M WAQAR.....
"A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."
--Albert Einstein !!!
NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.''
تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Women marching with placards, using slogans like 'mera jism meri marzi' are not 'good women’. And how dare they oppose maulanas and misogynists, Pakistan's real feminists?
We are still a few days away from 8 March and regressive Pakistani men are already uncomfortable. This is an achievement. Usually, the burn begins after the Women’s Day. But this time they’re climaxing beforehand.
The fact that Pakistani women come out each year during Aurat March and talk about violence, abuse, rape, sexual harassment, forced marriages, honor killings, acid attacks, pay disparity, and inheritance rights among others is a cause of concern for Pakistani men. But the women stop at talking about the violence and the suppression. The male thinking is – what happens to you is not much of a concern, but if you speak about it openly, that becomes our concern.
Women marching in open holding placards, demanding fundamental rights, starting a conversation around difficult issues are ‘not good women’ because good women don’t complain no matter what. The measure of how much freedom women can have is dictated by others in Pakistan.
Now, when the expectation from her is to not even speak up, how can she march? And still, she and others like her march in March, calling it the Aurat March. Just the mere mention of these two words – Aurat March – sends its opponents in a tizzy. Aurat March is the coronavirus for those opposing it and they warn everyone to stay away from this saazish (conspiracy) of the Western lobby.
The March scare
This year there were demands to ban the Aurat March because one triggered petitioner saw it as “against the norms of Islam”, saying its hidden agenda was to “spread anarchy, vulgarity and hatred”. And, of course, it is also promoting anti-state activities. The Lahore High Court thought otherwise and ruled that the march can’t be stopped “under the law and Constitution” of Pakistan. So, the march will go on.
But that didn’t stop the notorious Lal Masjid extremists from threatening the artists and vandalising in police presence a mural of two women painted by Aurat March organisers in Islamabad. Two ‘uncovered’ women in a mural were ‘fahashi (pornographic)’ enough to be ruined with black paint. Earlier, a mural painted with public service messages and images of women icons in Lahore was also destroyed. Adding to the disdain towards Aurat March was Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F) leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who said his party would not allow vulgarity and obscenity in the name of human rights because Quran and Sunnah don’t allow that. He urged his workers to stop the march by force.
We can assume that most people who oppose Aurat March are not even aware of the charter of demands that the movement has put forth. All it asks for is equality and fundamental rights for women – but then who cares about all that when a few placards is all it takes to go red.
Women want rights over their bodies. How dare they?
Continuing from last year is a feminist slogan of Mera Jism Meri Marzi – my body, my choice. Simply put, it means that a woman’s body is not to be abused. The slogan highlights rape, marital rape, sexual assault and the violence based around women’s bodies. As opposed to the societal diktat that a woman’s body is ownership of the man. But many find it offensive. If it were mera jism, apki marzi (my body, your choice), all those offended would happily fall in line.
The abhorrent commentary around Mera Jism Meri Marzi just goes to show that men’s obsession with women’s bodies is here to stay. The issue is not with the slogan but with the patriarchal mindset that questions women’s right to say no.
Television screenwriter Khaliur Rehman Qamar said on a talkshow how even the mention of this phrase boils his blood, to which journalist Marvi Sirmed repeated “Mera Jism Meri Marzi” and Qamar abused her saying “Tera jism hai kya, bibi? Thookta nahin hai koi aapke jism par” and then he went on with the profanities. The female anchor sitting next to Qamar didn’t have it in her to throw him out of the studio. Interestingly, the co-panellist maulana didn’t get offended much when Qamar called Marvi a “bitch”; he kept asking everyone to let Qamar complete his answer. By the way, Qamar calls himself a feminist who stands for women’s rights. Yes, maulanas and misogynists are the real feminists in Pakistan.
The TV showdown on Aurat March placards isn’t new, though. We all remember Orya Maqbool Jan spiralling over “Dick pics apnay pass rakho” placard used by participants during 2019 Aurat March. The placard was an ‘abuse’ of his fundamental rights, he said. Apparently, sending dick photos to women was a fundamental right that the marchers were trying to take away from men like Orya Maqbool Jan. Other placards on not taxing sanitary pads, not throwing acid on women, asking to stop equating women with lollipops, iPads, juice boxes, demanding that daughters be given inheritance rights, and reclaiming public spaces have stayed with many.
The reactions that Aurat March receives every year in Pakistan would make for comic relief if the issues concerning the women weren’t as real and required urgent action. Women reclaiming lost public spaces every 8 March is a positive movement that we should all get behind.
A new report published by Amnesty International today exposes how despite all their rhetoric of reforms, the Saudi authorities are using the Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) as a weapon to systematically silence dissent. Alongside the report, the organisation is also launching a campaign calling for the immediate and unconditional release of all human rights defenders detained for their peaceful expression.
