Saturday, October 17, 2015

Video - President Obama and the President of the Republic of Korea - Joint Press Conference - Oct 16, 2015

Video - President Obama's Weekly Address: Working for Meaningful Criminal Justice Reform

Hillary Clinton backs Obama's move to keep troops in Afghanistan











Hillary Clinton supports President Barack Obama’s decision to keep 5,500 US troops in Afghanistan when he leaves the White House in 2017.

Clinton said in an interview with CNN, the first part of which was broadcast on Friday, that Obama’s moves were an example of “a leader who has strong convictions about what he would like to see happen but also pays attention to what’s going on in the real world”.

Obama planned to keep only a small US military presence in Afghanistan, which was invaded in 2001, by the end of his presidency. But military leaders have said the Afghans need more support from the US to fight the Taliban and maintain gains made in the past 14 years.
Clinton, who served as Obama’s secretary of state during his first term, said the US wanted to bring its troops home and “we certainly don’t want them engaged in on-the-ground combat. We want them to help support and train the Afghan army”.
“So I can’t predict where things will be in January of 2017. But I support the president’s decision,” she said.
The White House’s announcement thrusts the future of Afghanistan into the 2016 race, an issue that has received scant attention up to this point and was not addressed during the first Democratic presidential debate on Tuesday.
Clinton has not talked extensively during her campaign about how she would pursue a peaceful transition from the war in Afghanistan.
During a Friday afternoon campaign appearance in Nashua, Clinton said Obama did not reach his decision “easily” and noted the partnership the US has established with Afghan president Ashraf Ghani.
“We have invested a lot of blood and a lot of treasure in trying to help that country and we can’t afford for it to become an outpost of the Taliban and [Islamic State] one more time, threatening us, threatening the larger world,” Clinton said.
In a June 2014 interview at the Council on Foreign Relations, Clinton said that she would be open to extending the timeline for US withdrawal from Afghanistan but it would depend upon “conditions on the ground and what was being asked for”.
Clinton negotiated with then-Afghan president Hamid Karzai on a bilateral security agreement toward the end of her tenure that would have set the legal parameters for the residual force to stay in Afghanistan. She has said she was surprised when Karzai refused to sign it.
Clinton has said that setting a timeline for withdrawal was an important step but the Afghanistan government would need to step up to make it work.
As secretary of state, Clinton supported Obama’s troop surge in Afghanistan, writing in her book Hard Choices that she was “under no illusions about how difficult it would be to turn around this war. But all things considered I believed that the president had made the right choice and put us in the best position to succeed.”

UNHCR in Malaysia treating Pakistani Christian asylum seekers unfairly

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees in Malaysia is showing a biased attitude towards Pakistani Christians seeking asylum in the country.

In keeping with details, the UNHCR is treating Muslim asylum seekers from Myanmar, Syria, Iraq and other Islamic countries on priority basis. Whereas, the cases of Pakistani Christians seeking asylum are being delayed unnecessarily.

For this cause Pakistan Christian Congress has been raising this issue on various platforms. PCC has received a report from Malaysia that initially UNHCR gives Pakistani Christians a time period of two years at least for first interview after which they would be registered as refugees. After keeping them waiting for two years already they are made to wait for another two or three years that the UNHCR issues a date for the final interview after which their asylum status is decided.

Also read: Muslim teachers beat a Christian head master saying “You are a Choora how can you be our boss”

PCC further criticised that in sharp contrast, UNHCR is giving a period of few months to Muslims asylum seekers from Myanmar, Syria, Iraq and various other Islamic countries.

Moreover what adds to the plight of Pakistani Christians seeking asylum in Malaysia that the Malaysian police regard all refugees as un-registered and illegitimate until they do not appear for an initial interview with the UNHCR after which they are registered as refugees. In view of this, when Pakistani Christians seeking asylum wait for two or three years for an initial interview they face maltreatment and harassment from the Malaysian police for these two or three years until their first interview with the UNHCR.

In this regard, President of Pakistan Christian Congress PCC, Dr. Nazir S. Bhatti has shown great concern over mistreatment with Pakistani Christian asylum seekers in Malaysia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Hong Kong, and Singapore. He has strongly criticised the offices of UNHCR in Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Sri Lanka and Hong Kong. “PCC urges Secretary General Ban Ki Moon of UNO to direct UNHCR to adopt same standards to deal with cases of Muslims and Christian refuges in South and South Eastern countries.”

At the same time, Dr. Bhatti urged the European Union to take in the Pakistani Christian asylum seekers and facilitate them as well. He also urged the international NGO’s and humanitarian organisations to help the Pakistani Christian refugees stranded in Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore and in Hong Kong.

- See more at: http://www.christiansinpakistan.com/unhcr-in-malaysia-treating-pakistani-christian-asylum-seekers-unfairly/#sthash.vbsMiJ0x.dpuf

"د قبایلي سیمو بې کوره خلک دي تر ژمې وړاندې ستانه کړل شي"




د پاکستان د سرحدونو او قبابلي چارو لپاره د سینیټ قايمه کمیټۍحکومت ته ویلي چې د ژمي تر راتګ وړاندې دې له قبایلي سیمو بې 


کوره کړل شوي خلک خپلو سیمو ته ستانه کړي.


