http://abna.ir/On 29 July 2013, Saudi Wahhabi security forces surrounded the house of human rights activist, Abbas Ali Mohammed Al-Mazra, 28 years, from Al-Awamiya town who figured on a list of 23 Shiites wanted in the Shiite village of Al-Awamiya in Eastern Province. The citizen Al-Mazra was with his mother and brothers when the forces stormed into the house firing live-bullets. The forces searched another apartments belonged to Al-Mazra's brothers. Abbas Al-Mazra and six of his brothers, Salim, Mahdi, Mohammad, Faris, Salih and Mohsen, were being beaten by security forces as they lay handcuffed on the floor. Saudi security also arrested the citizen, Mohammad al-Thoweimer, Al-Mazra's neighbor, as he going to his work. The forces moved the prisoners to the police station with Al-Mazra's mother, his brothers' wives and children who were released later. A number of cars and houses have burnt during the operation. The Interior Ministry issued a statement, the spokesman claimed that the eight men were involved in criminal acts, including drug trafficking and the men have taken part in opening fire at members of the security forces. The committee for the Defense of Human Rights in the Arabian Peninsula is seriously concerned that Abbas Al-Mazra and his six brothers will be subjected to violations of their human rights and may be suffering torture and maltreatment. CDHRAP also calls international human rights organizations to pressure Saudi regime to release detainees and to halt harassment against Shi'a citizens in Saudi Arabia and let them to enjoy their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly which is guaranteed in the article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which stipulates that: "The right of peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order, the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others". The Committee calls the international organizations and local human rights to put pressure on the Saudi regime to release Abbas Al-Mazra and his six brothers and addresses to the Saudi authorities responsible to maintain their safety.
M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Monday, August 5, 2013
Saudi Wahhabi authorities arrested the Shiite human rights activist 'Abbas Al-Mazra'
How the Ergenekon Verdicts May Deepen Turkey’s Political Divide
By Pelin Turgut
A heavily guarded Turkish court on Monday handed down verdicts against 275 defendants — whose ranks include former generals, parliamentarians and journalists — on charges of plotting to overthrow the Islamist-leaning government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The landmark trial took five years, led to indictments that ran for thousands of pages and was housed in a purpose-built courthouse in Silivri, a coastal resort town outside Istanbul. In the process, it also became a bitterly contested symbol of the deepening divide between the government and its supporters, on one hand, and secularists who accuse it of trying to muzzle dissent on the other.
The defendants were charged with forming a clandestine ultra-nationalist “terrorist organization” dubbed Ergenekon, the name of a mythic valley in Central Asia where, in lore, the Turkic peoples originated. Their alleged plan was to feed social unrest by staging high-profile assassinations and bomb blasts, creating a pretext for the military to step in and take control — Turkey has a long, dark history of military involvement in civilian affairs, including three coups.
On Monday, General Ilker Basbug, retired chief of staff of the Turkish military, was sentenced to life imprisonment for his role in the Ergenekon conspiracy, along with 16 others. The court judges, announcing verdicts in the case individually, also sentenced three opposition MPs to between 12 and 35 years in prison, while 21 others were acquitted. Basbug maintains his innocence and claims the prosecutions were politically motivated.
The government and its supporters say that if unexposed, Ergenekon would have instigated another coup. Erdogan once called himself “the prosecutor of Ergenekon.” To them, the trial marked a necessary coming-of-age for Turkish democracy and an end to the military’s domination of political life. For decades, Turkey’s generals saw themselves as self-appointed guardians of Turkish secularism, a tradition dating back to the country’s Westernizing founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who was also a military commander. The top brass were deeply opposed to the democratically-elected Erdogan when he first took office in 2003 — but he steadily eroded their power, passing European Union-inspired laws that diminished their role. Ergenekon marked a key round in that battle, as dozens of ex-military men were detained over a period of five years. And last September, hundreds of military officers were sentenced for their part in a separate offshoot coup plot dubbed “Sledgehamer.”
The Ergenekon investigation began in 2007 with the discovery of a stash of hand grenades in an Istanbul shantytown. But as the investigation proceeded, it became clouded by waves of mass arrests, further offshoot trials, allegations of doctored documents, dates that did not add up and witnesses who were not heard. Some defendants like Mustafa Balbay, a well-known journalist for the secularist daily Cumhuriyet, spent years in jail without a hearing. (Balbay was sentenced Monday to 34 years in jail on alleged terrorism charges.)
At first, many Turks were supportive, seeing it as an opportunity to cleanse Turkey’s alleged “deep state,” the long-used term for a shadowy network of politically-connected operatives—security officials, politicians, even businessmen—colluding beyond the reach of law to do the supposed dirty work of the state. (In 1996, the “deep state” was illustrated by a scandal surrounding a car crash in western Turkey in which a senior politician, a wanted criminal and a police chief were found to have been traveling together.)
“In its initial stages, it was a justified investigation,” says Sedat Ergin, a senior columnist at the mainstream daily Hurriyet. “But as time went on, it changed shape. It became a politically motivated trial. There were many violations of legal procedure and rights, so its credibility came into question.” The European Union, which Turkey hopes to join, said in its 2012 progress report that the case had been overshadowed by “real concerns about their wide scope and the shortcomings in judicial proceedings.” Erdogan, while a clear backer of the process, has maintained that the prosecutors have acted independently throughout.
On Monday, all main access roads to the courthouse in the coastal town of Silivri, near Istanbul, were closed, as was airspace above it. Police fired rounds of tear gas on groups of protesters attempting to cross corn fields to approach the building. The defendants’ relatives were not allowed into the courtroom. “The people will have the last word,” said former general Basbug in a statement on his website. “And it shouldn’t be forgotten that there is also divine justice.”
There is still a lengthy appeal process ahead. The defendants can appeal the verdict in higher Turkish courts and, if that fails, at the European Court of Human Rights. “The European Court of Human Rights process will take say another 4-5 years. In the meantime though, this verdict confirms the absence of rule of law here. I’m simply not convinced about some of these verdicts,” says Soli Ozel, international relations professor at Istanbul’s Kadir Has University.
At present, the Ergenekon sentences seem to have deepened the rift between Erdogan’s government and its critics. Turkey is still reeling from mass protests at the start of June which saw Taksim Square, the center of Istanbul, shut down and taken over by youthful demonstrators angered by the government’s increasing authoritarianism and its attempts to regulate issues such as alcohol and women’s reproductive health. Three people were killed and thousands wounded. Scuffles and tear gas attacks have since become a regular Saturday night occurrence. “Given the current political climate in Turkey, this verdict will no doubt sharpen that polarization,” says Ergin.
Read more: http://world.time.com/2013/08/05/how-the-ergenekon-verdicts-may-deepen-turkeys-political-divide/#ixzz2b9fgxj58
The $7 trillion problem that could sink Asia
Clashes erupt after Turkey trial verdicts
Protesters have clashed with police forces as a Turkish court handed down judgements in a conspiracy case that has exposed deep divisions in the country.
After the verdicts were announced on Monday, fierce clashes erupted between police and about 10,000 protesters near the courthouse in Silivri, a town in the outskirts of Istanbul
Demonstrators threw stones at riot police who responded with water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets to break up the protest that was blocking traffic.
