Monday, June 25, 2018

Why Pakistan’s Pashtun minority won’t be easily crushed



In my most recent Wall Street Journal column (read it here), I write about the Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) Movement, a non-violent group that campaigns against human rights abuses by Pakistan’s army against the Pashtuns, Pakistan’s largest linguistic minority. Some 30 million Pashtuns account for 15% of Pakistan’s population. Over the past four months, PTM has attracted thousands of protestors to its rallies.

There’s a wider context to Pashtun discontent. For most of its seven decades of existence, Pakistan has struggled to accommodate grievances by ethnic minorities. In 1971, Bengali-speaking East Pakistan seceded to form the new nation of Bangladesh. The army—easily Pakistan’s most powerful institution—has fought (and largely crushed) a bloody insurgency in Balochistan. Last year, Pakistan effectively dismantled the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, a political party associated with Mohajirs, descendants of Muslim migrants from India.
In part, this discomfort with both minority protest movements and parties viewed as unsympathetic to the army has to do with Pakistan’s decision to define itself in ideological rather than territorial terms. As the Hudson Institute’s Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador to the U.S., writes in his new book, Reimagining Pakistan: “Pakistan could have recognized its diversity and evolved as a multi-language federation with political and cultural autonomy for its constituting units. Instead, its leaders chose to base Pakistani identity on a national ideology.” That ideology, says Haqqani, has three cornerstones: Islam, hostility to India and the Urdu language.
In Bangladesh, Pakistan used force to quell Bengalis and failed. Its regular playbook, which relies on a combination of brute force and a well-oiled propaganda machine, may not work against the Pashtuns either.
For starters, Pakistan’s 30 million Pashtuns greatly outnumber other ethnic minority groups such as the Baloch (7 million) and the Mohajirs (16 million). Thanks to migration, Pakistan’s commercial capital, Karachi, also contains the largest concentration of Pashtuns in the world: about four million people.
Add to that 14 million Pashtuns in Afghanistan, where they form a 42% plurality of the population.(The PTM has no connection with Afghanistan, and works strictly within the boundaries of Pakistan’s constitution, but Afghan and Pakistani Pashtuns share close ties of kinship and culture.) In February, Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani tweeted in support of the PTM.
The PTM’s embrace of non-violence also makes it harder to target harshly without international backlash. Though the group protests against excesses committed by the military during Pakistan’s crackdown on the terrorist group Tehreek-i-Taliban, or Pakistan Taliban, PTM leaders are focused on civilians inadvertently caught up in the conflict. They argue that any terrorists among the thousands of Pashtun disappeared must be tried in court. (Two weeks ago, a U.S. drone strike killed the brutal TTP leader Mullah Fazlullah in Afghanistan.)
In the face of a media blackout, the PTM has used Twitter, Facebook and YouTube to get its message across, including to the Pashtun diaspora in the West. This too makes it harder to curb than other Pakistani protest movements. According to Mohsin Dawar, a senior PTM leader, “had there been no social media there would be no PTM.”
And finally, in 26-year-old Manzoor Pashteen the PTM has a charismatic leader who has quickly attracted a devoted following among his people. Abubakar Siddique, an analyst with Radio Free Europe in Prague, believes Pashteen is akin to Nelson Mandela for the Pashtuns.
Perhaps keeping all of these factors in mind, the Pakistan army has approached the PTM with relative restraint. It has arrested PTM members, placed travel restrictions on the movement’s leaders, and used the domestic media to smear them. But it has not gone after them with the brutality it has used, for instance, on Baloch separatists.
Will the army’s relative restraint last? Mohammad Taqi, a regular U.S.-based commentator on Pashtun and Pakistani politics, worries that it may not. “If all you have is a hammer, every problem looks like a nail,” he says.

https://www.aei.org/publication/why-pakistans-pashtun-minority-wont-be-easily-crushed/

Sunday, June 24, 2018

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#TheRedHenLex - Restaurant owner who asked Sarah Sanders to leave speaks out