In the report titled “Muzzling critical voices: Politicized trials before Saudi Arabia’s Specialized Criminal Court”the organization documents the chilling impact of the SCC’s prosecutions of human rights defenders, writers, economists, journalists, religious clerics, reformists and political activists, including of Saudi Arabia’s Shi’a Muslim minority who have suffered grossly unfair trials before the SCC and received harsh sentences, including the death penalty, under vague counter-terror and anti-cybercrime laws.
The Saudi Arabian government exploits the SCC to create a false aura of legality around its abuse of the counter-terror law to silence its critics.
Extensive examination of court documents, government statements and national legislation, as well as interviews with activists, lawyers and individuals close to the cases documented were included in the report. Amnesty International wrote to the Saudi authorities on 12 December 2019 and received one response from the official Human Rights Commission summarizing relevant laws and procedures but failing to directly address the cases raised in the report.
“The Saudi Arabian government exploits the SCC to create a false aura of legality around its abuse of the counter-terror law to silence its critics. Every stage of the SCC’s judicial process is tainted with human rights abuses, from the denial of access to a lawyer, to incommunicado detention, to convictions based solely on so-called ‘confessions’ extracted through torture,” said Heba Morayef, Amnesty International’s Middle East and North Africa Regional Director.
“Our research gives lie to the shiny new reformist image Saudi Arabia is trying to cultivate, exposing how the government uses a court like the SCC in the ruthless suppression of those who are courageous enough to voice opposition, defend human rights or call for meaningful reforms.”
The government’s rhetoric about reforms, which increased after the appointment of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, stands in stark contrast to the reality of the human rights situation in the country. At the same time as they brought in a set of positive women’s rights reforms, the authorities unleashed an intense crackdown on some of the highest profile women human rights defenders who had for years fought for those reforms as well as other citizens promoting change.
very stage of the SCC’s judicial process is tainted with human rights abuses, from the denial of access to a lawyer, to incommunicado detention, to convictions based solely on so-called ‘confessions’ extracted through torture
The SCC was established in October 2008 to try individuals accused of terror-related crimes. Since 2011, it has been systematically used to prosecute individuals on vague charges which often equate peaceful political activities with terrorism-related crimes. The counter-terror law, which has overly broad and vague definitions of “terrorism” and of a “terrorist crime”, contains provisions which criminalize peaceful expression of views.
Amnesty International’s report documents the cases of 95 individuals, mostly men, who were tried, sentenced or remain on trial before the SCC between 2011 and 2019. The trials of at least 11 individuals detained for their peaceful expression and association continue before the SCC until this day. Some 52 are now serving lengthy prison sentences of between five and 30 years.
Several Saudi Arabian Shi’a Muslims, including young men tried for “crimes” they were accused of having committed when they were under the age of 18 are at imminent risk of execution following grossly unfair trials before the SCC. At least 28 Saudi Arabians from the Shi’a minority have been executed since 2016, many of whom were sentenced to death by the SCC based solely on torture-tainted ‘confessions.’
Grossly unfair trials
Amnesty International closely reviewed eight SCC trials of 68 Shi’a defendants, the majority of whom were prosecuted for their participation in anti-government protests, and of 27 individuals prosecuted for their peaceful expression and human rights activism. In all cases of the 95 individuals, the organization concluded that the trials were grossly unfair. Defendants were convicted and, in many cases sentenced to death, on vague charges that criminalize peaceful opposition or in relation to charges of violence.
The most common charges used in proceedings analyzed by Amnesty International include “disobeying the ruler”; “questioning the integrity of officials and the judicial system”; “inciting disorder by calling for demonstrations” and “forming an unlicensed organization” – all of which describe acts protected by the right to freedom of expression, assembly and association.
Every single defendant in the SCC trials reviewed by Amnesty International was denied access to a lawyer from their arrest and throughout their interrogation. Appeals against SCC judgements are conducted behind closed doors without the presence or participation of defendants or their lawyers.
Our research gives lie to the shiny new reformist image Saudi Arabia is trying to cultivate, exposing how the government uses a court like the SCC in the ruthless suppression of those who are courageous enough to voice opposition, defend human rights or call for meaningful reforms
One of the most striking failings of the SCC in the trials reviewed by Amnesty International is its unquestioning reliance on torture-tainted “confessions”. At least 20 Shi’a men tried by the SCC have been sentenced to death on the basis of such “confessions,” with 17 of them already executed.
Muzzling peaceful voices
Virtually all Saudi Arabian independent voices, including human rights defenders, writers and religious clerics are behind bars serving lengthy sentences handed down by the SCC and other courts since 2011 or remain on trial on charges related to their peaceful expression or activism.
Among those prosecuted by the SCC are founding members of independent human rights groups that the authorities shut down in 2013. For example, all 11 founding members of the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association (ACPRA) have been tried and sentenced in recent years for their human rights work. Others include human rights defenders such as Mohammad al-Otaibi, a founding member of the Union for Human Rights, who was sentenced to 14 years in prison on charges related to his efforts to form an independent human rights organization. He is currently facing new charges for his communication with international organizations and his attempt to seek political asylum.