Hundreds of people also took to streets in the capital, Ankara, to protest against the court ruling, chanting: "We are soldiers of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk," a reference to the founder of modern Turkey.Former armed forces chief Ilker Basbug was sentenced to life imprisonment by the court in the case involving allegations of conspiracy to overthrow the government.
Judges also sentenced three serving parliamentarians from the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) to between 12 and 35 years in prison.
The court acquitted 21 defendants in the controversial case. All have been accused of being members of a little known underground group called Ergenekon.
Turkey: Ergenekon trial rulings ‘illegitimate,’ says main opposition leader
Christie, Clinton top 'hot politician' list
http://www.usatoday.com/Chris Christie and Hillary Rodham Clinton are the "hottest politicians" in the nation, according to one new poll. The coldest: Congressional leaders from both parties. Christie, the New Jersey governor and potential 2016 Republican presidential candidate, rates 53.1 degrees on what Quinnipiac University calls its "thermometer of voters attitudes towards the nation's major political figures." Clinton, the former secretary of State, senator, first lady and potential Democratic presidential candidate in 2016, is second at 52.1 degrees. A surprising third place: First-year Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., at 49.2 degrees. President Obama is in fourth at 47.6 degrees, tied with Sen. Kristen Gillibrand, D-N.Y. "Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's score is not surprising given her lengthy political career and especially strong support among Democrats and women," said Peter A. Brown, assistant director of the Quinnipiac University Polling Institute. He added: "But Gov. Christopher Christie's rating is impressive given that his experience -- less than four years as governor -- pales compared to Mrs. Clinton' s résumé. What is interesting is that only two of the 22 figures rate better than the absolute middle of the scale, not exactly a ringing endorsement of the nation's political establishment." The four lowest rated politicians in this survey are all congressional leaders: Democratic House Leader Nancy Pelosi (38.4); Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell (37.5); Republican House Speaker John Boehner (36.7); and Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid (33.8).
Pakistan: Rabbani hits out at Abbasi’s remarks
Afghan market blast 'kills four' in Kandahar
Women’s rights in Afghanistan: Uneven and fragile gains
Events that feature male and female college students debating with and against each other are a common part of university life in many countries, but not in Afghanistan. There, mixed-gender contact among nonfamily members continues to be viewed with disapproval and, just last year, no less than the president endorsed a code of conduct by clerics prescribing gender segregation in schools and offices.
I have helped academic institutions and nongovernmental organizations organize debate and public-speaking events in more than 20 countries, but the English-language debating tournament run by the U.S. Agency for International Development-funded International Foundation for Electoral Systems in Kabul in June 2013 has proven to be my most challenging and fulfilling assignment.
I learned from Adam LeClair, IFES-Afghanistan’s civil society officer, that progress has been slow but steady for female participants in this annual debating competition. Only 12 percent of the participants in the first year were female. This year, in its fourth edition, females comprised a third of the tournament, which had more than 60 teams from 20 universities across eight different provinces.
Activities of this nature and scale are rare for young people in Afghanistan, especially for females, who were forbidden from attending nonreligious schools under the Taliban. Girls are now legally free to access education, but barriers such as early marriage, the lack of female teachers and support from families and long distances to school, lead to dismal gender gaps, especially at the university level.
The Taliban had stepped up attacks in Kabul this year. In the two weeks leading up to the tournament, suicide bombers attacked the periphery of the Kabul International Airport and also killed 17 people near the Supreme Court. There was another attack on the presidential palace just two days after the tournament.
And yet, for two days, the gymnasium at the American University of Afghanistan was packed with around 300 participants, coaches and judges. As expected, security was tight and many female debaters had reservations about being photographed or filmed while speaking. In hushed voices, they described the concerns raised by their families about their participation, which included the long and potentially risky travels across provinces and close contact with male teammates, and an impression of debating as aggressive, confrontational and inappropriate for young women in a society where male elders dominate public discourse.
All this melted away during the actual debates, where they delivered passionate and compelling speeches on controversial issues such as whether Afghan university graduates should be required to work in their country for two years upon graduation, whether the willingness to participate in electoral debates should be a pre-requisite for politicians contesting national elections, and whether most international development aid contracts should be awarded to Afghan organizations.
Many of them openly stated that if their male counterparts could succeed in this activity, they should be able to as well; even if for some, it meant adhering to a strict dress code to deflect opposition to their participation. Others explained that building confidence and critical-thinking skills was an important part of their own long-term plans to “make Afghanistan a beautiful country again.”
Even the grand final rounds reflect this rising tide of female involvement: there were no women in the final during the first year, two in the second year, four in the third year but in all-women teams, and finally, three this year, but all on mixed-gender teams. This was the first year with a female in the winning team.
A month prior to my arrival, women’s rights were being dealt crushing blows: the Afghan parliament refused to ratify a presidential decree on the elimination of violence against women and the lower house struck down the legal provision for 25 percent reserved seats for women in provincial councils. The upper house has since reinstated the provision, but reduced it to only 20 percent reserved seats.
For one of the rounds, we facilitated a student debate over whether or not it was a good idea for female Afghan Member of Parliament Fawzia Koofi to seek parliamentary backing for the Law on Elimination of Violence against Women, which was passed by presidential decree in 2009. The law criminalizes various abuses including marital rape, child marriage, forced marriage, domestic violence, the sale of women and girls, and “baad,” the giving of girls to resolve family disputes. I learned that Koofi’s strategy drew mixed reactions: some students believed parliamentary approval was necessary to ensure that the law isn’t subject to the whims of the sitting president, who could be vulnerable to demands from the Taliban; others feared that subjecting the law to parliamentary debate allowed traditionalist MPs to weaken provisions in the law or repeal it all together. In reality, the parliamentary discussion ended in shambles when MPs challenged the provision on marital rape, calling it un-Islamic to prosecute men for rape within marriage.
Through this lens, it became clear to me that for all the dramatic progress that has been achieved in terms of gender-focused Millennium Development Goals in Afghanistan, such as reduced maternal mortality and increased female literacy, many of these gains are fragile, and will be threatened by the departure of NATO forces in 2014. Many to whom I spoke feared that in the absence of pressure from international donors, women’s rights will turn into a bargaining chip among local political groups.
While the upcoming April 2014 presidential elections is a major test for democracy in Afghanistan, it is also a test of how far Afghan society has come toward gender equality. Females have run for the presidency before, but none have ranked close to the top five. Koofi, a high-profile female MP, has publicly declared her intention to contest the 2014 elections, despite threats to her life. The level of prominence accorded to women’s rights in the campaign period and the female voter turnout during the elections will be telling.
USAID has recently announced plans to commit $200 million and to persuade other donors to contribute the same amount for a five-year program focusing on the education and training of women aged 18-30 in Afghanistan. Called “Promote,” the program seeks to bolster women’s roles in government, business and civil society. This U.S.-backed effort is a helpful start in safeguarding the gains made in women’s rights.