: د پاکستان د سرحدونو او قبابلي چارو لپاره د سینیټ قايمه کمیټۍحکومت ته ویلي چې د ژمي تر راتګ وړاندې دې له قبایلي سیمو بې کوره کړلشوي خلک خپلو سیمو ته ستانه کړي.
دا غوښتنه د جمعې په مازیګر په اسلام اباد کې د یادې کمېټۍ په غونډه کې شوې ده چې مشري یې سنېټر هلال الرحمان کوله.
په دې غونډه کې د پاکستان د سرحدونو او قبایلي چارو – سېفران – وفاقي وزیر او په قابلي سیمو کې د پرمختګ د چارو ادارې – فاټا سیکرټیریټ – چارواکوهم ګډون درولود.
 د سرحدونو او قبابلي چارو لپاره قايمه کمیټۍ د حکومت او فاټا سیکرټرېټ چارواکو ته وویل چې د شمالي وزیرستان او نورو قبایلي سیمو د بې کوره کړل شوو خلکو له خوا یې شکایتونه ترلاسه کړي دي چې د حکومت له پلوه د نه پاملرنې له کبله له ستونزو سره مخامخ دي.
خو د سېفران وفاقي وزیر او فاټا سیکرټیریټ چارواکو وویل چې دوی له بې کوره کړل شوو خلکو سره ټولې ممکنې مرستې او همکارۍ کوي.
تر دې غونډه وروسته د یادې کمیټۍ یو غړي سینټر تاج محمد اپریدي مشال راډیو ته وویل چې دوی له حکومته غوښتتنه وکړه چې بې کوره کړل شوي خلک دي تر ژمي وړاندې خپلو سیمو ته ستانه کړي.
دا په داسې حال کې ده چې د شمالي وزیرستان د بې کوره کړل شوو خلکو مشرانو په وار وار د جرګو له لارې له حکومته غوښتنه کړېده چې دوی دي ژر تر ژره خپلو سیمو ته ولېږل شي.
د پاکستان پوځ د ۲۰۱۴م کال د جون میاشتې پر پنځلسمه نېټه په شمالي وزیرستان کې د وسله والو پر ضد عملیات پیل کړي وو چې لا هم روان دي.
د دې عملیات له کبله تر یو میلیون زیات خلک بې کوره شو چې زیارتره د خیبر پښتونخوا په بنو او د افغانستان په خوست کې مېشت دي.
د دې بې کوره کړل شوو خلکو مشرانو په وار وار له مشال راډیو سره د مرکو پر مهال ویلي چې د پوځي عملیاتو له کبله د دوی کورونه او کاروبارونه لا خو له منځه تللي او لا هم په پراخه کچه زیانمن شوي دي.
د دوی په وینا ، د قبایلي سیمو پر نامه چې نړۍ پاکستان ته کومې مرستې ورکوي هغه د قبایلي سیمو خلکو ته نه رسېږي.

Balochistan Facing Severe Food Insecurity

Adnan Aamir
Balochistan is facing severe food insecurity, said participants of one day consultative dialogue, on Wednesday.
30 out of 32 districts of Balochistan are food insecure and only Quetta and Jaffarabad are food secure as per the report of Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI).
These issues were revealed during a one-day consultative dialogue held to celebrate world food day in Quetta Press Club by Azat foundation in collaboration with HARD, ActionAid, Pakistan Kissan Ittehad and Agriculture research department of Balochistan.

30 out of 32 districts of Balochistan are food insecure – SDPI

World food day is celebrated every year on 16th October and theme for this year is Social protection and agriculture: Breaking the cycle of rural poverty
Speaking on the occasion, Marcel Stallen, International Project Manager of Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) said that a lot of work needs to be done to make Balochistan food secure.
Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) has stated that 29 out of 32 districts of Balochistan are facing drought conditions due to fewer rainfalls last year.
“At the moment FAO is working in 14 districts of Balochistan on projects funded by USAID and AUSAID,” said Mr. Stallen. He added, “Balochistan government should convince international donors to fund FAO so that we can expand our operations in Balochistan.”
Commenting on the existing agriculture policy of Balochistan, Mr. Stallen remarked that it’s outdated. “FAO has developed a new agriculture policy for Balochistan which is in its final stages and its awaiting approval from provincial cabinet,” he informed the participants of the meeting.

5 rivers in Khuzdar district alone dump 350,000 cusecs of water in Arabian Sea very year – Sultan Shahwani.

Highlighting the reasons for food insecurity in Balochistan, Sultan Shahwani of HARD Balochistan said, 5 rivers in Khuzdar district alone dump 350,000 cusecs of water in Arabian Sea very year.
80 percent people of Balochistan depend on agriculture for their livelihood either directly or indirectly, claimed Naseer Shahwani, representative of Zamindar Action committee (ZAC) which is the union of agriculturalists of Balochistan.
He alleged that all funds allocated for agricultural development in Quetta during tenure of this government have been embezzled and ended in pockets of activists of ruling parties.

Panjgur district of Balochistan alone can produce wheat for entire Pakistan – Naseer Shahwani.

Mr. Shahwani further claimed that Balochistan can be food basket for entire Pakistan if due attention is provided to agriculture in the province. “Panjgur district of Balochistan alone can produce wheat for entire Pakistan,” said representative of ZAC.
Ahmad Jan Baloch, a social activist, contended the assertion that Balochistan is an agricultural province. “Pakistan is an agricultural country but not Balochistan,” claimed Mr. Baloch.
Participants of the consultative dialogue lamented the absence of senior officials of agriculture department of Balochistan.
“We invited Secretary and Director General Agriculture department but they didn’t bother to come,” Zahid Mengal, executive director of Azat Foundation told the participants.

Secretary and Director General Agriculture department were invited to consultative meeting but they didn’t bother to come – Zahid Mengal.

Other who spoke at the occasion include Dr. Khair Mohammad and Ghulam Jan who are agriculture experts, Gul Khan Naseer Head of Programs of Azat Foundation, Noor Ahmad Mengal from Pakistan Kissan Ittehad and Arif Shah Kakar, Associate Professor of Agriculture college Quetta.
Meeting was concluded on the note that both provincial and federal government need to take urgent steps to make Balochistan food secure.

Pakistan - Asghar Khan case - What happened in 1990

There is a reason why the murmurings from the 1990 election and the Asghar Khan case lodged by the veteran politician are still important today. The plea filed by Asghar Khan before a three-member SC bench alleged that the ISI had circulated enormous amount of money totalling over Rs140 million through the now defunct Mehran Bank to determine the outcome of the election, prevent the PPP from assuming power and bring the IJI led by Nawaz Sharif to power. The SC, in a historic verdict delivered in October 2012, had ordered a full FIA investigation into the accusations and the return of any money given out to politicians. It had also sought an enquiry against intelligence officials involved in the said transactions. The inquiry by the FIA was begun in late 2013, almost a year after the SC verdict. General Aslam Baig, the military chief at the time of the 1990 polls, and one of the main accused in the case has yet to make any statement and has filed a review petition. But beyond these technicalities the case could still influence politics today. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, accused of accepting Rs33 lakh from Mehran Bank, has appeared before the FIA panel and stated that he cannot recall being given the money but that many donations came in during the said elections and that if any wrongdoing was proved he would return the money with interest. This seems too easy a manner to push aside a very serious charge. It is to be seen what other politicians have to say. The interior minister hinted recently that military officials had declined to appear in the inquiry. We need further details about this.