#TheRedHenLex - Why Sarah Sanders was asked to leave a restaurant





By Dean Obeidallah


This week we saw two different ways people sent messages that they passionately oppose the Trump administration's policies. And both involved prominent Trump officials and restaurants.
On Tuesday night, Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen, while dining at a Mexican restaurant in Washington D.C., was heckled by protesters over her defense of Donald Trump's immoral family separations at the border. And on Friday night, according to a tweet by White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders, she was politely asked to leave a Lexington, Virginia, restaurant by its owner because of her work defending Trump and his policies.
Those shocked by these types of protests simply don't grasp the level of emotion that many who oppose Trump feel. I hear it nightly on my SiriusXM radio show and see it firsthand on social media. Even Trump, in a rare moment of honesty, told his supporters a few weeks ago that those who oppose him are not just angry, but "really, really angry." Many view Trump as a true threat to America.
So it should come as no surprise that some would also look to hold members of Team Trump responsible as well. After all, Trump administration officials who defend Trump's bigoted policies, his demonization of minority groups and his lies, are complicit. They freely choose to do the work for him and they shouldn't be shocked if some -- not all --Trump opponents lash out at them.
    But let's make it clear, this is not about asking someone to leave or heckling them simply because they are Republicans or conservatives. That would be wrong. This is about targeting people who are very publicly involved in formulating and defending Trump's immoral policies.
    In fact, the people who heckled Secretary Nielsen didn't yell: "Get out of here because you're a Republican." No, their chants were very specific to Trump's family separation immigration policy she had been publicly defending just days before, telling Nielsen: "Do you hear the babies crying?" and "If kids don't eat in peace, you don't eat in peace." That is literally speaking truth to power.
    Stephanie Wilkinson, the owner of the Red Hen restaurant, who had asked press secretary Sanders to leave, told the media on Saturday that she is "not a huge fan of confrontation," adding, "I have a business, and I want the business to thrive." But as Wilkinson rightly noted, "This feels like the moment in our democracy when people have to make uncomfortable actions and decisions to uphold their morals."
    Wilkinson further explained her approach to handling the situation. She first spoke with her employees, who disagreed with Sanders' defense of Trump's discriminatory ban on transgender Americans who want to serve in the military and her recent defense of Trump's un-American family separation policy.
    In response, she then asked Sanders to step outside to the patio and "explained that the restaurant has certain standards that I feel it has to uphold, such as honesty, and compassion, and cooperation." Clearly, Sanders doesn't comply with that standard.
    As a progressive, I feel that denying service to a person is instinctively troubling. For many, it may conjure up laws that banned blacks from being served at restaurants before the Civil Rights Act and the current campaign by some on the right to turn away same-sex couples who want professional services for their weddings. Or even a gun range owner who declared that no Muslims were allowed on the premises.
    But the situations with Sanders and even Nielsen are not even in the same universe as these discriminatory examples. No one is targeting them for their race, religion or sexual orientation. The backlash is because they have freely chosen to be a part of the Trump administration and have personally defended Trump's policies. In fact, Nielsen has served up lies while championing Trump's family separation policies while Sanders even invoked the Bible, telling reporters, "it is very biblical to enforce the law."
    I understand why some people targeted high-profile Trump administration officials, but I am concerned about what will we see in response. Newton's third law of motion -- "For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction" -- applies not just to physics, but perfectly to our hyperpartisan nation. Given our politics today, that law should actually be updated to: "For every action, there's an overreaction."
    How long until Trump's fans counter by hanging signs in their stores, restaurants and bars that read "No liberals allowed" or "Trump supporters only." I bet that would play well in certain red states. And would progressives in blue states respond in kind?
    From a legal point of view, a person can be asked to leave a privately owned establishment because of their political views. For example, In April, a judge in New York City dismissed a lawsuit by a Trump supporter who wore a "Make American Great Again" hat to a bar and was asked to leave.
    But applying this to the average American divides us even more as a nation and makes it less likely that we can ever return to being the United States of America.
    Going forward, it's likely that we will see more people speak out against Trump officials who publicly defend his cruel policies. The reality is that for many, the stakes are simply too high to remain silent as Trump attempts to radically transform our nation from the United States into Trumpistan.

    Music Video - Ahmed Rushdi - Koko Korina - Arman -

    #PPP Song - Her Gher Se Bhutto Nikley Ga

    پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی نے ہمیشہ ہی صحافیوں کے حقوق کے تحفظ کے لیے جدوجہد کی ہے۔

    #Pakistan - OP-ED The limits of electoral engineering

    #Pakistan - An open letter to the Chief Justice on disruptive impact of suo motu notices

    Honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan! On June 22, we were on our way to Kabul for an important Track II meeting with Afghan counterparts and officials. Former Defence Secretary General (retd) Asif Yasin Malik was also part of the delegation. To his utter shock, Mr. Malik was told by the FIA staff at the airport that the he was on the Exit Control List (ECL). The ECL bar on him related to a PIA-related corruption case, and the instruction for putting all previous PIA top tier managers on the ECL had been issued several weeks ago. The general had never been informed in writing about the decision, so he agreed to accompany our peace delegation to Kabul, only to face the embarrassment of being denied the peace journey to Kabul in the presence of dozens of curious onlookers.
    Honourable CJ,
    It is indeed heartening to see you pursue cases of graft and mis-governance across Pakistan, even on Saturdays and Sundays. Only a patriot can devote so much time for such a noble national cause and dare the mighty ruling elites in an unprecedented way.
    But the ripples your mission is generating at times go against the fundamentals of the division of authority and power within a state. At times, it also entails unwanted, unpleasant consequences , engulfing even innocent citizens, and that too, without informing them in writing or otherwise. It is the fundamental right of every citizen to be informed in writing, or otherwise, if a state organ is taking a legal action against that person. In our particular case, Gen.(r) Malik was never informed about the decision.
    As you deploy the Article 184(3) and relentlessly issue suo moto notices, your support staff is probably not informing you of the disruptive impact these notices are having on governance-related issues. Officials are reluctant in taking decisions they must take in the public interest. Police are shy in performing their primary function i.e. preventing mobs or criminals from breaking the law for fear of being called out by the august court.
    What has happened to the dozens of cases involving people like Sharjeel Memon, Dr.Asim Husein, Ishaq Dar, Fawad Hassan Fawad, Ahad Cheema or the property tycoons, or even the drivers of DHAs? Almost all are currently on your radar because of suo motu notices, but with little impact on the standing of these people. They are contesting and winning elections (Ishaq Dar, for example) or thriving in their businesses (real estate).
    Do you really hope to pin them down with current criminal laws, particularly when even the ATC trials take years to conclude, instead of the mandatory three-month period?
    Does the Supreme Court recognise that its own bar members flagrantly violate and exploit the laws that you, my lord, are a guardian of? Wouldn’t it be a great service to the public to first go for a reform of the Criminal Procedures Code (CrPC)?
    Wouldn’t you want to go down in history as a CJ who instituted mechanisms for all lawyers so they cannot avoid and evade taxes after pocketing hefty fees? Given the long history of pendency, does the court or its affiliates such as NAB have the capacity to address and take to logical end all the suo motus you have taken?
    One way of effectively taking care of issues under suo motu would be to avoid unnecessarily overburdening an already stretched law enforcement organ of the state. Instead of taking up newer cases, the judiciary would do a great service if it could logically conclude suo motu cases it is already seized with, and showcase a few case studies to underline its crusade against corruption.
    The best service the honourable court can do to the people of Pakistan is to reform the sector, which the elites exploit through amenable lawyers to get off the hook i.e. CrPC, and the Code of Civil Procedures. By reforming the CrPC, CCP and the bar under its nose, the Supreme Court will probably eternally endear itself with the people of Pakistan.

    Saturday, June 23, 2018

    Music Video - WIDY - Yahabibi

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    A nonviolent movement challenges Pakistan’s military




    In countries where military figures still hold the reins of power through fear, such as Egypt or Thailand, public criticism of the regime comes mainly from abroad. In recent days, for example, the United Nations has accused Venezuela’s security forces of hundreds of arbitrary killings. It also demanded Myanmar’s Army be held accountable for mass violence against the minority Rohingya. In Pakistan, people are so afraid of speaking against the military or its intelligence services that they often use code, such as tapping one’s shoulder to indicate decorative brass or by referring to “the establishment.” While the country has a facade of democracy, the top generals keep a tight hold on politics, the media, and dissent.
    Yet that fear may be starting to break.
    Since January, Pakistan has seen the rapid rise of a group of young people who rely on peaceful tactics to protest military abuses against ethnic minorities, especially the second-largest group, Pashtuns. In the country’s 70-year history, no group has so openly challenged the military’s grip like the Pashtun Protection Movement, known by its Urdu initials, PTM. Its courage, nonviolence, and appeal to constitutional rights have begun to inspire millions of others far beyond Pakistan’s minorities to speak out.
    “The impact of the PTM movement is reflected in how it has triggered a wider debate surrounding the role of the military in politics and citizen rights,” according to journalists Sarah Eleazar and Sher Ali Khan in a CNN report. The PTM’s main demand is for an accounting of thousands of missing persons either held or killed by the military during its 15-year campaign against the Taliban and other military groups in the country’s remote regions. At PTM rallies, mothers hold up pictures of their missing loved ones, a powerful image that may have helped prevent violent repression of the group.
    Leading this civil rights movement is Manzoor Pashteen, a 24-year-old tribal leader and trained veterinarian who has witnessed many of the military’s atrocities. He has been likened to a 20th-century pacifist Muslim, Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Widely known as Bacha Khan, Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a close friend of Mohandas Gandhi in the nonviolent struggle for independence from the British Raj. Mr. Pashteen has been harassed by security forces to keep him from making public appearances or using social media. The suppression only serves to show how worried the top brass is about this movement’s purely peaceful struggle and its appeal to conscience.
    As Gandhi himself said of the use of moral action against abusive power: “We should meet abuse by forbearance. Human nature is so constituted that if we take absolutely no notice of anger or abuse, the person indulging in it will soon weary of it and stop.”