Why the United States won’t need troops in Afghanistan after 2014
By Jeong LeeGeneral Joseph Dunford, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) commander, has recently told the New York Times that America’s “presence post-2014 is necessary for the gains we have made to date to be sustainable.” His reasoning was that although the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) are bearing the brunt of fighting, “at the end of 2014, [they] won’t be completely independent” operationally and logistically. Since the Obama Administration is already considering either a “zero option”—whereby there will be no American troops after 2014—or an earlier withdrawal, General Dunford’s plea for America’s continued involvement in Afghanistan will not likely be taken seriously. For one, according to a recent Washington Post-ABC News poll, 67 percent of Americans surveyed believe that the Afghan War is not worth fighting. Moreover, the recent video conference between President Obama and President Karzai proved that their relationship has deteriorated considerably due to lack of trust and miscommunication. Yet, the issue of what the United States should do in Afghanistan is still intensely debated among foreign policy mavens. Dov S. Zakheim, a former Department of Defense official, argues that the “nature of commitment in absence of a troop presence” may deal a blow to ISAF’s nation-building efforts in Afghanistan, and may even take away “incentives” from the Taliban “to pursue talks with the Afghan government.” Ryan Evans, Assistant Director of the Center for the National Interest, also sees the strained relationship between the Obama and Karzai administrations as “a consequence of larger problems in the U.S.-Afghan relationship…[which] stem[med] from President Obama’s misprioritization of U.S. aims in Afghanistan.” While Evans does not rule out a settlement with the Taliban, he believes that it must be done in such a way that does not “obfuscate” America’s continued presence in Afghanistan past 2014 to contain terrorist networks and to provide stability in Af-Pak. To these arguments must also be added another possible “game-changer.” In the wake of Hassan Rowhani’s landslide victory as Iran’s new president, some foreign policy mavens now envision a positive shift in favor of America’s primacy in the Greater Middle East, and to a lesser extent, its prosecution of war against terror. Whatever the case may be, two things are clear. First, in the face of grim fiscal realities, the United States must fight smarter to contain terrorist networks. Second, the United States should allow the Afghan people to figure out for themselves how they want to live. With respect to the first, the United States can successfully contain terrorist networks without massive troop presence in Af-Pak. In the face of drastic sequestration cuts in the upcoming fiscal years, it makes sense to work with whosoever will rule Afghanistan while adopting selective targeting of America’s adversaries. Thus, in addition to unilaterally employing SOF (Special Operations Forces) commandos and UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles) to track and kill terrorists, the United States can, assuming that the Taliban returns to power, establish a good rapport with the Taliban regime by “limiting Pakistani influence in Afghanistan.” As regards the second, according to Afghan journalist Ahmad Shafi, Afghan people have, thanks in no small measure to the American occupation, become integrated into the global community and have, therefore, become more sophisticated and cognizant of global affairs. In fact, Shafi wrote in June that while the Western media likes to “embellish” the threat of an impending civil war, most Afghans “‘beg to differ en masse’ on the magnitude of threat posed…by a bunch of violent extremists, whose grim visions are so far away from the realities of today’s Afghanistan.” One reason for this “discrepancy” between Western media perceptions and those of Afghan citizens, according to Shafi, is due to “radically different” political dynamics at play whereby the warlords and the Taliban find it “increasingly difficult” to connect with the new generation of Afghan citizens most of whom are under the age of 25. Simply stated, it is too early to draw premature conclusions about the supposedly ominous fate awaiting our Ngo Dinh Diem in Kabul or ordinary Afghan citizens. Despite the gloomy assessment by General Dunford that the United States needs to extend its troop commitment past the 2014 deadline, there is little reason to worry. True, as Zachary Keck argues, “there are no ideal conclusions to the Afghan conflict available” at present. Nevertheless, the much-feared Taliban takeover may or may not take place. And even if the Taliban successfully returns to power, one way or the other, the United States can work with the fundamentalist regime to contain the international terrorist network. As to the now-common comparisons between a possible Taliban takeover and those of the North Vietnamese and Khmer Rouge victories in April 1975, only time can tell how the events will unfold. In the end, no matter the outcome, the Afghan citizens, as with Vietnamese and Cambodians before them, will sort out their own fate.
Pakistan: Two killed, 21 injured as blast hits Shalimar Express
Adjournment motion planned against Imran’s participation in govt meetings
The Express TribuneDeeming it “unethical”, the Awami National Party (ANP) will submit an adjournment motion against the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Imran Khan for participating in provincial government meetings. “On Monday (today) I will submit the adjournment motion at the Assembly Secretariat. We want to know in what capacity Imran Khan presides and participates in the provincial cabinet’s official meetings and meets with the department secretaries,” said ANP parliamentary leader Sardar Hussain Babak. Opposition parties, including the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), will also support the adjournment motion. They too believe it is unethical for a party’s president to preside in government meetings, added Babak. “We do respect him (Imran Khan) as a political party leader but there were political parties in the past who governed the province – their central leaders did not interfere in administrative affairs. They (PTI) have made a mockery of the system.” Babak claimed the PTI leadership refrains from openly condemning terrorists and talking against terrorism, the main issue which Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa faces. The party has diverted the people’s attention to less important issues, maintained the ANP parliamentary leader. “They (PTI) are confused. They don’t even know how to govern a province. Now they are inducting PTI members who lost the elections into working groups across government departments.” The ANP will soon issue a white paper which will highlight the PTI’s performance and bad governance, added Babak. Commenting on the ANP’s campaign for the by-polls – NA-1 Peshawar and NA-5 Nowshera in particular – Babak claimed the party has the people’s mandate and will defeat PTI candidates in these constituencies. He accused the PTI of using the government machinery to influence the electoral results in their favor in Nowshera, Swabi and Mardan. “Chief Minister Pervez Khattak is influencing by-polls in Nowshera where his son-in-law Imran Khattak is contesting, while K-P Assembly Speaker Asad Qaiser is announcing developmental projects in Swabi where his younger brother Aqibullah is contesting.”
Pakistan: Some lessons: Different approaches to militancy
CONSIDER the difference in responses: the US obtains intelligence on a possible attack against its embassies and consulates in the Middle East and North Africa and it issues a global alert and shuts 21 missions on Sunday; Pakistani law-enforcement agencies and government officials receive specific intelligence on an impending jail raid in D.I. Khan and end up taking defensive measures that collapsed at first contact with the enemy. In the tale of those two episodes lie many lessons. For one, the threat of global jihad, especially from Al Qaeda, has far from disappeared. With so much emphasis on Al Qaeda and the Pak-Afghan region, it is all too easy to forget that global jihadists come in many stripes and are quite easily able to hop from one country to another. So even if Al Qaeda’s active presence has been diminished in Pakistan, there is zero room for any kind of complacency: other jihadists, global and local, continue to own swathes of Fata, while the US drawdown in Afghanistan could attract fresh attention of militants looking to establish Islamist fiefdoms in various parts of the world.
The broader lesson remains, though, one that Pakistani authorities, civilian and military, appear unwilling or unable to absorb: coordination, capacity and will — without those elements, Pakistan’s war against militancy will never be won. What is equally overlooked, however, is that even a modicum of increase in competence and will on the state’s part could have dramatic effects on the fight. Consider the propaganda video of the Bannu jail break that has recently been released by the TTP. What was believed to be a highly sophisticated and superbly organised raid in fact looks fairly amateurish and rudimentary on camera. In one sense, that is an even greater indictment of the security forces tasked with defending the Bannu jail and ensuring its inmates remain under lock and key. But in another sense, it indicates that even a small increase in preparedness by the state can thwart significant disasters.
Perhaps the greatest lesson that needs to be learned here is clarity about who the enemy is. The US, for all its confused, contradictory policies in Afghanistan, has since 9/11 focused relentlessly on Al Qaeda, a group that explicitly targets the American state. Here in Pakistan, even groups that explicitly target state and society somehow attract sympathy and even understanding. In that environment, it’s little surprise the militants can wreak so much damage with so little intellectual and organisational firepower.