The fact is that what happened in 1990 is still very important today. Essentially the democratic will of the people was stolen from them by an institution, and an entire election manipulated to show an entirely different result. At a time when we still hear allegations of election rigging it is vital we get to the bottom of the matter. If an election can be intervened in by outside forces it makes the entire exercise in democracy rather futile. We must remember that polls cost a huge amount of taxpayers’ money and their outcome cannot simply by moulded to fit the interests of a particular bloc. For these reasons it is vital that we see all politicians and other players cooperate with the FIA. It is hard to believe that the Sharifs cannot recall being handed over a very large amount of money in a secret deal orchestrated by the then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Younis Habib, who then headed the Mehran Bank, has also given a statement that is impossible to believe by saying that the money was given to another Mr Sharif rather than the current prime minister. The repercussions from this case are widespread. We continue to live in fear of interventions in our democratic working. To overcome these, the Asghar Khan case must reach a definite conclusion. 

Pakistan - Federalism Under Squeeze

By - Afrasiab Khattak

The prolonged and mad fixation of the two big political parties and the country’s media with the by election of NA 122 Lahore kept the political focus of the country hostage for quite some time. For many days there was very little space in the so called mainstream media of the country for issues like war on terror in the country, military operation in FATA, the miseries of millions of Pashtun IDPs, bloodshed in Balochistan, turmoil in Karachi, load shedding, the menace of polio, and last but not the least the deteriorating situation on both the eastern and western borders of the country. It was flabbergasting to see the obsession of the two big parties withbye-elections in just one constituency of the National Assembly, which is a house of 342 members. It is particularly so when the federal government of Muslim League (N) has a comfortable majority and loss of one seat would not have made any difference in the parliamentary strength of the ruling party. There is one and only one explanation for the aforementioned obsession. The contest was not for just one National Assembly seat. It was about Takht-e-Lahore (throne of Lahore) which decides as to who will rule the country. So the fixation with NA 122 was basically a mere symptom of the deeper and more serious malaise, the growing Punjabisation of Pakistani politics and further marginalization of the population wise smaller units of the federation in the last few years.
Now to call these phenomena new one would be factually wrong. The hegemony of the Punjabi ruling elite over the state system and its policies has dogged the country through out its existence. Interestingly this imbalance prevailed even in the undivided Pakistan when the then East Pakistan (Bengal) had a bigger population than the population of all the four western provinces put together. The aforementioned imbalance was embedded in the state structure inherited by Pakistan from the colonial era. Pakistan had a week political class, week parliament and a week judiciary from day one. Compared to these institutions we got an over developed civil and military bureaucracy of the colonial system that launched the first coup in 1954 by dissolving the Constituent Assembly of the country. In 1955 One Unit was created by coercing all the provinces and regions to merge in West Pakistan Province with Lahore as its capital to counter the population weight of the then East Pakistan. But even then the East Pakistan had 54 percent of the country’s total population. So the then East Pakistan was forced to disenfranchise part of its population by accepting the principle of “ parity” (50 percent seats in the National Assembly) for “ greater national interests”. The martial law imposed in 1958 further reinforced this oppressive and exploitative system. This development led to severe crises that culminated in the disintegration of the country in 1971, a history well known to all.
In the aftermath of the debacle in East Pakistan the ruling establishment dominated by military and civil bureaucracy had to beat a retreat and elected representatives of the people were able to frame a federal, parliamentary democratic Constitution in the country in 1973. But the authoritarian establishment could not reconcile with a federal democratic system. So it consistently worked for undermining the system. After learning of the previous two unsuccessful efforts, in 1977 General Zia led a successful coup and the first casualty was the Constitution. It was not only suspended but its federal and democratic structure was also undermined by distortions and deformations inserted in it by the military dictator. Subsequently Musharraf imposed many more distortions in the Constitution. After the 2008 general elections democratic forces of the country tried to cleans the Constitution from distortions and deformations and bring the original federal and democratic character of the Constitution back. Although they could only partially succeeded in achieving that aim but the 18th Constitutional Amendment was a landmark development in terms of abolition of the concurrent legislative list and devolution of power to the provinces.
PML-N had supported the 18th Amendment because it also did away with the ban on third time prime ministership inserted in the Constitution by GeneralMusharraf to prevent Mian Nawaz Sharif and Shaheed Benazir Bhutto from becoming prime minister for the third time. Having achieved that purpose the current ruling party has not hidden its reservations about the 18th Amendment. It has revived ministries of health and education ministries in violation of the Constitution. The federal government has not been calling the constitutionally mandatory meetings of the Council of Common Interest (CCI) in 90 days. The unfinished task of devolution of powers under the 18th Amendment remains unfinished and there is no visible movement on this front. Federal government is not an abstract or neutral entity. It is by and large an extension of the Punjabi ruling elite. So for obvious reasons the ruling party is least interested in devolution of power and would roll back whatever is achieved so far.
But that is not all. The military dominated Pakistani state system is neither neutral nor politically inactive. It resorts to political engineering by tilting state policies into certain direction and at times by using naked coercion. The unlimited and growing powers of the apex committees, that do not figure anywhere in the country’s law or 
Constitution has practically reversed whatever little autonomy the provinces had enjoyed in the past. Provincial governments in Balochistan and Sindh have been rendered dangerously powerless. As if that was not enough PTI has expanded its political power base with the clear support of the establishment. Nationalist and progressive political forces (in comparative terms) in the smaller provinces, weather in power or in the opposition, have faced growing pressure of state institutions. Media control has played an important role in it for casting political leaders in the roles of either Devils or Angels. Alternative to a Punjab based PML (N) has been created in the shape of PTI, representing another faction of Punjabi elite. It is not surprising to see these developments accompanied by more overt support for Afghan Taliban confirming the nature of overall state policies.
These developments practically amount to a reversion to a not so invisible One Unit even without any pretension of its constitutionality. It’s a policy rejected by the people in the past and will be also resisted in the future. Using force to impose it will certainly lead to the rise of centrifugal forces and weakening of the forces believing in the federation. Make no mistake about it.