    Will the PTM succeed in freeing Pakistan’s stunted democracy? In a study of insurgencies from 1900 to 2006, scholars Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan found that campaigns of nonviolent resistance were more than twice as effective as their violent counterparts.

    At the least, PTM provides a model of domestic dissent for other countries living under the thumb of a military. Nonviolent protest based on basic rights can expose and often defeat the violence that props up a regime. Peace has its own natural following.

    Religion And Democracy In Pakistan – OpEd




    Since 9/11, there has been a furious debate on the relationship between Islam and democracy. Many people have written on the issue. “To put it briefly, the significant democratic progress in countries such as Tunisia, Indonesia and others in Southeast Asia undermines the assertion that Islam and democracy are necessarily at odds with each other.” However, the case of Pakistan tells otherwise.
    Since the beginning, religion has been entrenched into statecraft in Pakistan. The first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan passed the Objective Resolution on March 12, 1949. Since then, the Resolution has been the part of all the three constitutions of Pakistan namely the 1956, 1962 and 1973 Constitution. The Resolution weaved Islam into the polity and laid the foundations for future constitution-making in Pakistan. The original scheme of the relationship between the state and Islam under the Resolution was inclusive and egalitarian, and extended certain rights, liberties and safeguards to the minority in Pakistan. Furthermore, under the Resolution, Allah’s sovereignty has been accepted over the entire universe; and it was laid that Quran and Sunnah will guide the legislation and policy-making in Pakistan. Similarly, it recognized representative form of government and federal structure for Pakistan; it also recognized democracy to be introduced in Pakistan as enunciated by Islam.
    Adoption of religion by state may lead to discrimination and persecution of religious minority and other sects within the same religion. For example, Zia’s Islamization programme was increasingly discriminatory against the religious minority and offended the Shia sect of Islam. In 1980, thousands of Shias gathered in front of the Parliament against several components of the Zia’s Islamization scheme. They ended their protest only when the government extended exemption to the Shias against such regulations as compulsory deduction of Zakat.
    The genesis of the disruption of the democratic process and the consequent military rule in Pakistan could be traced to the religiosity of the Pakistani polity. In 1953, religiously motivated protests erupted against Ahmadis in Punjab. The protests went out of the control of the Punjab government and ultimately led to the imposition of martial law in Lahore. The martial law emboldened and opened the door for the military leadership to directly intervene in the civilian affairs. And since then, the military is intervening either directly or indirectly in the politics in Pakistan, which hinders the democratic development in Pakistan. Again in 1974, such protests erupted against Ahmadis throughout the country which ultimately led to the introduction of 2nd Amendment in the Constitution of 1973. Under the Amendment, Ahmadis were declared as a non-Muslim minority of Pakistan.
    Similarly, Zial-Ul-Haq tried to legitimize his unconstitutional rule and elongate his stay in power through the introduction of his Islamization drive in Pakistan. In 2000s, under ‘Roshan Pakistan’ scheme General Pervaiz Musharraf tried to seek legitimacy for his military dictatorship by trying to reverse Zia’s Islamization program. However, he failed to reverse the process and instead generated an extremist response from the religious community. Even he failed to eradicate the religious and fundamentalist tendencies from his own institution. General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kiani, who was appointed by Musharraf as COAS, declared that Islam and Pakistan could not be separated; and that Pakistan Army is bound to protect both the territorial and ideological boundaries of the state.
    Any endeavor to change the existing relationship between Islam and Pakistan may pose a serious challenge to a democratic government in Pakistan. Such endeavors may lead to the erosion of public support, which is must for democratic development, to an incumbent government. This is evident from the events that unfolded in the aftermath of the Electoral Reforms Act, 2017 which brought changes into the Khatm-E-Nabuwat related clauses in the oath for public representatives. The sitting government faced serious backlash from the people and other institutions.
    Religious parties and interest groups were successful in invoking religious sentiments of the people against the government. Many MPs of the ruling party resigned from assemblies and joined the protesting religious groups. Even the military responded to it and declared that Army could not compromise on the finality of Prophet-hood of Muhammad (PBUH). The military was called by the federal government for aid to the civilian administration after the police failed to bring an end to the protest. However, the military showed increasing reluctance to disperse the protesters through crackdown and instead preferred a negotiated settlement to bring an end to the protest. To put in the words of Dr. Ishtiaq Husain, a prominent historian, the protest turned Pakistan into a mobocracy-rule of the mob.
    Another example of how the religion and democracy interact in Pakistan could be Nawaz Sharif’s disqualification, which is considered by many as a blow to the democratic consolidation, from the office of Prime Minister. He was disqualified from the office by the Supreme Court of Pakistan under Article 62 f(1) which was introduced by General Zial-Ul-Haq under his Islamization drive. In 2010, under the 18th Amendment, the PPP suggested removal of all such conditions for qualification and disqualification of public representatives added by Zia-Ul-Haq to the Constitution of 1973. However, Nawaz Sharif allegedly opposed the initiative probably for a fear of losing the support of the religious constituency.
    All these do not mean that Islam and democracy are necessarily incompatible with each other; rather it shows that how religion has been misused by the rulers and various interests groups for the promotion of their narrow political objectives without taking into consideration the harmful effects of their actions.