Afghanistan, Pakistan and India
As an explosive-laden car carrying three militants went into the barricade outside the Indian Consulate in Jalalabad, the seven dead out of nine civilians were children in the nearby mosque, thus marking the terror-riddled city in the blood of more innocent citizens of war-torn Afghanistan. Albeit the target was clearly the Indian mission, the blast razed houses, shops and a mosque in the vicinity. The Taliban denied responsibility for the attack. The human loss is tragic, as the lives of seven children were lost whose only fault was being born in a violent region ravaged by decades-long conflict. As India expresses its outrage at yet another attack on one of its diplomatic missions in Afghanistan, where its efforts to project soft power are visible, the Pakistan government has condemned the incident too. For India, that may be too little.
India’s infrastructural rehabilitation of Afghanistan at a cost of almost $ 2 billion since the Taliban regime’s fall in 2001 has helped revive India and Afghanistan’s traditional friendship since 1947, which went through some tepid periods during the Afghan wars of the last four decades. The repeated attacks on its consulates/embassy are seen as a facet of the ‘proxy war’ between Pakistan and India on Afghan soil. The 2008 car-bomb attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul, resulting in the loss of 60 lives, the suicide attack again in 2009, the attack on two guest houses in Kabul inhabited by Indians, and the latest blast shows a pattern that is not just highly destructive in terms of human and infrastructural loss but also has a long-term fallout for the region.
The Saturday attack comes as the government of Pakistan under Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif plans to re-engage India in talks to work out a friendly relationship between the two countries and work on issues of mutual interest (trade, energy), to which the Indian government seems responsive. The attack evokes finger pointing at a nexus of the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani network based in North Waziristan in Pakistan, ‘remote-controlled’ by the Pakistan military establishment whose ‘strategic depth’ and ‘strategic assets’ have done nothing but wreak havoc on different Pakistani governments’ efforts to have normal relations with its immediate neighbours: India and Afghanistan. The proxy war to wrest ‘control’ over Afghanistan has only given bloodstained dividends to our establishment, from which no lessons seem to have been learnt. The traditional rivalry of Pakistan and India playing out in Afghanistan will do nothing but delineate the hostility in more blood. It is about time the Pakistan establishment took a long and hard look at its deeply flawed policies to seek hegemony in the region, where only one country seems to be the real loser: Pakistan.
Rouhani, Zardari reaffirm rapid construction of IP gas pipeline
Daily TimesIran’s new President Hassan Rouhani and his Pakistani counterpart Asif Ali Zardari reiterated their countries’ determination to continue implementation of the Iran-Pakistan (IP) gas pipeline project. “The joint project of building the gas pipeline can have a significant influence on increasing cooperation and economic relations between the two countries,” Rouhani said on Saturday. The Iranian president expressed the hope that the project would be completed as soon as possible. Zardari, for his part, said Islamabad respected all the agreements signed between Iran and Pakistan. Iran and Pakistan officially inaugurated the construction phase of the gas pipeline project in March. The project started in a ceremony attended by the former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his Pakistani counterpart Asif Ali Zardari at the two countries’ shared border region in Iran’s southeastern city of Chabahar. The 2,700-kilometre long pipeline was to supply gas for Pakistan and India, which are suffering from a lack of energy sources, but India evaded the talks. In 2011, Iran and Pakistan declared they would finalise the agreement bilaterally if India continued to be absent in the meeting. Iran has already constructed more than 900 kilometres of the pipeline on its soil. According to the project proposal, the pipeline will begin from Iran’s Assalouyeh Energy Zone in the south and stretch over 1,100km through Iran. In Pakistan, it will pass through Balochistan and Sindh but officials now say the route may be changed if China becomes party to the project.
Pakistan on alert for possible attack
CNN.COM
Pakistan's capital city of Islamabad is on red alert after officials received information in the form of an intelligence intercept of a likely attack on a high-value target, two senior Pakistani officials told CNN on Sunday.
Helicopters could be heard in the skies above Islamabad as Air Force and Navy commandos searched for suspected militants in the Margalla Hills that surround the city, the officials said.
Key military installations were under tight security.Among the buildings being guarded are the headquarters for Pakistan's air force and navy, the officials said.
The officials, from the security and intelligence establishments, did not want to be named given the sensitivity of the information.
Syria crisis can only be solved by 'striking terror with iron fist': Assad
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Syria's crisis will only be solved by stamping out "terror", President Bashar al-Assad said on Sunday, in reference to rebels fighting his regime. In a rare speech on Syrian state television, Assad also dismissed the political opposition to his regime as a "failure" that could play no role in solving the country's brutal war. "No solution can be reached with terror except by striking it with an iron fist," said Assad. "I don't think that any sane human being would think that terrorism can be dealt with via politics," he added. "There may be a role for politics in dealing with terrorism pre-emptively," said Assad, adding that as soon as "terrorism" has arisen, it can only be struck out. In March 2011, a widespread protest movement calling for political change in Syria broke out. In response, the regime unleashed a brutal crackdown against dissent, while systematically labelling dissidents and rebels as "terrorists" and refusing to recognise the existence of a popular revolt. The movement later morphed into an increasingly radical insurgency and more than 100,000 people have since been killed, the UN says. The war has also forced millions to flee their homes, while plunging Syria into an unprecedented economic crisis. In his latest speech, Assad also said Syria's economic woes "are linked to the security situation, and they can only be solved by striking terror". Assad's speech comes a week after the army, backed by pro-regime paramilitary troops and Lebanon's Shiite Hezbollah movement, reclaimed a strategic district of the central city of Homs, after a suffocating siege on rebels that lasted more than a year. "In this kind of fight, we as Syrians either win together or lose together," he said. Assad also said that the army, untrained for guerrilla warfare, "has achieved the impossible". "There is only one kind of war that is bigger than guerrilla warfare, and that is a people's war, one that is fought by the army alongside the citizens," he said, adding that "the hand of God is with those who stand together". He meanwhile stressed the need to fight on against the rebellion. "It is true that there is a battle being fought in the media and on (the Internet), but the crisis will only be solved on the battlefield," said Assad in his 45-minute address. He also said that any efforts towards a political solution should be combined with continued military operations. "There cannot be any political efforts or political progress if terror is striking everywhere. Therefore terror must be struck in order to get the political process moving on the right track," Assad said. "That does not mean that there cannot be parallel tracks. There is no reason why we shouldn't strike terror while at the same time working politically," he added. Assad's comments come amid faltering efforts to push forward a US-Russian proposal for peace talks dubbed Geneva 2, which would see regime representatives and the opposition gathering for negotiations. In his speech, Assad lashed out against the main opposition National Coalition, describing it as a "failure". "This opposition is not reliable ... and it has no role in solving the crisis," Assad said. He accused the Coalition of "being on the payroll of more than one Gulf country", and of "blaming the (Syrian) state for terrorism rather than blaming the armed men", or rebels. In an Army Day message carried by state media on August 1, Assad said he was "sure of victory" in the bloody conflict. "If we in Syria were not sure of victory, we would not have had the will to resist nor been able to persevere in the face of more than two years of aggression," Assad said at the time.