Iranian forces fire eight mortar shells into Pakistani territory

The Iranian border guards on Saturday morning fired eight mortar shells inside Pakistani territory, security sources said.
A security official who requested anonymity told Dawn that Iranian forces fired at least eight mortar shells that landed in a village in Panjgur district of Balochistan.
The security official added that no human loss of life or damage to civilian structures was reported as a result of the shelling.
Frontier Corps, Levies and other law enforcement personnel reached the spot and security was tightened following the border violation by Iranian border forces.
Last year in October, Iranian border guards had fired six mortar shells at a Pakistani border town of Mashkail, while a more recent incident occurredearlier in July this year when at least four mortar shells were fired towards Panjgur district.
Pakistan has accused Iranian forces of violating its territorial integrity and has lodged protest with Iran in this regard several times in the last few years.
Pakistan shares a 900 kilometre long porous border with Iran and the two countries had last year decided to boost intelligence coordination to wipe out terrorists from the border region.

Former Pak President Pervez Musharraf Responsible for Benazir Bhutto's Assassination: Statement



Former military dictator and Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf was responsible for the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, reveals a copy of US journalist Mark Siegel's statement recorded in the murder case.

According to Pakistan's Geo News, who today claimed to have obtained the four-page statement recorded on October 1, Mr Siegel said General Musharraf was responsible for the murder of the former prime minister because she had informed him of death threats being faced.

Mr Siegel added that an intelligence agency of a Gulf country had traced a phone call in which plans to murder Benazir Bhutto were discussed. According to that phone call, three accomplishes of General Musharraf were part of that plan.

The US journalist also revealed that Benazir Bhutto had requested Gen Musharraf to be allowed to bring a foreign security team to Pakistan. The former president dismissed requests for a foreign security team and cars with tinted windows.

Mr Siegel in his statement further said he had learnt that mobile jammers provided for Ms Bhutto's security were not operational.

OCTOBER 18: Bilawal Bhutto pays glowing tributes to Karsaz martyrs

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari Chairman Pakistan Peoples Party has paid glowing tributes to the Karsaz Carnage martyrs of October 18, 2007 where around two hundred Jiyalas embraced martyrdom during two powerful bomb blasts near the vehicle carrying Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and PPP leadership amid 3 million people who greeted her upon her return to the country after almost a decade of exile.

“This is the day when Jiyalas and the people of Pakistan wrote history with their blood. Millions of people who turned out at Karachi Airport to welcome their leaders were invaded by sponsored terrorists,” he said adding they were very aware that return of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto was aimed at to wage a unified national war against terrorists and their sponsors until complete elimination of the evil.

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said that the way the people from all the four provinces, Azad Jammu & Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan and FATA swarmed the commercial capital of Pakistan sent out a clear message to those harbouring terrorists that people of Pakistan were rising up against scourge of terrorism and extremism. “These elements wanted to kill my mother and the Party leadership and take the country to stone-age and impose cruel pre-Islamic Arabic culture upon our motherland,” he said adding that Karsaz martyrs foiled their nefarious designs by sacrificing their lives.

PPP Chairman said that his Party had always fought for the rights of the all people of Pakistan and offered hundreds of lives during this decades-long struggle against the dictatorships and their chickens which grew up into monsters of terrorism. “Dictators vanished into mid-air and went under the mud, terrorists are on their way to hell and PPP still continues to fight with their left-over remnants even today,” he added.

He said that people of Pakistan, PPP leadership and workers are the heirs to the martyrs of the nation, including those laid down their lives on October 18, 2007 and they won’t forget these sacrifices for a single breath taking care of their families.

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari pledged that vision of Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and thousands of martyrs will continue to be followed until the achievement of their mission despite perpetual offences of the dictatorial forces and their agents against the Party.

https://mediacellppp.wordpress.com/2015/10/17/october-18-bilawal-bhutto-pays-glowing-tributes-to-karsaz-martyrs/

Sardar Ali Takkar ما چه ناصِحان له خپله عشقه اَړَ وي ـ علي خان بابا

Friday, October 16, 2015

Kissinger poisoned the Middle East: America is living in a quagmire of his making