Others who remain on trial before the SCC include Salman al-Awda, a reformist religious cleric arrested in September 2017, who faces the death penalty for peacefully exercising his rights to freedom expression and of association. Amnesty International has documented the trials and sentencing of 27 such individuals by the SCC. It considers 22 of the 27 still unlawfully detained to be prisoners of conscience and calls for their immediate and unconditional release.
Crushing dissent in the Eastern Province
Since 2011, over 100 Saudi Arabian Shi’a Muslims have been brought before the SCC in relation to both peaceful criticism of the government in speeches or on social media and participation in anti-government protests. They have been tried on vague and varied charges ranging from organization or support for protests, to alleged involvement in violent attacks and espionage for Iran.
On 2 January 2016, the authorities announced that a Shi’a cleric, Nimr al-Nimr, known for his critical stance towards the government had been executed, sparking renewed protests in Eastern Province. In July 2017, Youssuf al-Muhsikhass, who was sentenced to death following a grossly unfair trial was executed with three other Shi’a men, and in April 2019 a mass execution of 37 men, the majority of them Shi’a, was carried out.
If the King and Crown Prince want to show they are serious about reforms, they should as a first step immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience, ensure their convictions and sentences are quashed, and declare an official moratorium on all executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty
The SCC has also sentenced to death and executed several young men for crimes committed when they were below 18 years of age following “confessions” extracted through torture or coercion. Three juveniles – Ali al-Nimr, Abdullah al-Zaher and Dawood al-Marhoon – were arrested separately in 2012 aged 17, 16 and 17 respectively in relation to their participation in anti-government protests. The three are at imminent risk of execution after they were sentenced to death following grossly unfair trials before the SCC.
Urgent reform required
Amnesty International calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience as well as fundamental reform to the SCC to ensure it can conduct fair trials and protect defendants from arbitrary detention, torture and other ill-treatment. There must also be independent investigations into allegations of torture or other ill-treatment in custody and full reparation for all victims of torture and other human rights violations by state officials or those acting on their behalf.
“If the King and Crown Prince want to show they are serious about reforms, they should as a first step immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience, ensure their convictions and sentences are quashed, and declare an official moratorium on all executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty,” said Heba Morayef.
In March and September 2019, the UN Human Rights Council adopted unprecedented joint statements on Saudi Arabia setting out a number of benchmarks for urgent human rights reforms. None of these have been met and Council members must ensure sustained scrutiny at the Council by supporting the establishment of a monitoring and reporting mechanism over the human rights situation.
Recent social and economic reforms that helped improve Saudi Arabia’s business environment and attract foreign investment came with a heavy human rights price tag.
With a score of 53, Saudi Arabia improved by four points on the Corruption Perceptions Index since last year. However, its score does not reflect the myriad problems in the country, including a dismal human rights record and severe restrictions on journalists, political activists and other citizens, which is one of the many reasons it’s a “country to watch” on this year’s CPI.Over the past years, Saudi Arabia has spent millions of dollars to polish its reputation and suppress criticism from international media. With the help of Western PR agencies, the government is pushing the image of a modern country attractive for foreign investors. At home, however, the regime’s actions paint a very different picture — one of ruthless repression and flagrant disregard of human rights.
Corrupt “anti-corruption” purge
In 2017, the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS) carried out an ”anti-corruption” purge as part of his reform of the country. This was seen by many as a move to consolidate his position of power to which he rose through plotting and nepotism.
A self-styled (anti-corruption) reformer on the one hand, the Crown Prince lives a luxurious lifestyle that eats up billions of dollars of unclear origin on the other. His recent lavish purchases include a yacht, a French chateau and a da Vinci painting, adding up to over US$1 billion.
Despite government claims of recovering approximately US$106 billion of stolen assets in the crackdown, there was no due process, transparent investigation or fair and free trial for suspects.Even if it was a sincere attempt to clamp down on corruption, this top-down approach will likely prove to be unsustainable, as it does not draw on the full range of anti-corruption measures, many of which rely on the participation of non-state actors.
Crushing dissent
The absence of civil society points toward a much wider problem in Saudi Arabia. Over recent years, the country’s regime has been escalating its clampdown on dissenters, detaining people for peaceful activism or political opposition.
In November 2019, the Kingdom even categorised feminism and homosexuality as crimes. While the government ultimately retracted its announcement , Saudi Arabia’s leading women human rights defenders are still behind bars for their human rights work.
A free media is also practically non-existent in Saudi Arabia, and any form of dissent bears the risk of grave consequences, from corporal punishment to prison or even death sentences.