    Spokesman to the PPP Chairman, Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar response to reports about Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari’s asset details

    Reacting to reports concerning Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari’s asset details, Spokesman to the Chairman, Senator Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar, has said that: “We have noticed that a lot is being said regarding Chairman Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari’s asset details. The PPP would like to clarify a few things.
    “Chairman PPP submitted income tax returns for the last three years with all his nomination papers. All properties and businesses that have been declared by Mr Chairman were inherited from his family. As for those questioning how Bilawal House Karachi is worth Rs3 million, it should be mentioned that Section 116 of the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001, says: ‘All assets [whether purchased or inherited] should be valued at cost’. PPP Chairman inherited Bilawal House Karachi in early nineties and at that time, it was valued at Rs 3 million”.
    Senator Khokhar has also said that “around 70 candidates are contesting against Chairman PPP Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari in all three constituencies that he is contesting from. Copies of his nomination papers were taken by all other contesting candidates – including those from the PTI, JUI, MQM, PML-N, MMA, etc., and none of them raised any legal objections whatsoever. PPP Chairman has followed the law in letter and spirit while filing his nomination papers. We respect the law of the land and believe in transparency”.

    https://mediacellppp.wordpress.com/2018/06/23/spokesman-to-the-ppp-chairman-mustafa-nawaz-khokhar-response-to-reports-about-bilawal-bhutto-zardaris-asset-details/

    Sanam Bhutto says Bilawal can steer Pakistan in right direction



    Former prime minister and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leader Benazir Bhutto's only surviving sibling Sanam Bhutto has thrown her weight behind her nephew, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.
    At an event held here at the Willesden Green Pakistan Community Centre to celebrate Benazir Bhutto’s birthday, Sanam Bhutto joined London-based leaders of the PPP and offered full support to Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.
    Benazir Bhutto's younger sister Sanam Bhutto urged voters to vote for her nephew in the upcoming elections.
    "You must vote for Bilawal if you want Pakistan to progress in the right direction," Sanam Bhutto said, adding that Bilawal offered hope and was the right choice to lead Pakistan and to put the country in the right direction.
    Sanam Bhutto expressed her well-wishes for Begum Kulsoom Nawaz and prayed that she could get well soon.
    The event was also attended by former federal minister Dr Asim Hussain, who is in London for the cancer treatment of his wife Zareen.
    Separately, on the weekend, Sanam Bhutto’s daughter Azadeh Hussain tied the knot in a private ceremony here. The event was private but some pictures and videos were released by a few selected guests.
    Bilawal and sisters Aseefa and Bakhtawar arrived especially from Pakistan to be at the wedding. Tariq Islam, Benazir’s cousin, six Sindhi families, Wajid Shamsul Hasan and Benazir’s close friend Victoria Schofield also attended the wedding.
    A video of the wedding ceremony surfaced on social media featuring Asifa, Bakhtawar and Bilawal.
    Bilawal had arrived in London on Friday, a day after Nawaz Sharif landed in London and learnt that Begum Kulsoom Nawaz had suffered a cardiac arrest.
    The wedding took place on Saturday and it was hoped that Bilawal Bhutto will pay a visit to the hospital but he sent his best wishes on social media and didn’t attend the hospital.
    “Bilawal Bhutto Zardari wanted to visit the hospital in person. He discussed the idea with Asif Ali Zardari but couldn’t get a go ahead,” said a trusted PPP source adding: “Bilawal couldn’t get the security clearance for the visit”.