Sunday, August 4, 2013
Egypt: Brotherhood and allies bought arms from abroad
http://www.egyptindependent.com/The Giza Prosecution has received a copy of the investigations conducted by Egyptian Homeland Security into the clashes that took place between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Morsy in the districts of Bein al-Sarayat and al-Bahr al-Aazam, as well as on Giza Bridge, which left 36 people dead and 500 others injured. The investigations revealed that the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood and their allies, who are being detained for 15 days pending investigation, are implicated in murder and attempted murder of citizens, that they have funded their supporters to take the country into a "dark tunnel," and that they provided them with weapons to kill innocent people, all within a plan to reinstate the deposed regime. Judicial sources told Al-Masry Al-Youm that prosecutors will go to al-Aqrab prison to face the defendants with evidence on 30 June, the date their incarceration could be renewed. Investigations also revealed that the defendants paid masked and armed terrorists to take positions on roofs of buildings near Cairo University and Giza Bridge and shoot at citizens, pointing out that this was part of a plan called “Plight to Overthrow of the Regime.” Egyptian Homeland Security is investigating further the role that former Minister of Supply Bassem Ouda played in the events of the al-Bahr al-Aazam and al-Mahatta streets, as a preliminary investigation showed that he took part in a march from al-Nahda Square to al-Bahr al-Aazam Street, then the armed elements stood on Giza Bridge and started shooting citizens in the eyes and the chest. Investigations also showed that those “extremist” elements killed the two citizens whose bodies were found in the al-Orman public park, which confirms that jihadists were behind those killings. Egyptian Homeland Security said that members of the Guidance Bureau and the Freedom and Justice Party, with their allies who are jailed in the al-Aqrab prison, sent the groups that filled al-Nahda Square and Giza Bridge to control these vital areas, which prompted the residents of al-Bahr al-Aazam, Bein al-Sarayat, and al-Mahatta to resist them. It added that millions of pounds were paid by the defendants to purchase weapons from abroad, and that they paid their supporters to carry out their plan to reinstate the former regime, which was confirmed when Hazem Abu Ismail was arrested at his home in Dokki with LE1.25 million in cash in his possession. Investigations also found out that the defendants told their supporters this was a jihad in the name of God, and for the victory of Islam, and that the Brotherhood's plan was aimed to distort the military and paralyze the country with the bloodshed that it had planned. The detainees are Hazem Abu Ismail, leader of the Salafi al-Raya Party, Helmy al-Gazzar, a leading figure of the Freedom and Justice Party, Abdel Moneim Abdel Maqsoud, the lawyer for the Muslim Brotherhood, and former MP Mohamed al-Omda. Prosecutors ordered the seizure of their bank accounts, and banned them from accessing their funds. Also banned from accessing their funds are Saad al-Katatny, head of the Freedom and Justice Party, and Rashad Baioumy, deputy supreme guide of the Muslim Brotherhood, who were released pending investigation into the Bein al-Sarayat case.
Soviet fiasco a lesson for China
Turkey: Designer and Gezi protester Barbaros Şansal claims to have been kidnapped
Egypt nixes Turkish PM’s visit to Gaza Strip
http://www.timesofisrael.com/Cairo officials say Erdogan will be denied access to Hamas-controlled territory due to his support of Muslim Brotherhood Egyptian authorities announced Sunday that they would not allow Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to enter the Gaza Strip for a planned visit that was to take place later this month.The Egyptian news site Youm7, citing a diplomatic source in Cairo, reported that Erdogan’s trip to the Strip was canceled due to his support of the Muslim Brotherhood and the ousted Egyptian president, Mohammed Morsi. According to Turkish sources, Erdogan planned to visit Gaza in order to put pressure on Israeli authorities to end the naval blockade on the Hamas-controlled territory. The blockade was imposed by Israel in response to the violent Hamas takeover in 2007, in order to prevent weaponry reaching the strip. It has not been lifted since, although its terms have been eased. Israel and Egypt control all of the border crossings to the Strip. Hamas spokesmen Sami Abu Zuhri criticized the decision to deny the Turkish prime minister passage into Gaza, claiming it was based on “the premise that the Hamas movement is hostile,” the Palestinian news agency Ma’an reported. “This is a dangerous development, which confirms that the current powers in Egypt are giving up on national causes and even using these issues to deal with other parties, first among them the Palestinian cause,” Abu Zuhri added. In May, Turkish writer and researcher Zahid Gul said a Turkish government official had hinted to him that Erdogan planned to make a joint trip to the Gaza Strip with Morsi, who was still ruling Egypt at the time. Last month, Egyptian officials announced that prosecutors would investigate allegations that Egypt’s ousted president had escaped from prison during the 2011 revolution with help from Hamas. The US, Israel and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas had been asking Erdogan to delay or cancel his visit to Gaza, saying it may cause serious harm to diplomatic relations between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
President Zardari‚ Ahmadinejad discuss bilateral issues
http://mediacellppp.wordpress.com/
President Zardari grieved over losses in rain-related incidents
Pakistan: 18th amendment still not implemented: Raza Rabbani
U.S: Republican No-Shows in the Budget Wars
Happy Birthday, Mr. President: Obama turns 52
Instead of "Hail to the Chief," President Barack Obama is most likely hearing strains of "Happy Birthday" this weekend. Obama turns 52 on Sunday and is spending part of the day at the Camp David presidential retreat in Maryland. The White House said little about how he's celebrating. He played golf Saturday with friends from his days in Hawaii and Chicago. Some were expected to join him at Camp David. Obama is scheduled to return to the White House on Sunday afternoon. His week ahead includes travel to the West Coast to discuss plans to help homeowners, appear on "The Tonight Show" with Jay Leno and visit with troops at Camp Pendleton. He also has a White House meeting Thursday with the prime minister of Greece.
Terror machine beyond Afghan borders the main threat
At least 12 people were killed in the deadly attack targeting the Indian Consulate in Jalalabad city, bordering Pakistan, in the backdrop of reports that the ISI-backed Haqqani network among others were again plotting to attack Indian interests in Afghanistan.With militants again targeting its mission in Jalalabad, India today said "terror machine" that operates from "beyond the borders" was the main threat to Afghanistan's security while the war-torn country assured that no stone will be left unturned to ensure safety of Indian diplomats there. At least 12 people were killed in the deadly attack targeting the Indian Consulate in Jalalabad city, bordering Pakistan, in the backdrop of reports that the ISI-backed Haqqani network among others were again plotting to attack Indian interests in Afghanistan. External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid called up his Afghan counterpart Zalmay Rassoul and thanked him for the efforts of Afghan National Police in ensuring the safety of the Consulate General of India in Jalalabad, official sources said. They said Rassoul informed Khurshid that "Afghanistan will leave no stone unturned to ensure the safety of Indian diplomatic personnel and the Afghan Government is determined to counter the efforts of those inimical to India's friendship with Afghanistan." Earlier, MEA Spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin said, "This attack has once again highlighted that the main threat to Afghanistan's security and stability stems from terrorism and the terror machine that continues to operate from beyond its borders." He said the attack which has led to the injuries and deaths of several valiant Afghan police personnel as well as deaths of several innocent Afghan civilians including children, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. However, he asserted that India would not be deterred by this attack and will continue to assist Afghanistan in its reconstruction and development effort. "This was clearly an attack not just against India but an attack against the efforts to help the Afghan people overcome the tragic hardships they have endured due to several decades of war," he said. This is the second strike on the Consulate which was earlier attacked in 2007. Indian Embassy in Kabul too came under a deadly attack in 2008 and was again targeted in 2009. Pakistan-based Haqqani network, described by a former US military chief as the "veritable arm of ISI", has earlier been found to have carried out the attacks. It is understood that Indian government had inputs about possible terror attacks against its consulates including the one in Jalalabad following which a team, comprising security officials, visited the consulates and the embassy in Kabul last week. Apart from Jalalabad, India has consulates in three more places in Afghanistan- Herat, Mazare-i-Sharif and Kandahar. As per the recent intelligence inputs, apart from Haqqanis, the security threat was also from smaller militant groups based in Pakistan, following which India's Ambassador to Afghanistan Amar Sinha came to the headquarters here for the consultations. Meanwhile, Akbaruddin said India wishes to express its deep gratitude to the brave Afghan security personnel who laid down their lives while protecting the Indian Consulate. "We wish to express our grief and condolences to the families of the innocent Afghan civilians who also lost their lives during this attack," he said.