Corruption in the judiciary
A lack of accountability in the Saudi judiciary enables corruption. With a legal system that follows Sharia law, individual judges determine what constitutes a crime, which comes with increased corruption risks.
Judicial corruption is common, in cases of both land registration and when it comes to politically sensitive decisions. Judges reportedly receive “implicit instructions” and pressure to issue harsh sentences. A special court set up to try cases of terrorism is particularly known for a lack of transparency and severe rulings against human rights defenders.
Opaque state finances
A lack of transparency and oversight in state finances are also major problems. Some experts suggest that countries with rich natural resources that depend on the sale of those resources rather than tax revenue are less likely to act in an accountable way towards citizens.This seems to apply to Saudi Arabia, where its general auditing bureau is not answerable to any elected body, leaving outsiders and citizens wondering how much of the state budget ends up in the pockets of the ruling family.
https://voices.transparency.org/authoritarianism-and-corruption-in-saudi-arabia-b51f261607eb
کچھ مرد حضرات نے یہ بھی کہا کہ یہ عورتیں اپنا جسم اور اپنی مرضی کا یہ مطلب لیتی ہیں کہ یہ طوائف بن جائیں۔ میرا جسم، میری مرضی کا ہرگز یہ مطلب نہیں لیکن آپ نے کبھی یہ سوچا ہے کہ عورت طوائف کیوں بنتی ہے؟
میرا جسم، میری مرضی کا نعرہ جو کہ پچھلے سال ہونے والے عورت مارچ کے بعد سے ہر طرف زیر بحث ہے۔ جتنے بحث مباحثے اس حوالے سے ہوئے اس کا لبِ لباب نکالنے سے معلوم ہوتا ہے جیسے اعتراض میرے جسم پر نہیں، میری مرضی پر ہے۔ یہی تو ہمیشہ ہوتا آیا ہے، مسئلہ سارا اس مرضی کا ہے اور ہمارا معاشرہ آج بھی یہ چاہتا ہے کہ چاہے عورت کا جسم ہو، تعلیم کا حق ہو، نوکری کا حق ہو، پسند کی شادی کرنے کا حق ہو، کسی بات سے انکار کا حق ہو، اس سب میں مرضی مرد کی چلنی ہے۔ جہاں عورت نے اپنی مرضی چاہی، اس عورت کو نافرمان، بدچلن اور بری عورت قرار دیا۔
آخر اتنا خوف کیوں ہماری مرضی سے؟ یا شاید اس خوف کی وجہ یہ تو نہیں کہ آپ کو مرضی کا مطلب سمجھ میں نہیں آتا؟ اس مرضی کا مطلب ہرگز وہ نہیں جو آپ سمجھتے ہیں، کہ اگر کسی لڑکی کو شادی کے لیے پوچھا اور اس نے انکار کر دیا تو آپ کی مرضی ہے کہ آپ اس پر تیزاب پھینکیں۔ اگر کو ئی لڑکی پڑھنا لکھنا چاہے یا نوکری کرنا چاہے تو آپ نے اسے مار دیا اور اسے اپنا گھریلو ذاتی معاملہ قرار دے کر صاف بچ گئے۔ کیونکہ مرضی تو صرف آپ کی چلتی ہے۔ بیوی نے کھانا صحیح نہیں بنایا اور آپ نے تشدد کیا۔ بیٹیاں پیدا کرنے پر عورت کا جینا حرام کر دیا کیونکہ قدر تو صرف اولاد نرینہ کی ہے۔
بھائی یا باپ تیش میں آیا اور کسی کو مار دیا۔ اب اسے بچانے کے لیے خاندان سر توڑ کوشسشیں کرے گی کہ اس کی زندگی بچ جائے لہذا یہاں پھر مرد حضرات کی مرضی کام آئے گی اور وہ یہ فیصلہ کریں گے کہ گھر میں موجود کسی بچی یا خاتون کو ’سورہ‘ میں دے دیا جائے اور دشمنی ختم کر دی جائے کیونکہ اس بچی یا خاتون کی کوئی مرضی تو ہے نہیں۔ اس کے بعد چاہے اس کی زندگی کا ہر دن قیامت کا دن ہو کیونکہ اس کی شادی نہیں کی جاتی اسے ایک نعم البدل کے طور پر پیش کیا جاتا ہے۔ پھر اسے کے شوہر اور اس کے گھر والوں کی مرضی کہ اس دشمنی کے پاداش میں روز اسے پھانسی سنائیں یا اس کا گلہ گھونٹے، مرضی اس کی نہیں چلے گی۔
دنیا جہان میں جہاں جہاں جنگ ہوئی، ہم سب کو اس امر کا بخوبی پتہ ہے کہ مرد صرف قتل ہوتے ہیں لیکن عورت قتل سے زیادہ ریپ ہوتی ہے۔ ریپ کو جنگوں میں ایک ہتھیار کے طور پر استعمال کیا جاتا رہا ہے، کیونکہ عورت کے جسم پر اس کی مرضی نہیں، لہذا مرد آپس میں دشمنیاں اور جنگوں میں ایک دوسرے کو نیچا دیکھانے اور بے عزت کرنے کے لیے ایک دوسرے کی عورتوں کے جسموں کو ظلم کا نشانے بناتے رہتے ہے اور دشمنی کی آگ بجھائی جاتی ہے
کچھ مرد حضرات نے یہ بھی کہا کہ یہ عورتیں اپنا جسم اور اپنی مرضی کا یہ مطلب لیتی ہیں کہ یہ طوائف بن جائیں سب۔ میرا جسم، میری مرضی کا ہرگز یہ مطلب نہیں لیکن آپ نے کبھی یہ سوچا ہے کہ عورت طوائف کیوں بنتی ہے؟