GREG GRANDIN, TOMDISPATCH.COM
W made matters worse, but the region's radicalization can all be traced to our steady support of the Shah of Shahs
This piece originally appeared on TomDispatch.
The only person Henry Kissinger flattered more than President Richard Nixon was Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran. In the early 1970s, the Shah, sitting atop an enormous reserve of increasingly expensive oil and a key figure in Nixon and Kissinger’s move into the Middle East, wanted to be dealt with as a serious person. He expected his country to be treated with the same respect Washington showed other key Cold War allies like West Germany and Great Britain. As Nixon’s national security adviser and, after 1973, secretary of state, Kissinger’s job was to pump up the Shah, to make him feel like he truly was the “king of kings.”
Reading the diplomatic record, it’s hard not to imagine his weariness as he prepared for his sessions with the Shah, considering just what gestures and words would be needed to make it clear that his majesty truly mattered to Washington, that he was valued beyond compare. “Let’s see,” an aide who was helping Kissinger get ready for one such meeting said, “the Shah will want to talk about Pakistan, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf, the Kurds, and Brezhnev.”
During another prep, Kissinger was told that “the Shah wants to ride in an F-14.” Silence ensued. Then Kissinger began to think aloud about how to flatter the monarch into abandoning the idea. “We can say,” he began, “that if he has his heart set on it, okay, but the President would feel easier if he didn’t have that one worry in 10,000 [that the plane might crash]. The Shah will be flattered.” Once, Nixon asked Kissinger to book the entertainer Danny Kaye for a private performance for the Shah and his wife.
The 92-year-old Kissinger has a long history of involvement in Iran and his recent opposition to Barack Obama’s Iran nuclear deal, while relatively subdued by present Washington standards, matters. In it lies a certain irony, given his own largely unexamined record in the region. Kissinger’s criticism has focused mostly on warning that the deal might provoke a regional nuclear arms race as Sunni states led by Saudi Arabia line up against Shia Iran. “We will live in a proliferated world,” he said in testimony before the Senate. In aWall Street Journal op-ed co-authored with another former secretary of state, George Shultz, Kissinger worried that, as the region “trends toward sectarian upheaval” and “state collapse,” the “disequilibrium of power” might likely tilt toward Tehran.
Of all people, Kissinger knows well how easily the best laid plans can go astray and careen toward disaster. The former diplomat is by no means solely responsible for the mess that is today’s Middle East. There is, of course, George W. Bush’s 2003 invasion of Iraq (which Kissinger supported). But he does bear far more responsibility for our proliferated world’s disequilibrium of power than anyone usually recognizes.
Some of his Middle East policies are well known. In early 1974, for instance, his so-called shuttle diplomacy helped deescalate the tensions that had led to the previous year’s Arab-Israeli War. At the same time, however, it locked in Israel’s veto over U.S. foreign policy for decades to come. And in December 1975, wrongly believing that he had worked out a lasting pro-American balance of power between Iran and Iraq, Kissinger withdrew his previous support from the Kurds (whom he had been using as agents of destabilization against Baghdad’s Baathists). Iraq moved quickly to launch an assault on the Kurds that killed thousands and then implemented a program of ethnic cleansing, forcibly relocating Kurdish survivors and moving Arabs into their homes. “Even in the context of covert action ours was a cynical enterprise,”noted a Congressional investigation into his sacrifice of the Kurds.
Less well known is the way in which Kissinger’s policies toward Iran and Saudi Arabia accelerated the radicalization in the region, how step by catastrophic step he laid the groundwork for the region’s spiraling crises of the present moment.
Guardian of the Gulf
Most critical histories of U.S. involvement in Iran rightly began with the joint British-U.S. coup against democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh in 1953, which installed Pahlavi on the Peacock Throne. But it was Kissinger who, in 1972, greatly deepened the relationship between Washington and Tehran. He was the one who began a policy of unconditional support for the Shah as a way to steady American power in the Persian Gulf while the U.S. extracted itself from Southeast Asia. As James Schlesinger, who served as Nixon’s CIA director and secretary of defense, noted, if “we were going to make the Shah the Guardian of the Gulf, we’ve got to give him what he needs.” Which, Schlesinger added, really meant “giving him what he wants.”
What the Shah wanted most of all were weapons of every variety — and American military trainers, and a navy, and an air force. It was Kissinger who overrode State Department and Pentagon objections and gave the Shah what no other country had: the ability to buy anything he wanted from U.S. weapons makers.
“We are looking for a navy,” the Shah told Kissinger in 1973, “we have a large shopping list.” And so Kissinger let him buy a navy.
By 1976, Kissinger’s last full year in office, Iran had become the largest purchaser of American weaponry and housed the largest contingent of U.S. military advisors anywhere on the planet. By 1977, the historian Ervand Abrahamian notes, “the shah had the largest navy in the Persian Gulf, the largest air force in Western Asia, and the fifth-largest army in the whole world.” That meant, just to begin a list, thousands of modern tanks, hundreds of helicopters, F-4 and F-5 fighter jets, dozens of hovercraft, long-range artillery pieces, and Maverick missiles. The next year, the Shah bought another $12 billion worth of equipment.
After Kissinger left office, the special relationship he had worked so hard to establish blew up with the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the flight of the Shah, the coming to power of Ayatollah Khomeini, and the taking of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran (and its occupants as hostages) by student protesters. Washington’s political class is still trying to dig itself out of the rubble. A number of high-ranking Middle East policymakers and experts held Kissinger directly responsible for the disaster, especially career diplomat George Ball, who called Kissinger’s Iran policy an “act of folly.”
Kissinger is deft at deflecting attention from this history. After a speech at Annapolis in 2007, a cadet wanted to know why he had sold weapons to the Shah of Iran when “he knew the nature of his regime?”
“Every American government from the 1950s on cooperated with the Shah of Iran,” Kissinger answered. He continued: “Iran is a crucial piece of strategic real estate, and the fact that it is now in adversarial hands shows why we cooperated with the Shah of Iran. Why did we sell weapons to him? Because he was willing to defend himself and because his defense was in our interest. And again, I simply don’t understand why we have to apologize for defending the American national interest, which was also in the national interest of that region.”
This account carefully omits his role in greatly escalating the support provided to the Shah, including to his infamous SAVAK torturers — the agents of his murderous, U.S.-trained secret police-cum-death-squad — who upheld his regime. Each maimed body or disappeared family member was one more klick on the road to revolution. As George Ball’s biographer, James Bill, writes: considering the “manifest failure” of Kissinger’s Iran policy, “it is worthy of note that in his two massive volumes of political memoirs totalling twenty-eight-hundred pages, Kissinger devoted less than twenty pages to the Iranian revolution and U.S.-Iran relations.”
After the Shah fell, the ayatollahs were the beneficiaries of Kissinger’s arms largess, inheriting billions of dollars of warships, tanks, fighter jets, guns, and other materiel. It was also Kissinger who successfully urged the Carter administration to grant the Shah asylum in the United States, which hastened the deterioration of relations between Tehran and Washington, precipitating the embassy hostage crisis.