    Friday, June 22, 2018

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    'Going through hell' at the border: parents split from children tell of anguish




    Oliver Laughland 


     For five long weeks Evelin* had no idea where her two children were. She was apprehended with them at the US border on 19 May – after fleeing violence in Guatemala – and her family was ripped apart under the Trump administration’s “zero-tolerance” immigration policy.
    Evelin was prosecuted and sent to the Don Hutto immigration detention centre in central Texas. Her two children – Eddy, 17, and Lilian, nine – were left behind at a processing centre and then flown to foster care in Grand Rapids, Michigan. They were held in separate homes. Lilian cried for her mother all the time; she remembers and relives being in detention in Texas, where she said she was once woken up at 3am, pulled by her hair, and forced to shower.
    Evelin, over a thousand miles away, suffered migraines and was sick with anxiety. “She went through hell,” said Elmer, recounting his family’s story publicly to the Guardian for the first time. “[My wife] has high blood pressure. She was so sick. She was devastated.”
    Elmer, who is also seeking asylum in the US, had fled Guatemala two years ago, after he received death threats from a local gang, and said his wife and children fled after their lives were also put in danger.
    “They wanted to kill me and the kids,” he said.
    Two days ago the children were reunited with their father in Massachusetts, after their case was picked up by an advocacy group in the Texas capital, Austin. He broke down in tears when they were reunited at Logan airport in Boston. But Evelin remains detained.
    “I hope that maybe she’ll come soon,” Elmer said, his voice cracking. “I’m hoping that the United States will help me, help my family because all we want is to live together.”
    Their story is just one in an mass of suffering in Donald Trump’s policy of forced family separation, which was abruptly halted on Wednesday after international outcry and bipartisan criticism.
    And in some ways this Guatemalan family are luckier than others. Thousands of children remain separated from their families, many already dispersed to locations across the country. Here in south Texas, where the winding Rio Grande separates the US from Mexico, advocates and lawyers warn that some parents could be deported before they are reunited with their families. There remains little, if any, coordination between government agencies to bring families back together. Officials are also struggling to determine which elements of Trump’s “zero-tolerance” immigration policy – that attempts to criminally prosecute as many migrants illegally crossing the border as possible – they can continue to implement without separating families. “There is no plan for reunification. They have no idea how they’re going to do this,” said Michael Bochenek, a senior counsel to the children’s rights division of Human Rights Watch.
    Bochenek was among a delegation of legal observers at two customs detention facilities in McAllen last week. He witnessed a girl between the ages of two and four, separated from her aunt, being tended to by older, unaccompanied migrant children who were forced to change the toddler’s diapers themselves as no customs staff intervened.
    Many of the pro-bono attorneys here are only just coming to terms with what they have witnessed over the past few months.
    Efrén Olivares has led a team of lawyers from the South Texas Civil Rights Project to document every separated family member prosecuted through the federal magistrates court in McAllen. Out of about 150 defendants in court each day – all charged with the minor crime of illegally entering the US – about 30 were parents separated from their children. Among them Olivares documented a Salvadoran mother separated from her brain-damaged pre-teenage son; a Guatemalan mother so distraught to be taken away from her daughter, she threatened suicide multiple times; and another mother who was separated from her teenage child who had survived rape. “Many of them break down, crying halfway through the interview,” he said. “A father told me that if he’s deported without his son, his son is going to die of sadness. I was holding back tears when he told me that.”
    On Thursday, there was mixed evidence that Trump’s executive order to end the separations had taken full effect. While federal prosecutors in McAllen dismissed charges against 17 parents who had been separated from their children, their counterparts, 59 miles away in Brownsville, exercised no such discretion. Jenifer Johana Fuentes-Maradiaga, 18, stood before Judge Ignacio Torteya III as the court heard how she had been separated from her 14-year-old brother. They travelled together from Guatemala, but had been apprehended by customs officials two days before and she had not seen him since. She was prosecuted and pleaded guilty.
    These mass plea hearings, like in McAllen, occur on a rigid timetable. At 10am every morning in Brownsville about 50 migrants are led into court, shackled at the ankles, handcuffed and chained across their backs. Court sources told the Guardian that about five each day are separated parents.
    En masse, the defendants are asked to raise their right hands – impossible given the restraints they are in– and promise to tell the truth. Almost all of them plead guilty.
    On Tuesday, just hours before the Trump administration withdrew from the UN human rights council, Ramón Villata, a migrant from El Salvador begged Judge Torteya to reunite him with his two-year-old son Milton. “I want to be with my family again,” he told the judge as pounding rain outside led to flash flooding across the Rio Grande valley. “For the way they separated us, I want to be reunited again. That is all.”
    Although the court had instructed lawyers for the government to locate the boy, Judge Torteya was not able to offer any guarantees. “Hopefully the authorities will reunite you with your family as soon as possible,” he told Villata, before the defendant, who had pled guilty and was sentenced to time served, was led out of court. Advocates now fear that the Trump administration’s alternative to family separation may be equally harsh. The justice department has launched a bidto alter a federal court settlement that limits the time migrant families can be detained together, in a bid to usher in an era of indefinite family detention. This harsh model of deterrence has been implemented by the Australian government during a crackdown on asylum seekers entering the country by boat. It has been described as institutional torture by the country’s former chief immigration psychologist.
    But hardline punitive measures like these are unlikely to dissuade desperate asylum seekers, fleeing some of the world’s most violent communities in Central America, from making the journey. At the Catholic Charities respite center in McAllen, groups of families recently released from detention come together for a meal before they are dispatched to locations around the country to reunite with family living in the US. Juan Carlos, a 29-year-old Guatemalan who did not want to give his last name, said he knew about the zero-tolerance policy before he fled with his seven-year-old daughter, Karla, earlier in June. “It was a risk,” he admitted. “But life is hard anyway.”
    Juan Carlos had begged customs officials to stay with Karla after they were apprehended, and the pair stayed in a windowless detention centre for a week before they were released together, without criminal charges being filed. “It was so difficult, but I had faith in God,” he said, pointing to the Bible he keeps in a small pouch.
    Karla, clutching a Minnie Mouse doll dressed in a pink polka dot skirt, beamed.
    “She wanted to study in an American school,” said Juan Carlos. “She watches Disney cartoons and dreams about being in America.”
    He kissed her on the cheek. Their bus to New York was to depart in a few hours.