بھائی جس معا شرے میں عورت کی تعلیم پر پابندی ہے۔ عورت کی تعلیم کے لیے ادارے نہ ہونے کے برابر ہوں، مناسب ملازمتیں نہ ہوں، وہاں عورت طوائف نہیں بنے گی تو کیا کرے گی؟ لیکن سوال تو یہ بنتا ہے کہ طوائف کے پاس جاتا کون ہے؟ مرد۔ وہ مرد جس کی مرضی ہے، جہاں جائے، جو کرے، کوئی مائی کا لال مرد کی مرضی پر سوال نہیں اٹھا سکتا۔
اسی مرد کی مرضی میں آتا ہے تو کم سن اور معصوم بچے بچیوں کو اپنی ہوس کا نشانہ بنا کر بےدردی سے مار دے گا کیونکہ اس کی مرضی ہے۔
اپنے ارگرد نظر دوڑائیں اور مرد کی مرضی کی ایسی بہت سی مثالیں آپ کو نظر آئیں گی جو روز انسانیت کا جنازہ نکالتی ہوں گی لیکن چونکہ ہمارے معاشرے میں کبھی مرد کی مرضی پر سوال نہیں اٹھایا گیا اس لیے ہمیں یہ کبھی محسوس ہی نہیں ہوا کہ اس مرضی پر سوال اٹھائیں اور اس کو روکنے کی بات کریں۔ عورت جس مرضی کی بات کر رہی ہے وہ ہرگز وہ مرضی نہیں جو آج تک ایک مرد کرتا اور سمجھتا آ رہا ہے۔
ایک متوازن معاشرے کی بنیاد ہی ایک ترقی یافتہ، پر امن اور خوشحال معاشرے کی ضامن ہے (اے ایف پی)
اب وقت آگیا ہے کہ ہم عورتوں کی مرضی چلے۔ ہم اپنے حق کے لیے آواز اٹھائیں۔ ہمارے جسم ہماری ملکیت ہیں۔ کسی مرد یا کسی انسان کو ہمارے جسم پر کوئی حق اور سروکار نہ ہو۔ ہم بھی ترقی کی منازل طے کریں۔ اپنی مرضی سے اپنی صلاحیتوں کو استعمال کریں۔
ہزار مشکلات اور جانفشانی کے بعد آج کی عورت جس طرح سے دنیا کے ہر کونے اور ہر شعبے میں کامیابی کی منازل طے کر رہی ہے، اس سے تو صاف ظاہر ہے کہ عورت کو اپنی مرضی کا مکمل حق حاصل ہونا چاہیے۔ اپنی مرضی اور خوشی سے جینا ہر انسان کا حق ہے لیکن پھر صرف ہم پر اعتراض کیوں؟
ہمارے معاشرے میں کنفرنٹیشن کی وبا ہر طرف پھیلی ہوئی ہے۔ کنفرنٹیشن سے مزید تنازعے اور مسائل پیدا ہوتے ہیں۔ لہذا ہم سب کو تھوڑے توقف سے سوچنے اور سمجھنے کے بعد اپنی بات کو مدلل طریقے سے آگے رکھنا چاہیے اور ترجیح اصلاح ہو۔ نہ کہ اپنی ذاتی انا اور جھوٹے وقار کی پرستش ہو۔
ایک متوازن معاشرے کی بنیاد ہی ایک ترقی یافتہ، پر امن اور خوشحال معاشرے کی ضامن ہے۔ میری یہ تحریر پڑھنے کے بعد گالی کا خیال دل میں آئے تو یہ سوچ لیجیے گا کہ آپ میری بات سمجھے نہیں لہذا توقف سے کام لیں اور سمجھنے کی کوشش کریں کہ میری مرضی سے آپ کو کوئی خطرہ نہیں لہذا مطمئن رہیں۔
چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ پاکستان کی ہر عورت میری ماں جیسی ہے، جو حقوق ہمارا دین، آئین عورتوں کو دیتا ہے ہم انہی حقوق کا مطالبہ کرتے ہیں۔
چیئرمین پیپلزپارٹی بلاول بھٹوزرداری نےخواتین کنونشن سےخطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ خواتین کوحقوق ملےہیں تو پیپلزپارٹی کے دور میں ملے ہیں۔ ہم اپنے ملک کی خدمت کرنا چاہتے ہیں، عورتوں کےحقوق یا جدوجہد کی بات ہوتی ہے تو شہید بےنظیر بھٹو کا نام ضرور آتا ہے۔
چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی نے کہا کہ آج لوگ کہتے ہیں کہ عورت مارچ نہیں کرسکتی،میں ان لوگوں کو کہتا ہوں آپ کی سوچ پرانی ہے، آج پاکستان کی عورت مارچ بھی کرےگی، عورت اگر چاہتی ہے تو وہ وزیر اعظم بھی بنے گی۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ ہم کسی کواجازت نہیں دیں گے کہ وہ عورتوں کو بتائیں کہ کس طرح سیاست کرنی ہے، ہم کسی کواجازت نہیں دیں گے کہ وہ عورتوں کو بتائیں کس طرح احتجاج کرنا ہے، ریاست کی ذمہ داری ہے کہ خواتین کو تحفظ فراہم کرے، نوجوان پاکستان کے لیے نوجوان قیادت کی ضرورت ہے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ عورتوں کےحقوق کی جدوجہد میں پیپلزپارٹی کا کردار سب سے آگے ہے، پاکستان کے کونے کونے میں لیڈی ہیلتھ ورکرز کام کرتی ہیں۔ پوری دنیا میں بے نظیر انکم سپورٹ پروگرام کو سراہا گیا، منہگائی بڑھ رہی ہے لیکن ریاست کی جانب سےکوئی مدد نہیں مل رہی۔
بلاول بھٹوزرداری نے کہا کہ پیپلزپارٹی نے ہر دور میں عورتوں کے لیےکام کیاہے، جہاں بھی ہمیں موقع ملتا ہے اس ملک کی عورتوں کے لیے جدوجہد کر رہے ہیں۔
چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی نے کہا کہ عورتوں کےمسائل حل کرنے کی کوشش کر رہے ہیں، پیپلزپارٹی وہ جماعت ہے جو آپ کےحقوق کے لیے لڑ رہی ہے۔