Afghanistan: An enduring rivalry behind Indian consulate attack
http://www.afghanistantimes.af/At least 12 people were mowed down mercilessly in a deadly suicide bomb attack on Saturday targeting the Indian consulate in Jalalabad—the capital city of eastern Nangarhar province, bordering Pakistan. Indian interests in Afghanistan have been under a constant threat as it is the third time that Indian embassy and consulate had come under attack. The repeated attacks on Indian facilities inside Afghanistan shows there has been an enduring rivalry behind it and it couldn’t be the job of a ragtag Taliban group that doesn’t want anything else but to be back in power in Afghanistan. Therefore, the attack seems to be the job of a third party—definitely a state not a militant group. In 2008, a car bomb attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul had killed over 60 people and suicide attacks on two guesthouses in 2010 killed 16 people, including seven Indians. Saturday’s attack took place in the backdrop of threats of likely terror attacks on Indian diplomats and other facilities in Afghanistan therefore a security team was dispatched from New Delhi to Kabul last week to assess the threats. No militant group has owned responsibility for the attack yet so far but Kurram tribal agency based Haqqani network is likely to be blamed for the attack. The dreaded network has been responsible for attacks on American embassy and military installation as well as on Indian embassy and engineers. Since Haqqani network is based in Pakistan so the dangers of insurgency within Afghanistan and across areas along the Durand Line are predominately sourced in Pakistan, to a far greater extent than in the war-torn Afghanistan. The Taliban and transnational jihadi groups based in Pakistan remain the principal instrumentality of Islamabad’s response to India’s growing engagement in Afghanistan. In Pakistan’s Urdu press Afghan Taliban are feted and eulogized while Pakistani Taliban are being depicted as brutes with and endless bloodlust. Most of the Pakistani so-called liberal writers dip their pens in gall when they give vent to their opinion on Indian consulate in Jalalabad and India’s role in Afghanistan. For them, as if, it is India that has created the Taliban on Pakistani soil. It is no denying the fact that most of these writers are on the payroll of Pakistan’s Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR). Being matchless in “blame the victim” game, Pakistan continues to spread misleading propaganda about the “large Indian consulates” in Afghanistan being a source of insecurity in Pakistan. This perceived threat has been so much projected in media that even those living in the tribal belt on the other side of the Durand Line feel India responsible for insecurity and mayhem in the region. It is despite the fact that most of tribesmen blame Pakistan’s security establishment for their miseries and displacement from their ancestral land. Recently a delegation of Afridi tribesmen comprising of 200 tribal elders had visited Nangarhar and Kabul where it lodged complaints against Pakistan army and ISI, appealing the Afghan government to help them in getting freedom from persecution of Pakistan army. Since Pakistan’s security thinking has been predominantly occupied with a perceived threat from Indian interests in Afghanistan therefore it’s hell-bent on damaging Indo-Afghan ties. The problem is it doesn’t look at who attacked GHQ, police stations, military installations and markets in Pakistan. Islamabad doesn’t have to worry about India in Afghanistan rather it should worry about the thriving militant safe havens and groups in western Pakistan and the tribal belt—a nurturing land for terrorists. Besides that when India has already shown reluctance from sending military trainers to Afghanistan and has clearly declared its intentions not to waver from its commitment to reconstruction and capacity building in Afghanistan, attacking Indian interests in Afghanistan could potentially trigger a catastrophic blowback.
Pakistan: Terminological inexactitude
Daily TimesImran Khan’s two explanations (with a break in between for consultations) in the Supreme Court (SC) regarding the alleged contempt by him of the judiciary, failed to cut much ice with the three-member bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry when the PTI leader appeared before it. In the first explanation by his counsel Hamid Khan, it was submitted that Imran Khan had not committed contempt of court nor could even think of doing so since he held the judiciary in high esteem. It went on to elaborate the PTI leader and his party’s struggle in the movement for the restoration of the judiciary. His remarks, considered contemptuous by the SC, were placed in the context of the PTI leader’s pleas to the SC to adjudicate his party’s complaints regarding rigging in the elections of May 11 in at least four National Assembly constituencies. In other words, the counsel argued that it was the high expectations from the SC that had disappointed Imran Khan to an extent that he lapsed into the ‘immoderate’ language that has offended the court. The bench however, advised the counsel to retire and submit a more ‘considered’ statement. This second explanation argued that Imran Khan’s statements were made in good faith and against the lower judiciary returning officers in the election. However, the court would have none of it and ordered the counsel to file a comprehensive written reply on August 28. Both before his appearance before the SC and after, Imran Khan appeared unrepentant and unapologetic, arguing he had said nothing wrong or contemptuous and therefore did not see the need to apologise to the court. The bone of contention appeared to be ‘terminological inexactitude’ over the meaning (and translation in parts of the media) of the word used by Imran Khan regarding the conduct of the elections and the ‘judiciary’s’ role during and after the polls. The offending word is ‘sharamnaak’, which some of the media have translated as ‘shameless’ and most as ‘shameful’. ‘Shameless’ is a much stronger word and arguably falls into the category of contempt. However, ‘shameful’ could refer to the conduct of their duties by the judiciary rather than the person of judges or the institution per se. While arguably ‘shameful’ may or may not be contemptuous, it is certainly derogatory. Nevertheless, even this subtle distinction did not help Imran Khan’s cause before the bench. Imran Khan has been sounding off since the elections on the following lines: the election saw the worst (?) rigging in any election in Pakistan’s history, and the lack of redress by the Election Commission of Pakistan or the SC was ‘shameful’. The SC bench patiently explained to the alleged contemnor that such electoral rigging complaints, under the law and judicial procedure, were referred in the case of 31 pleas by the PTI members to the election tribunals as the proper forum for dealing with such complaints. Imran Khan, on the other hand, is impatient with that route since he believes the election tribunals take far too long to deliver any verdict and arguably by the time they do, the next elections may well be round the corner. Hence his insistence that the SC, which otherwise has been known in recent years to utilise its suo motu powers liberally, should intervene to cut short the long winded process. In other words, Imran Khan, in the view of the court, demands special treatment. While it is understandable that Imran Khan and his party were frustrated by their inability to sweep the polls as they had convinced themselves before the voting they were poised to do (the ‘tsunami’ effect), it is not wise to vent that frustration at the judiciary or the undeniably slow processes that characterise our electoral and justice systems. In Imran Khan’s defence, the best that can be said is that despite being in politics for 19 years, he has yet to learn the difference between captaining a cricket team and participating in democratic politics. It has been apparent on a number of occasions that when Imran Khan’s wishes are not complied with, a streak of impatience, even arrogance, comes out on display. There are hard lessons to be learnt about the need for patience and fortitude in politics, even in the face of adversity, which our former cricket hero and admirable philanthropist would be wise to imbibe even at this stage. The contempt case in question has inadvertently framed a new reality: both the judiciary (in this case in the shape of the bench) and Imran Khan seem ‘disillusioned’ with each other. This may be a case of unrealistic expectations on both sides, but it would perhaps serve little purpose to drag the matter on indefinitely when the country is confronted with so many more serious problems. It is not for us to advise the court on a sub judice matter how to proceed. However, it may not be out of place to ask for restraint and an amicable solution, either through an apology (with Imran Khan swallowing his pride in the interests of the country’s delicately poised juncture in a gesture of statesmanship) or a milder treatment by the court (a rebuke perhaps?) to avoid convicting Imran Khan and sending him to jail, which would have the collateral effect of debarring him from politics for at least five years. The election commission and its tribunals too should revisit and speed up the matter of irregularity complaints in the general elections. This would help the election commission to restore some of its battered prestige after the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Justice (retd) Fakhruddin G Ebrahim soon after the presidential election debacle. The respect and dignity of the judiciary as an institution must be upheld by all and sundry if Pakistan is to institutionalize after long years of struggle a democratic dispensation with a clear separation of powers and defined (as far as possible) areas of purview. We can only hope that wisdom will prevail, no ego should dictate matters, and that the issue can be settled without too much damage.
Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa suffers as downpours continue
The Express TribuneAt least 19 people were killed and dozens injured on Saturday as torrential rains continued to flood rivers and streams in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. According to Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA), Chitral district was the worst affected area, where flash floods in streams caused damage to property and lives alike. Apart from the loss of seven lives in two days, at least 116 houses were damaged out of which 62 were destroyed. “We are expecting further information from the remote areas of Chitral about flood devastation,” the Provincial Emergency Operation Centre (PEOC) official Adnan Khan told The Express Tribune. In Peshawar, heavy rain water from Khyber Agency flooded Budhni stream, killing at least three people. In Bannu one person lost his life and four others were injured. In Tank, three union councils, Warsponn, Pai and Gullam Imam went under flood water. In the Kari Wam area of Frontier Region Tank, a vehicle slipped into a flooded water channel resulting in five deaths, while 11 people went missing. In Northern Waziristan three people died, according to a report. In Lakki Marwat, a girl was swept away by flood water, while in Southern Waziristan life came to a standstill due to heavy and continuous rain. In Kurram Agency, four members of a family died and one injured in a roof collapse following thunderstorms. According to Flood Control Cell, most of the rivers in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa were flowing at normal or medium level flood condition except Kurram River and Gambela River in Bannu region, which were releasing high level floodwater. In DI Khan, there was a medium level flood releasing 3,00,000 cusecs water. While due to flood water flow from Chitral into river Kabul at Nowshera and Warsak there is medium level flood. The Met Office has predicted more rains in the next 24 hours in upper areas including Chitral, Dir and Khyber Agency; however floods have not been predicted.
Balochistan:The Ifs And Buts of Negotiating With Insurgents in Balochistan
The Baloch Hal
MALIK SIRAJ AKBARIf there is one news story that will always make front page headlines regardless the redundancy, it is a government announcement to reach out to insurgents in Balochistan for negotiations. We all have heard such government announcements since the weakening of pro-Musharraf Pakistan Muslim League (P.M.L-Quaid-e-Azam). Sardar Saleh Bhoothani, Balochistan’s interim chief minister ahead of the 2008 general elections, announced that he intended to negotiate with the Baloch insurgents. He failed not because he did not genuinely try but because he neither had the mandate nor the required time to complete such an initiative. He was soon followed by Nawab Aslam Raisani, the full-time Chief Minister from the Pakistan People’s Party. Mr. Raisani’s announcement was taken more seriously considering his credentials as a Baloch tribal chief. His statements were also echoed and backed by Governor Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi. They both failed in making even an inch of progress in initiating dialogue with the Baloch armed groups. In his brief stint as the caretaker chief minister, Ghaus Bakhsh Barozai, promised to play his role in commencing a peace process with hardliners among the nationalists. He failed too. Speaking on the floor of the Balochistan Assembly, Chief Minister Dr. Malik Baloch said last week that his government intended to initiate a peace process soon after the Eid. The proposed process would comprise of members of the parliament and Baloch tribal elders. The C.M.’s peace plan is two-pronged. He wants to speak to the Baloch nationalists who apply violence to achieve a free Balochistan and also the Islamic extremists who regularly target Shia Muslims in the province in the name of religion. There is never better news than talk of peace. Most peace talks fail which is what makes them so challenging. It is always reassuring to talk of peace and make an attempt to end violence. However, some bleak ground realities will contain Chief Minister’s attempts to resolve the Balochistan conflict. Consider the following simple facts. One, Baloch armed groups are unwilling to negotiate on anything less than Balochistan’s absolute freedom. Two, the civil and military leadership in Islamabad is unwilling to negotiate with anyone who questions the integrity of Pakistan. Prime Minister Sharif and Army Chief Kayani are indeed on the same page when it comes to not talking to those who seek separation from Pakistan. There are some other reasons why a peace process in Balochistan will not immediately kick off. Here is why: While coming in power, the P.M.L-N is not as desperate on the Balochistan issue as was the P.P.P. at the time of coming in power in 2008 under the slogan of ‘reconciliation’. What the P.M.L.-N realizes about the situation in Balochistan is not even realized by Dr. Baloch. When the P.P.P. came into power in 2008, it was under tremendous pressure because the moderate Baloch nationalists (such as the Balochistan National Party and the National Party) had boycotted the elections and the new government faced a serious credibility deficit. The P.M.L-N. no longer faces that situation. With the B.N.P. and the N.P. contesting elections, the polls gained legitimacy while the appointment of a Baloch nationalist as the C.M. also resolved half of the problem. After all, it was people like Dr. Baloch who were the first contributors to discontent in Balochistan as early as 2004 when they voiced reservations about the Gwadar Port. Unlike Sharif, the post-election situation has significantly weakened the position of the Baloch nationalists on theoretical front. If Balochistan is a political issue, its champions were political parties like the B.N.P. and the N.P. With their institutional accommodation, the Baloch ‘nationalists’ are technically no longer outside the so-called national mainstream. The international community support for the Baloch, if there is any, is predominantly for peaceful political parties not the armed groups or those who champion violence no matter what justifications they provide for their actions. With regards to the Baloch armed groups, they are not political organizations although their demands and ambitions are political. Since they do not have offices in Balochistan, it is impossible for the government to reach out to the real insurgent leaders to initiate dialogue. Hairbayar Marri and Bramdagh Bugti, based in London and Switzerland respectively, have time and again denied running the Baloch Liberation Army or the Baloch Republican Army. The only leader currently operating in Balochistan on behalf of the armed groups is Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch, the presumed head of the Baloch Liberation Front. There is a Catch-22 situation involved here. The more he refuses to negotiate with the government, the more it perpetuates his political life and also adds to his popularity whereas a government attempt to kill him will also backfire and open new fronts of armed resistance. The government has to act very cautiously while talking to the armed groups. What is also pertinent is this: What does the government, mainly the security establishment, has to offer in return of starting talks with the armed groups? Is the army willing to pull out of Balochistan or stop kill and dump operations? What are some of the confidence building measures (C.B.M.s) that the government is willing to take? If the government has nothing tangible to offer, a mere announcement to negotiate is, after all, not enough to move forward. Lastly, any peace talks with the Baloch armed groups will not succeed until they are backed by the central government and the Pakistani armed forces. Both of them, at this point, do not seem to be in any kind of urgency with regards to addressing the the level of violence the Baloch nationalists are currently employing. For them, this is still not more serious than the Taliban threat or the violence in Karachi. Islamabad is confident that it can digest the current amount of violence that is taking place in Balochistan considering the overall national state of law and order. Hence, in such circumstances, the federal government is unprepared to offer the Baloch any major concessions, including agreeing to resurface the missing persons. With the 18th Amendment and the appointment of a Baloch nationalist chief minister, one can see a marked decline in the interest of the media and the civil society in Balochistan affairs. Ironically, ‘internal autonomy’, a concept meaning provinces should manage their own affairs, can be catastrophic for Balochistan. The province consistently needs media attention and national and international debate. A Balochistan that is not under spotlight will remain a land where the ordinary person suffers every single day. Consider a Balochistan where security forces apply violence against citizens; hardliner Balochs kill moderate Balochs on a regular basis and Islamic extremists routinely target Shia-Hazaras. And what if, in the midst of all this chaos, the central government and the media show least interest in Balochistan’s ‘local affairs’!