Then, in 1980, Saddam Hussein’s Iraq invaded Iran, beginning a war that consumed hundreds of thousands of lives. The administration of Ronald Reagan “tilted” toward Baghdad, providing battlefield intelligence used to launch lethal sarin gas attacks on Iranian troops. At the same time, the White House illegally and infamously trafficked high-tech weaponry to revolutionary Iran as part of what became the Iran-Contra affair.
“It’s a pity they can’t both lose,” Kissinger is reported to have said of Iran and Iraq. Although that quotation is hard to confirm, Raymond Tanter, who served on the National Security Council, reports that, at a foreign-policy briefing for Republican presidential nominee Ronald Reagan in October 1980, Kissinger suggested “the continuation of fighting between Iran and Iraq was in the American interest.” Having bet (and lost) on the Shah, Kissinger now hoped to make the best of a bad war. The U.S., he counselled Reagan, “should capitalize on continuing hostilities.”
Saudi Arabia and the Petrodollar Fix
Kissinger’s other “guardian” of the Gulf, Sunni Saudi Arabia, however, didn’t fall and he did everything he could to turn that already close relationship into an ironclad alliance. In 1975, he signaled what was to come by working out an arms deal for the Saudi regime similar to the one he had green-lighted for Tehran, including a $750 million contract for the sale of 60 F-5E/F fighters to the sheiks. By this time, the U.S. already had more than a trillion dollars’ worth of military agreements with Riyadh. Only Iran had more.
Like Tehran, Riyadh paid for this flood of weaponry with the proceeds from rising oil prices. The word “petrodollar,” according to the Los Angeles Times, was coined in late 1973, and introduced into English by New York investment bankers who were courting the oil-producing countries of the Middle East. Soon enough, as that paper wrote, the petrodollar had become part of “the world’s macroeconomic interface” and crucial to Kissinger’s developing Middle Eastern policy.
By June 1974, Treasury Secretary George Shultz was already suggesting that rising oil prices could result in a “highly advantageous mutual bargain” between the U.S. and petroleum-producing countries in the Middle East. Such a “bargain,” as others then began to argue, might solve a number of problems, creating demand for the U.S. dollar, injecting needed money into a flagging defense industry hard hit by the Vietnam wind-down, and using petrodollars to cover mounting trade deficits.
As it happened, petrodollars would prove anything but a quick fix. High energy prices were a drag on the U.S. economy, with inflation and high interest rates remaining a problem for nearly a decade. Nor was petrodollar dependence part of any preconceived Kissingerian “plan.” As with far more of his moves than he or his admirers now care to admit, he more or less stumbled into it. This was why, in periodic frustration, he occasionally daydreamed about simply seizing the oil fields of the Arabian peninsula and doing away with all the developing economic troubles.
“Can’t we overthrow one of the sheikhs just to show that we can do it?” hewondered in November 1973, fantasizing about which gas-pump country he could knock off. “How about Abu Dhabi?” he later asked. (Imagine what the world would be like today had Kissinger, in the fall of 1973, moved to overthrow the Saudi regime rather than Chile’s democratically elected president, Salvador Allende.) “Let’s work out a plan for grabbing some Middle East oil if we want,” Kissinger said.
Such scimitar rattling was, however, pure posturing. Not only did Kissinger broker the various deals that got the U.S. hooked on recycled Saudi petrodollars, he also began to promote the idea of an “oil floor price” below which the cost per barrel wouldn’t fall. Among other things, this scheme was meant to protect the Saudis (and Iran, until 1979) from a sudden drop in demand and provide U.S. petroleum corporations with guaranteed profit margins.
Stephen Walt, a scholar of international relations, writes: “By the end of 1975, more than six thousand Americans were engaged in military-related activities in Saudi Arabia. Saudi arms purchased for the period 1974-1975 totaled over $3.8 billion, and a bewildering array of training missions and construction projects worth over $10 billion were now underway.”
Since the 1970s, one administration after another has found the iron-clad alliance Kissinger deepened between the House of Saud’s medieval “moderates” and Washington indispensable not only to keep the oil flowing but as a balance against Shia radicalism and secular nationalism of every sort. Recently, however, a series of world-historical events has shattered the context in which that alliance seemed to make sense. These include: the catastrophic war on and occupation of Iraq, the Arab Spring, the Syrian uprising and ensuing civil war, the rise of ISIS, Israel’s rightwing lurch, the conflict in Yemen, the falling price of petroleum, and, now, Obama’s Iran deal. But the arms spigot that Kissinger turned on still remains wide open.According to the New York Times, “Saudi Arabia spent more than $80 billion on weaponry last year — the most ever, and more than either France or Britain — and has become the world’s fourth-largest defense market.” Just as they did after the Vietnam drawdown, U.S. weapons manufacturing are compensating for limits on the defense budget at home by selling arms to Gulf states. The “proxy wars in the Middle East could last for years,” write Mark Mazzetti and Helene Cooper of the New York Times, “which will make countries in the region even more eager for the F-35 fighter jet, considered to be the jewel of America’s future arsenal of weapons. The plane, the world’s most expensive weapons project, has stealth capabilities and has been marketed heavily to European and Asian allies. It has not yet been peddled to Arab allies because of concerns about preserving Israel’s military edge.” If fortune is really shining on Lockheed and Boeing, Kissinger’s prediction that Obama’s de-escalation of tensions with Tehran will sooner or later prompt Saudi–Iranian hostilities will pan out. “With the balance of power in the Middle East in flux, several defense analysts said that could change. Russia is a major arms supplier to Iran, and a decision by President Vladimir Putin to sell an advanced air defense system to Iran could increase demand for the F-35, which is likely to have the ability to penetrate Russian-made defenses,” the Times reports. “This could be the precipitating event: the emerging Sunni-Shia civil war coupled with the sale of advanced Russian air defense systems to Iran,” said one defense analyst. “If anything is going to result in F-35 clearance to the gulf states, this is the combination of events.’”
Into Afghanistan
If all Henry Kissinger contributed to the Middle East were a regional arms race, petrodollar addiction, Iranian radicalization, and the Tehran-Riyadh conflict, it would be bad enough. His legacy, however, is far worse than that: he has to answer for his role in the rise of political Islam.
In July 1973, after a coup in Afghanistan brought to power a moderate, secular, but Soviet-leaning republican government, the Shah, then approaching the height of his influence with Kissinger, pressed his advantage. He asked for even more military assistance. Now, he said, he “must cover the East with fighter aircraft.” Kissinger complied.
Tehran also began to meddle in Afghan politics, offering Kabul billions of dollars for development and security, in exchange for loosening “its ties with the Soviet Union.” This might have seemed a reasonably peaceful way to increase U.S. influence via Iran over Kabul. It was, however, paired with an explosive initiative: via SAVAK, the Shah’s secret police, and Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI), extremist Islamic insurgents were to be slipped into Afghanistan to destabilize Kabul’s republican government.