Chairman Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has highlighted sacrifices of media workers, saying that the PPP will not accept a Naya Pakistan devoid of freedom of expression.
According to the details, He criticised the government for blocking media houses’ dues. The PPP chairman said that the government was using censorship as a tool to stifle criticism on media workers, producers, media houses, cameramen and those who posted on Twitter and other social media websites.
The chairman of PPP claimed that the cases against Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari had not been instituted due to corruption but political victimisation. Bilawal said no one agreed with the ruling party claims that Nawaz Sharif served the jail term because of corruption.
PEOPLE want to live in a society where they enjoy the freedom of thought and action and can exercise their right to speak out. Unfortunately, there is now an attempt to roll back these fundamental rights. We are witnessing an alarming rise of bigotry in society that is undermining democratic values. The strengthening of religious extremism not only weakens democratic institutions but also divides the country. One such example is the recent suspension of the release of an international award-winning Pakistani film under the pressure of a radical cleric.
The government’s retraction of the permission to screen Zindagi Tamasha gave certain religious elements a greater sense of empowerment. The move was yet another blow to the already shrinking freedom of expression. The assertion of authority by religious extremist groups is also manifested in the attempt by a radical cleric to seize control of Islamabad’s Lal Masjid. It brings back memories of the 2007 incident that led to the bloody military operation. The policy of appeasement shows that the government has not learnt any lesson from the past. It is yet another reminder that the state is being held hostage by bigots.
Meanwhile, the demand by some religious groups to ban the Aurat March that has become a symbol of struggle for women rights in this country is also an attempt to undermine fundamental rights. Accusing women activists of spreading ‘obscenity’ and ‘vulgarity’, the self-appointed guardians of so-called morality have threatened to stop women’s rights rallies on International Women’s Day to be observed on March 8.
Growing religious extremism presents the biggest threat to freedom of expression.
Leading the pack is Maulana Fazlur Rehman, head of the JUI-F, who has called upon his followers to use whatever means at their disposal against the participants. Ironically, the crafty maulana had recently led a march on Islamabad for the ‘restoration of democracy’. Sadly, many liberals had jumped onto his bandwagon declaring him a ‘champion of democracy’.
Going back to the film produced by Sarmad Khoosat, one of Pakistan’s most acclaimed filmmakers, Zindagi Tamasha premiered internationally last year and had been cleared by the federal and provincial censor boards for release in the country. The film was awarded the top fiction prize at the Busan International Film Festival. But days before it was to hit Pakistani cinema screens, the government gave in to the threat issued by the head of the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), Khadim Hussain Rizvi, the notorious cleric who had recently faced terrorism charges. Its expected release was stopped and the film was sent to the Council of Islamic Ideology for review. It is the first time in the country’s history that a film already passed by the official censors now has to be cleared by a body that has no such authority.