Pakistan: New power, petroleum tariff to cost Rs 360b
http://mediacellppp.wordpress.com/Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Secretary Information Sumsan Bokhari said on Friday that the new electricity and petroleum products’ tariff would charge Rs 360 billion from the masses. He termed the tariff as an attempt meant to fill the pockets of the owners of oil companies who were usually observed sitting in high-level meetings to formulate energy policies. Bokhari said the representative organisations of the textile sector and other industries, commerce chambers and the civil society had rejected the new tariff which would make Pakistani products less competitive in the international market due to the rise in the cost of production. He said, “The exports of the country and resultantly the economy will suffer, affecting all citizens,” adding that the phenomenal raise in the tariff just before Eid was unjustified as it would greatly affect the capacity of the masses to observe Eid with the traditional religious fervor and enthusiasm. He demanded that the names of the owners who had been paid billions of rupees to clear the outstanding payments of the independent power plants (IPPs) should be made public so the people could know the beneficiaries of the generosity of the present government. He deplored that even after heavy payments to the IPPs, the people of the country continued to face load shedding even during Iftar, Sehr and Taraweeh, contrary to the government’s claims. He reminded that during the previous PPP-led government Pakistan turned into a wheat exporter from being a wheat importer. He said it was due to the correct policy of the government which included Rs 2 subsidy per unit to the farmers on the tube wells. The present government had stopped the subsidy and compounded the problem by introducing the new tariff, he said. The tariff would stifle the agriculture sector, he said. He said the PPP would stage an agitation against the government by mobilising the public against the price hike. “The PPP would not allow the cronies of the capitalists to adversely affect the poor masses,” he said.
John Kerry’s Message to Pakistan
by Omar Samad
The Secretary of State told Pakistani leaders the U.S. will be in Afghanistan after 2014. Now the ball is squarely in Pakistan's court.Secretary of State John Kerry had several important messages to deliver to Pakistani leaders this week in Islamabad, but one stood out in terms of its strategic significance: The U.S. is not leaving Afghanistan any time soon. He expressed strong confidence that a security agreement will soon be signed with Kabul allowing a residual U.S. (and NATO) force to stay on after 2014.That was not what Taliban backers and radical militants wanted to hear. With the U.S. clarifying its Afghanistan position, Pakistan’s military establishment and the new civilian government now have a unique opportunity to revisit and adjust their longstanding policy toward their beleaguered Western neighbor. By doing so, Pakistan can break with passé policies of strategic tolerance of militant sanctuaries and support networks on their soil, push reconcilable Taliban toward meaningful talks, reduce the threat of militancy within its own borders, engage in an open and forward-looking dialogue to address border and water issues, and focus on cooperation and regional economic integration at a time when economic prospects are dim and millions of dissatisfied people are on the verge of despair. For that to happen, now is the time for President Obama to spell out the post-2014 U.S. commitment in terms of troop numbers and effective assistance to help Afghans stand on their own, safely undergo a complex transition period, be assured of long-term international assistance, and eventually reach a just peace accord with reconcilable armed militants—if there are any to be found. The latest Pentagon estimate that Afghan forces will need U.S. assistance for several more years after the end of the current mission is a clear indicator of job-not-done. Leaving behind a fragile and unstable Afghanistan serves no strategic or clever purpose. In Afghanistan, now is the time for President Karzai to visit Pakistan one more time (date expected to be announced soon) with a coherent policy that can garner the backing of the Afghan people, can provide the Pakistanis with a clear vision for peace and good-neighborliness, and is not tied to short-term political advantage. He needs to think long and beyond the next Afghan elections scheduled for April 2014. Leaving behind a fragile and unstable Afghanistan serves no strategic or clever purpose. Since a Loya Jirga convened in 2011 has already agreed to a U.S.-Afghan strategic partnership framework, Karzai should engage in high-level political consultations at home and allow the Afghan parliament to legitimize the bilateral security agreement with the U.S. instead of taking the route of a second controversial Loya Jirga as he has indicated. Both the U.S. and Afghan governments would also be better served if they adopted a more constructive and trusting working relationship over the critical year ahead. As far as the Taliban are concerned, this is the time for their mystery-shrouded pro-reconciliation lobby to prove its credentials, speak up, and push for a change in tactics within the movement. That means stop the killing frenzy. Afghans will not agree to reconcile with cold-blooded murderers, unless they can prove otherwise. The latest United Nations figures show a staggering increase of 23 percent in civilian losses over the past six months. What is more troubling is that more than 75 percent of deaths are caused by Taliban/militant attacks. If they are unable to convince the hardliners in their midst to stop killing innocent fellow Muslims, then it is their Islamic duty to walk away or fight them to prove to other Afghans that there really is a faction preferring peace talks over continued conflict. This lobby cannot continue to have their cake and eat it too. Concerning the hardcore wing of the militancy, they will continue to fight, kill and destroy. They will fight Western interests opportunistically, send men to other combat zones, including Syria, and increasingly engage in sectarian strife. They are organic allies of al Qaeda, Central Asian jihadists and other like-minded terrorist groups. If the Afghan and Pakistani governments can break the ice, aim for genuine rapprochement, and build up mutual trust based on a paradigm shift in Islamabad and a balanced approach by Kabul, then they could join hands in fighting these elements on both sides of the border and in return receive generous international assistance. But if the game is to let the war linger for some Machiavellian reason, be tempted to use Sunni radicals against Shia extremists in the region, aim for a zero-sum outcome and risk stability in South-Central Asia for many years to come, then we might end up with a lose-lose scenario. Secretary Kerry’s message to his friends in Pakistan has resonance across the region and beyond. The ball is squarely in the Pakistani court, and now is the time to engage in deep strategic soul-searching and reconfiguration. Much is at stake for the sake of peace, justice and prosperity in that part of the world. Omar Samad is Senior Central Asia Fellow at New America Foundation, President of Silkroad Consulting, and former Afghan ambassador to France and Canada.
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