Kissinger, who knew his British and his Russian imperial history, had long considered Pakistan of strategic importance. “The defense of Afghanistan,” he wrote in 1955, “depends on the strength of Pakistan.” But before he could put Pakistan into play against the Soviets in Afghanistan, he had to perfume away the stink of genocide. In 1971, that country had launched a bloodbath in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), with Nixon and Kissinger standing “stoutly behind Pakistan’s generals, supporting the murderous regime at many of the most crucial moments,” as Gary Bass has detailed. The president and his national security adviser, Bass writes, “vigorously supported the killers and tormentors of a generation of Bangladeshis.”
Because of that genocidal campaign, the State Department, acting against Kissinger’s wishes, had cut off military aid to the country in 1971, though Nixon and Kissinger kept it flowing covertly via Iran. In 1975, Kissinger vigorously pushed for its full, formal restoration, even as he was offering his tacit approval to Maoist China to back Pakistan whose leaders had their own reasons for wanting to destabilize Afghanistan, having to do with border disputes and the ongoing rivalry with India. Kissinger helped make that possible, in part by the key role he played in building up Pakistan as part of a regional strategy in which Iran and Saudi Arabia were similarly deputized to do his dirty work. When Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had backed the 1971 rampage in East Pakistan, visited Washington in 1975 to make the case for restoration of military aid, Kissinger assured President Gerald Ford that he “was great in ’71.” Ford agreed, and U.S. dollars soon started to flow directly to the Pakistani army and intelligence service.
As national security adviser and then secretary of state, Kissinger was directly involved in planning and executing covert actions in such diverse places as Cambodia, Angola, and Chile. No available information indicates that he ever directly encouraged Pakistan’s ISI or Iran’s SAVAK to destabilize Afghanistan. But we don’t need a smoking gun to appreciate the larger context and consequences of his many regional initiatives in what, in the twenty-first century, would come to be known in Washington as the “greater Middle East.” In their 1995 book, Out of Afghanistan, based on research in Soviet archives, foreign-policy analysts Diego Cordovez and Selig Harrison provide a wide-ranging sense of just how so many of the policies Kissinger put in place — the empowerment of Iran, the restoration of military relations with Pakistan, high oil prices, an embrace of Saudi Wahhabism, and weapon sales — came together to spark jihadism:
”It was in the early 1970s, with oil prices rising, that Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi of Iran embarked on his ambitious effort to roll back Soviet influence in neighboring countries and create a modern version of the ancient Persian empire… Beginning in 1974, the Shah launched a determined effort to draw Kabul into a Western-tilted, Tehran-centered regional economic and security sphere embracing India, Pakistan and the Persian Gulf states… The United States actively encouraged this roll-back policy as part of its broad partnership with the Shah… SAVAK and the CIA worked hand in hand, sometimes in loose collaboration with underground Afghani Islamic fundamentalist groups that shared their anti-Soviet objectives but had their own agendas as well… As oil profits sky-rocketed, emissaries from these newly affluent Arab fundamentalist groups arrived on the Afghan scene with bulging bankrolls.”
Harrison also wrote that “SAVAK, the CIA, and Pakistani agents” were involved in failed “fundamentalist coup attempts” in Afghanistan in 1973 and 1974, along with an attempted Islamic insurrection in the Panjshir Valley in 1975, laying the groundwork for the jihad of the 1980s (and beyond). Much has been made of Jimmy Carter’s decision, on the advice of National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, to authorize “nonlethal” aid to the Afghan mujahedeen in July 1979, six months before Moscow sent troops to support the Afghan government in its fight against a spreading Islamic insurgency. But lethal aid had already long been flowing to those jihadists via Washington’s ally Pakistan (and Iran until its revolution in 1979). This provision of support to radical Islamists, initiated in Kissinger’s tenure and continuing through the years of Ronald Reagan’s presidency, had a number of unfortunate consequences known all too well today but seldom linked to the good doctor. It put unsustainable pressure on Afghanistan’s fragile secular government. It laid the early infrastructure for today’s transnational radical Islam. And, of course, it destabilized Afghanistan and so helped provoke the Soviet invasion. Some still celebrate the decisions of Carter and Reagan for their role in pulling Moscow into its own Vietnam-style quagmire and so hastening the demise of the Soviet Union. “What is most important to the history of the world?” Brzezinski infamously asked. “The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Moslems or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the cold war?” (The rivalry between the two Harvard immigrant diplomats, Kissinger and Brzezinski, is well known. But Brzezinski by 1979 was absolutely Kissingerian in his advice to Carter. In fact, a number of Kissinger’s allies who continued on in the Carter administration, including Walter Slocombe and David Newsom, influenced the decision to support the jihad.) Moscow’s occupation of Afghanistan would prove a disaster — and not just for the Soviet Union. When Soviet troops pulled out in 1989, they left behind a shattered country and a shadowy network of insurgent fundamentalists who, for years, had worked hand-in-glove with the CIA in the Agency’s longest covert operation, as well as the Saudis and the Pakistani ISI. It was a distinctly Kissingerian line-up of forces. Few serious scholars now believe that the Soviet Union would have proved any more durable had it not invaded Afghanistan. Nor did the allegiance of Afghanistan — whether it tilted toward Washington, Moscow, or Tehran — make any difference to the outcome of the Cold War, any more than did, say, that of Cuba, Iraq, Angola, or Vietnam.
For all of the celebration of him as a “grand strategist,” as someone who constantly advises presidents to think of the future, to base their actions today on where they want the country to be in five or 10 years’ time, Kissinger was absolutely blind to the fundamental feebleness and inevitable collapse of the Soviet Union. None of it was necessary; none of the lives Kissinger sacrificed in Cambodia, Laos, Angola, Mozambique, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, East Timor, and Bangladesh made one bit of difference in the outcome of the Cold War.
Similarly, each of Kissinger’s Middle East initiatives has been disastrous in the long run. Just think about them from the vantage point of 2015: banking on despots, inflating the Shah, providing massive amounts of aid to security forces that tortured and terrorized democrats, pumping up the U.S. defense industry with recycled petrodollars and so spurring a Middle East arms race financed by high gas prices, emboldening Pakistan’s intelligence service, nurturing Islamic fundamentalism, playing Iran and the Kurds off against Iraq, and then Iraq and Iran off against the Kurds, and committing Washington to defending Israel’s occupation of Arab lands. Combined, they’ve helped bind the modern Middle East into a knot that even Alexander’s sword couldn’t sever.
Bloody Inventions
Over the last decade, an avalanche of documents — transcripts of conversations and phone calls, declassified memos, and embassy cables — have implicated Henry Kissinger in crimes in Bangladesh, Cambodia, southern Africa, Laos, the Middle East, and Latin America. He’s tried to defend himself by arguing for context. “Just to take a sentence out of a telephone conversation when you have 50 other conversations, it’s just not the way to analyze it,” Kissinger said recently, after yet another damning tranche of documents was declassified. “I’ve been telling people to read a month’s worth of conversations, so you know what else went on.” But a month’s worth of conversations, or eight years for that matter, reads like one of Shakespeare’s bloodiest plays. Perhaps Macbeth, with its description of what we today call blowback: “That we but teach bloody instructions, which, being taught, return to plague the inventor.”
We are still reaping the bloody returns of Kissinger’s inventions.