A spokesman for the TLP described the film as being ‘blasphemous’ and threatened to launch a countrywide protest to stop it from being screened. Interestingly, the censor boards that reviewed it twice didn’t find any objectionable content in the film.
Blasphemy allegations are handy tools for bigots who want to silence rational voices. The film has simply depicted hypocrisy in the name of religion. It carries a strong message against the growing intolerance that is now so deeply entrenched in our society. The protest against an internationally acclaimed film is also a manifestation of a regressive mindset that the film itself has effectively portrayed.
These religious bigots are afraid of being exposed. It is alarming that violent extremist elements have gained strength largely because of the weakness of the state. It seems that we have learnt no lessons from the past. Growing religious extremism presents the biggest threat to freedom of expression and the democratic process. Most dangerous, however, is the impunity that some of the violent extremist groups enjoy.
The state’s policy of appeasement has further emboldened radical clerics like Rizvi who was released from detention. He had been arrested for provoking violent protests against the Supreme Court’s decision to free Aasia Bibi who suffered years in jail because of a concocted case of blasphemy against her.
It is intriguing how terrorism cases against him have been dropped. He has now returned to his vitriolic sermons. But the law does not swing into action against him — maybe because of the patronage of some strong elements within the establishment.
Sarmad Khoosat, his family and team have reportedly been subjected to threats and bullying by TLP goons. In an open letter to the prime minister, the renowned filmmaker who has been associated with the Pakistani film industry for over two decades described the torment he was going through.
Khoosat rightly pointed out that “like any other film, made in any other part of the world, Zindagi Tamasha is a reflection of its setting”. But there has been a deafening silence from the government over the ordeal of the brilliant artist who has won laurels for the country through his work.
The tacit ban on the screening of Zindagi Tamasha is hardly an isolated instance. It is a manifestation of a larger problem of shrinking space for rational and progressive voices. There is strong resistance from right-wing groups to any move that is intended to shake up the existing order. While there is unannounced censorship on progressive literature, the religious extremists have been given a free hand.
It’s such a pity that a film that has earned international acclaim cannot be watched at home. Banning films is a manifestation of a culture that is afraid to face the truth. We have a long history of suppressing dissenting views perceived as posing a threat to the prevailing order. The space for reason and freedom of expression is further shrinking thanks to growing authoritarianism and rising bigotry in society.
Democracy cannot exist without freedom of expression and equal rights for all segments of society. There is a need for a joint effort to deal with this rising menace that threatens the national fabric.
YouTube is increasingly becoming the platform of choice for reporters facing one of the harshest media crackdowns in Pakistan’s 72-year history.
For Pakistani journalists, there’s only one channel that doesn’t exercise the mute button when they report difficult stories that involve their government or the country’s powerful military: YouTube.
The video-sharing social media giant is increasingly becoming the platform of choice for reporters facing one of the harshest media crackdowns in Pakistan’s 72-year history.
One of them is Syed Talat Hussain, who quit Geo television — the country’s largest broadcaster — after he was told his programs were too critical of the army and the government.
“Hunting down dissidents and demonizing critics as traitors was always part of the media landscape, but the scale, audacity and scope of it we see now remains unprecedented,” said Hussain. “Pakistan’s media faces deep, structural constraints that translate into crippling censorship.”
Once a vocal advocate of free media, Prime Minister Imran Khan is increasingly frustrated with criticism of his government and its handling of the economy. At the same time, the powerful military, which has ruled Pakistan for about half of its seven-decade history, is expanding its control over foreign and security policies and playing a greater role in economic strategy.
Under pressure over rising inflation and unemployment, the former cricket star has taken to calling any media critical of his policies the “mafia.” Still, Khan cannot afford to be distracted as he struggles to stabilize the economy after taking a $6 billion International Monetary Fund bailout last year and stave off Pakistan being placed on a global anti-money laundering agency blacklist.
Military Muscle
Media freedom has always been challenged in the South Asian nation, where the military has repeatedly obstructed democratic rule and tried to muzzle dissenting voices. In the 1980s, journalists were jailed and beaten, while newspapers were censored during the Martial Law imposed by General Zia-ul-Haq from 1977 to 1988. In 2007, the former president and General Pervez Musharraf, who ruled from 1999 to 2008, banned all television channels for a few weeks.
Khan’s army-backed government is intensifying the crackdown.
The curbs pushed Hussain to start his own YouTube channel where he now posts regular bulletins. The popular journalist has 103,000 subscribers to his channel and some 3.3 million Twitter followers.