    Video Report - #ImmigrationChildren - Congressman Plays Audio Of Girl Torn From Parents At The Border

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    Music Video -.:. Benjamin Sisters .:. Gari ko chalana babu zara halke halke .:.

    UK’s parliamentary group calls for an end to publication of hate content against Pakistani minorities

    UK’s All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Pakistani Minorities has called for an end to publication of hate content against Pakistani minorities. For this reason, the group called on the Department for International Development to make sure that the aid given by UK is used efficaciously to end publication of textbooks that contain hate content against non-Muslim Pakistanis.
    All Party Parliamentary group on Pakistani Minorities
    For this purpose the group passed a resolution during its recent meeting. The participants also discussed the education crisis hovering over the minorities in Pakistan. Jim Shannon, the Democratic Unionist Party’s MP who chairs this group, said: “these vulnerable and marginalised communities” should not be “ignored by the Pakistani and British governments”.
    In this regard, the group urged the Government of Pakistan and the international agencies to give priority to the minority population in Pakistan. “Poverty, prejudice, and social unease are depriving a generation of young people from taking their proper place in Pakistan’s future because of the poor access to good education,” group’s chairperson said.
    “We need to ensure that these vulnerable and marginalized communities are not ignored by the Pakistani and British governments, and that a part of billions of pounds of the UK taxpayers’ aid sent to Pakistan through the Department for International Development is used to ensure that students from the religious minorities are not left behind on the path to development.”
    In this regard, a spokesman for Department for International Development stated: “The UK Government does not fund the production of textbooks in Pakistan, and we strongly condemn all forms of incitement to violence. UK aid is supporting provincial governments to improve school curriculum, and promotes values of inclusion, diversity, and religious tolerance.
    “In a country where two-thirds of women cannot read or write, our support is crucial to giving the most vulnerable the skills they need to lift themselves out of poverty, and we have helped educate nine million primary-school children since 2011. A more prosperous and inclusive country will improve stability and security in Pakistan and the UK — which is firmly in our national interests.”
    https://www.christiansinpakistan.com/uks-parliamentary-group-calls-for-an-end-to-publication-of-hate-content-against-pakistani-minorities/

