts. ThePrint dives deep into data from reputed international researchers to see whether Sharia and personal freedoms are as mutually exclusive as Nasreen and other critics make them out to be. Sharia and personal freedoms Across different Islamic countries, the percentage of laws based on Sharia varies widely, making it difficult to gauge just how much the religious law impacts their current rules and regulations. But for the purpose of this report, two data sets have been used — one, a 2013 survey by US-based think-tank Pew Research Center, which asked respondents about their approval for Sharia to be the official law of their country; and two, the 2016 edition of the annual Human Freedom Index released by US-based think-tank CATO Institute, in collaboration with Canada’s Fraser Institute. The 2016 edition is the earliest available for comparison. The Human Freedom Index is based on 34 personal freedom indicators and 42 economic freedom indicators. The personal freedom index broadly measures two categories — legal protection and security (which includes civil justice, security of people from terror and women’s safety), and specific personal freedoms (which includes freedoms pertaining to movement, religion, civil society, expression and information and identity and relationships). ThePrint’s analysis of 23 Muslim-majority countries on these indices shows that personal freedom and preference for Sharia are moderately correlated with each other, with a negative relationship (coefficient of correlation = -0.57). This means that countries where Sharia has a strong approval are also the ones where individual freedoms are limited.
The correlation between people's preference for Sharia law and personal freedoms
Personal freedom Score
% Favouring Sharia
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania, the two Muslim-majority countries in eastern Europe, where individuals were freer than the global average score, had the lowest approval for Sharia as the law of the land — around 10-12 per cent.But in the rest of the Muslim-majority countries, people enjoyed less freedom than the global average. Iraq, where the personal freedom score was the lowest in the Human Freedom Index, had 91 per cent respondents favouring Sharia as their country’s law in the Pew survey. Egypt, Bangladesh and Pakistan are other prominent examples of people wanting Sharia law, and possessing low levels of freedom. Democracy essential for freedom The next question to be studied is just why Islamic countries rate poorly on personal freedoms — the key lies in the absence of democracy in many of them.According to a study by Mustafa Akyol, senior fellow at the CATO Institute in Washington D.C. and expert on Islam and modernity, there exists a strong positive correlation between democracy and human freedom. The more successful a democracy is, the more individual freedom it offers.The 2020 edition of the Human Freedom Index report also shows that there is a high degree of positive correlation between human freedoms and the level of democracy, and not just in Islamic countries. Authoritarian regimes like China, Venezuela and North Korea have the lowest human freedom scores.
Islamic countries dominate the list of authoritarian regimes
Share of countries in the EIU's authoritarian regimes
Islamic
Christian
Others
The Economist magazine’s Intelligence Unit also publishes an annual Democracy Index, which ranks countries based on the quality of democracy — full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes. In the last four years, of the 50-55 authoritarian regimes in the index, more than half are from Muslim-majority countries. In the 2020 rankings, about 13 Muslim-majority nations featured in the bottom 20 of the Democracy Index.Islam and democracy According to a paper by the United States Institute of Peace, an American think-tank working in conflict management, the reasons for the high level of authoritarianism in Islamic countries are political, economic, cultural and historical, more than religious. The paper states that a vast majority of Muslim thinkers are opposed to democracy because it gives more value to the law created by humans over the law laid down by Allah. But there also exists a school of thought that is in favour of new ideas, practices and institutions. “(This school) stresses the need for continuity of basic Islamic traditions but believes that Islamic law (Sharia) is historically conditioned and needs to be reinterpreted in light of the changing needs of modern society,” the paper states. According to Hilal Ahmed, a scholar of political Islam and associate professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), “Islam and Sharia and even the notion of democracy are highly diversified concepts. This heterogeneity should be recognised as a precondition to talk about the complex ways in which these ideas are used in the Muslim world”. “One may identify two observable trends. First, the authoritarian regimes such as Saudi Arabia evoke Sharia to legitimise their rule in the name of Islam. These regimes suppress dissent to establish Sharia. They always take refuge in the conventional binary between Sharia and democracy,” Ahmed told ThePrint. Sultan Shahin, editor of New Age Islam, a progressive website working on rethinking Islamic postulates, said problems exist in the Sharia too. “With the concept of ‘Shura’ (consultation) placed in the Quran, Islamic countries should not have dynasties and monarchies at all, but that’s not the case. The Sharia law is based on the interpretation of the Quran which came about 150-200 years after the Prophet died,” he told ThePrint. The Arab Spring revolutions of the last decade had produced hope that the Islamic world would turn towards democracy, but it has proven to be a false hope. Asked how democracy, which is essential to personal freedoms, can take hold in the Islamic world, Ahmed said: “There is a serious lack of intellectual work as well as political debates on this question in these countries. In my view, there is a need to evolve a democratic system suitable for the adherents of Islam, instead of evoking outdated intellectual claims such as the Islamic notion of democracy.” Meanwhile, Shahin said while the Quran cannot be changed, there is scope for improvement in the Sharia law, and that through various instruments available in Islam, Muslim scholars can ameliorate the situation. “If they believe that the objective of Sharia is to bring harmony and restricting human rights is causing disharmony, they might even change the law,” he said. “Of course, that will only happen if Ulema (Muslim scholars) decide to follow Islamic rules about human rights. At the moment, Ulema, who should have been the biggest defenders and propagators of human rights, are its biggest violators across the world,” he opined. https://theprint.in/world/not-just-under-taliban-data-shows-sharia-law-hardly-ever-lets-freedom-flourish/727065/