So far Khan’s administration has made no move to censor YouTube content. Pakistan has briefly banned the video-sharing platform in the past, most notably in September 2012 after protests against “Innocence of Muslims,” a film viewed as anti-Islam. Islamabad’s neighbor and ally China bans access to Youtube and countries like Thailand and Malaysia have in the past either censored content or asked for it to be taken down.
Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority in January banned Kashif Abbasi, an anchor at ARY News television channel, generally considered a pro-government news outlet, for three months after the regulator said his program sought to “debase and demean” the military.
An interview of the opposition leader and former President Asif Ali Zardari was taken off a few minutes after it was broadcast on Geo television in November. The reporter Hamid Mir blamed censorship by unidentified authorities. A week later, a televised interview of opposition leader Maryam Nawaz, who is also the daughter of three-time Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, was taken off air midway without any reasons.
Firdous Ashiq Awan, a special assistant to the prime minister on information, said at a press conference the media regulator banned interviews with Zardari and Maryam because convicts were not allowed on TV. Both Zardari and Maryam are being tried for corruption in anti-graft courts.
Awan didn’t respond to calls from Bloomberg seeking comment.
“If you disagree with them, they take it as an attack on security interests,” Muhammad Ziauddin, a 50-year-veteran journalist and former editor of The Express Tribune and Dawn newspapers said, referring to the army and the government. “The situation is very bad. There is self-censorship” as well. Khan accuses Geo TV and Dawn, the country’s most read English language newspaper, of being biased against his government.
Silencing Media
Ziauddin said his voice was muted at least 10 times during a television talk show because he was critical of the army’s intervention in politics and the government.
The military denies any role in curbs on media, while the ministers say the measures are being taken by the media regulator without any interference from the authorities.
Still, Reporters Without Borders has lowered Pakistan’s ranking by three points to 142 out of 180 in 2019, placing it behind Afghanistan, Myanmar and South Sudan in the free media index, while Amnesty International is concerned about human rights activists and students being targeted. Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists, the top media-representative body, and press clubs across the country are protesting against censorship.
But it is not just censorship that’s worrying Pakistan’s media.
Journalists continue to be at risk of threats, kidnapping, and murder, while some have sought asylum in other countries. At least 33 journalists were killed in the past six years and so far, no one has been arrested or tried for their murders, according to Freedom Network, a Pakistan-based media rights watchdog.
At least three journalists spoke on the condition of anonymity, saying they fear backlash from security agencies. They reported receiving WhatsApp messages from military officials on reporting guidelines. If they don’t comply, they get angry calls, or visits by security officials or a social media campaign will be generated that brands them as “traitors.”
“In the past, there were some rules, clear red-lines and we knew who is on the other side,” Ziauddin said. “Now we don’t know who is doing it.”-
پیپلز پارٹی کے چیئرمین بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا ہے کہ جب بھی سلیکٹڈ حکومت آتی ہے کم قیمت میں ادارے بکنے لگتے ہیں ، اگر مشرف ادارے نہیں بیچ سکے تو کٹھ پتلی بھی نہیں بیچ سکے گا۔
لاہور میں تقریب سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے چیئرمین پی پی نے کہا کہ جن اداروں میں محنت کشوں کا خون پسینہ شامل ہے اُن کی نج کاری نہیں ہونے دیں گے۔
بلاول بھٹو نے کہا کہ مزدوروں کو کوئی ایمنسٹی اسکیم یا بیل پیکج نہیں ملتا جبکہ آئی ایم ایف کے ساتھ بیٹھ کر مزدوروں کے حقوق پر سودے بازی کی جاتی ہے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ یہ لوگ پھر کہتے ہیں کہ حکومت صحیح سمت میں ترقی کر رہی ہے۔
چیئرمین پی پی نے کہا کہ ہم عوامی حکومت بنائیں گے اور مزدوروں کو ان کے حقوق واپس دلائیں گے جبکہ تمام اداروں میں مزدوروں کو حصہ دار بنائیں گے ۔
بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ ہماری حکومت آئے گی تو دیکھیں گے کیسے نج کاری ہوتی ہے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ ان 15 ماہ سے پہلے پانچ سالوں میں مزدوروں کے حقوق پر حملے کیے جارہے تھے، پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی اور تمام جماعتوں کی سوچ میں فرق ہے جبکہ پیپلز پارٹی کا لیبر وزیر واقعی مزدوروں سے تعلق رکھتا ہے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ مزدور کی کم از کم تنخواہ اتنی ہونی چاہیے کہ نہ صرف گھر چل سکے، تعلیم اور علاج کا خرچ اٹھایا جاسکے۔
بلاول بھٹو نے کہا کہ ضیا آمر نے مزدوروں سے جو حق چھینا، شہید محترمہ نے پہلے دن یونین سازی کا حق واپس کیا جبکہ مشرف دور میں یونین سازی کا حق چھینا گیا، پھر ہم نے واپس کیا۔