    Pakistan’s human sex trafficking - Rape without end



    Zubeida Mustafa


    OF all the crimes committed against children — especially the daughters of the poor in Pakistan — the most horrendous is the trafficking of girls. It is more agonising than rape. The sex trade amounts to torture. The girls who are snatched and taken away to be sold into forced prostitution have to live with this hideous evil night after night. Only a few lucky ones manage to escape or are rescued.
    Yet this is our most well-known secret. It is a multi-million rupee (dollars for smugglers) business. No names are mentioned. Numerous international law instruments recognise the trafficking of girls as a violation of their rights, but these laws are weak in their implementation mechanisms and, hence, there is a general apathy towards this heinous crime. The few that are working on this issue say that even the police in general do not understand the legal implications of kidnapping, trafficking and smuggling. I add to this the general misogynist attitude that women are to blame.
    Who is involved? There are not just the traffickers who mint money. The customers, many of them alleged to be men in positions of power and influence, provide the much-needed support that sustains this business. It is a beehive that no one dares to touch. To do so would amount to stepping on too many toes.
    Confided in me by their mother, one case of two young girls has haunted me for months and prompted me to tell you this story. These girls certainly did not deserve this fate. Their only ‘fault’ was their gender, their tender age, their being fatherless and, above all, poverty. They were forcibly abducted two years ago.
    Pakistan’s human sex trafficking racket is thriving in a culture of impunity.
    All that the police now say is that the man (the girls’ stepbrother) who had snatched them then ‘sublet’ them to another man (probably an agent) for, it is believed, prostitution. For a man who has never held a steady job, this became a source of steady income. He was receiving Rs70,000 per month for his vile investment in trafficking. Stakes are high in the sex market, and one policeman described this as a ‘Dubai for a man of no means’. The others in the chain would be earning more. The network is big and its size provides protection to all. I have heard of millions changing hands in this ‘profession’ in the course of one night.
    This is the reality of human trafficking and sex slavery. Advocates working for the recovery of such children — who end up in brothels, on the streets or as beggars — believe that this crime is on the rise. In 2010, 1,570 children went missing, were trafficked or kidnapped. In 2016, this figure had jumped to 2,452. Since no data is officially recorded, these are guesstimates.
    A petition before the Supreme Court, which had its second hearing last week, names 37 respondents ranging from the IG Police and advocates general of all provinces to the numerous bodies dealing with women and children. Filed by lawyer Zia Ahmed Awan, the focus of the petition is on having the apex court order the government to create a mechanism to check human trafficking. The FIA, in its statement before the National Assembly in March, admitted its lack of capacity to cover the entire country. Inter-provincial coordination among the police can also be challenging, as was hinted to me by a ‘good police officer’ (to use one of my nine-year old students’ words, when I asked him what he wanted to be when he grew up).
    Our police does not enjoy the public’s confidence, yet some members have been truly helpful like the SSP who is handling this case, for which I ran from pillar to post before I was introduced to him. I hope the petition will succeed in getting the apex court and police to recover all the victims of this horrendous crime, including the two girls I am fighting for.
    The US State Department has shown extraordinary interest in the matter and has placed Pakistan on its watch list since 2014. Its 2017 report on human trafficking categorically states, “Pakistan does not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of human trafficking.” Hence, it remains on Tier 2 of the US watch list. What is most disturbing is the US’ allegation that “official complicity in trafficking crimes remained a serious problem”.
    It was intriguing that, when all the provinces submitted reports of sex trafficking cases for the first time in 2016, the conviction rate was shown to be shockingly low. Of the 2,353 traffickers prosecuted, only 120 were convicted. The least convincing was Sindh’s record, where only 35 cases were investigated, 164 individuals were prosecuted and no one was convicted.

    It has been observed by the NGO Madadgaar that the concerned officials have not been cooperative with the parents of missing children — they have not gone beyond performing formalities such as making entries in the roznamcha. Thereafter, the case goes into abeyance. Have a heart, sirs.

    #Pakistan - #PPP - Only democracy of Benazir acceptable: Bilawal Bhutto Zardari

    Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has said that they would not compromise on the concept of democracy given by his mother Benazir Bhutto.
    Addressing party activists at Begum Nusrat Bhutto Memorial Hall here on Thursday on the occasion of the 65th birthday anniversary of his slain mother Benazir Bhutto, he said in the upcoming elections their competition is with the remnants of Zia and Musharraf.
    He said if pressure was applied on candidates of his party’ and other parties then such a democracy would not be acceptable from them.
    He said ‘political mosquitoes’ have once again attacked Sindh and every street is filled with such mosquitoes.
    He said some of them are disloyal to their own benefactors.
    He said sons and daughters of soil will defeat such mosquitoes.
    He said a sort of censorship is in media and its voice is being suppressed. He said the PPP cannot accept such censored democracy.
    Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said ‘Bhuttoism’ cannot be finished by those who want to finish Bhuttos. He said those who wanted to end Bhuttoism have already been defeated at the hands of history.
    He said PPP gave a democratic system and basic rights to the people.
    He said we do not believe in hate and torture but we do politics on the basis of principles and accountability.  PPP Sindh President Nisar Khuhro Maula, Bux Chandio, Farhatullah Babar and Murad Ali Shah also spoke.
    https://www.brecorder.com/2018/06/22/423967/only-democracy-of-benazir-acceptable-bilawal-bhutto-zardari/

    #Pakistan - #PPP - PPP questions impartiality of caretaker government





    Secretary General Pakistan Peoples Party Syed Nayyar Hussain Bukhari has taken notice of providing Imran Khan an army of Rangers officials to guard Banigala Palace.
    Syed Nayyar Hussain Bukhari in a statement said Imran Khan has been provided unusual protocol and over three hundred Rangers jawans have been deployed at Banigala to protect Imran Khan from his own disgruntled workers. A large number of policemen have also been deployed at Banigala. He said that it seems that Interior Minister Azam Khan is behaving like a PTI worker. This amounts to pre-poll rigging, Nayyar Hussain Bukhari said.
    SG PPP said that on one hand a politician who has soft corner for TTP and terrorists is being provided with fool proof security and on the other the politicians who have real threat to their security are left with no security. He demanded of the caretaker government to justify such disparity in security matters and restrain from being biased.