Stop the Killing! Stop Saudi Arabia’s campaign of violence!

Today a young boy, Ali Mohammad al-Nimr emaciates alone in solitary confinement, Al-Harra prison in Saudi Arabia, awaiting a death sentence. Al-Harrah is one of Saudi Arabia notorious high security prisons, where inmates are routinely tortured. For Ali, his fate is more grim. The Saudi regime plans on executing him to death by crucifixion and beheading. One of Ali’s capital offenses include :using a phone to promote disloyalty to the King.

Ali Mohammad al-Nimr’s nightmare began on February 14, 2012, when age only 16. Saudi Security Forces arrested him, as he rode his bike near his family home, by rear ending him with a Jeep.
Ali was born December 25, 1995 in Qatif, Saudi Arabia. He is the nephew of prominent Shia cleric and political activist Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr. In December, 2011, Ali accompanied his uncle to a meeting, where Shiekh Nimr called for the peaceful  respect human dignity for all citizens. For this crime, on October, 15  2014, Sheikh al-Nimr was sentenced to death by the Specialized Criminal Court, where charges included  “seeking ‘foreign meddling’,  ‘disobeying’ its rulers and taking up arms against the security forces.”  His brother, Mohammad al-Nimr (Ali’s father), was arrested on the same day for tweeting information about the death sentence.
In the terrible  day in February, without his parents ever being informed, Ali Mohammed al-Nimr was taken to a juvenile prison – there he was tortured for months and asked to confess to crimes he never committed: all of it to implications Shiekh Nimr.  For the next four month Ali Mohammad al-Nimr was held incommunicado, without any access to legal counsel or contact with the outside.
For he attended a peaceful rally in the Shia majority  Qatif (eastern province of Saudi Arabia), Ali Mohammad al-Nimr was abducted and incarcerated. Because his family represents outspoken beacon of hope for Saudi Arabia’s Shia community, Ali Mohammad has been brutalized by the regime.
In June 2012, Ali’s mother was finally allowed to visit her son in prison. There, she witnessed  the horrors her son was put through – the beating, the torture, the abuses and psychological duress he had to endure day after day, week after week, month after month.
In December 2012, Ali Mohammad al-Nimr, then age 17, was charged with thirteen ludicris charges including Hariba (treason against God and the King of Saudi Arabia) – a blanket accusation the Saudi regime has often times used to silence its prisoners of conscience.
Ali Mohammad was never allowed access to a lawyer, he was never offered the opportunity to defend himself, or even allowed to challenge the charges which were brought against him.
After being found guilty of all the charges against the King, Ali Mohammad al-Nimr was sentenced to death by beheading and crucifixion.
In May 2014, following a lengthy and difficult appeal, Ali Mohammad’s case was reviewed before a panel of judges. Judges in Saudi Arabia, fall under the direct authority of the king, and their allegiance is not to the rule of law but the throne. Ali Mohammad al-Nimr never stood a chance at any fair trial.
Again, the final appeal was handed out secretly in July of 2015, where 13 judges sentenced him to death with no chance of further appeal.Since May 2014, Ali Mohammad, this young boy from Qatif has sat in prison, awaiting for his accusers to steal his last breath. His crime? Being a Shia Muslim in Saudi Arabia.
Ali’s predicament is not an isolated incident – Saudi Arabia’s prisons hold many minors within their walls; and too many,  like Ali Mohammed al-Nimr, have been sentenced to death, in clear violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).
It needs to be noted that in 1996, Saudi Arabia agreed to be a state party to the CRC, when the Saudi Human Rights Commission signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).
And yet, Saudi Arabia has systematically violated Ali Mohammed al-Nimr’s rights.
Not only has the UN failed to fulfill its mandate by challenging those in infractions of international law, it rewarded the kingdom.
In June of 2015 Faisal Trad, Saudi Arabia’s ambassador in Geneva, was elected Chair of the UN Human Rights Council panel that appoints independent experts.
Today we wish to break the silence and denounce those crimes the international community should have acted against long ago!
The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) states:
“Article 37 States Parties shall ensure that:(a) No child shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Neither capital punishment nor life imprisonment without possibility of release shall be imposed for offences committed by persons below eighteen years of age;
(b) No child shall be deprived of his or her liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time;
(c) Every child deprived of liberty shall be treated with humanity and respect for the inherent dignity of the human person, and in a manner which takes into account the needs of persons of his or her age. In particular, every child deprived of liberty shall be separated from adults unless it is considered in the child’s best interest not to do so and shall have the right to maintain contact with his or her family through correspondence and visits, save in exceptional circumstances;
 (d) Every child deprived of his or her liberty shall have the right to prompt access to legal and other appropriate assistance, as well as the right to challenge the legality of the deprivation of his or her liberty before a court or other competent, independent and impartial authority, and to a prompt decision on any such action.”
Moreover, under article 15 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), peaceful assembly is a protected right. It reads:
“Article 15: 1. States Parties recognize the rights of the child to freedom of association and to freedom of peaceful assembly.
2. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of these rights other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”
Active petitions calling for the unconditional and immediate release of Ali Mohammed al-Nimr:
– Change.orghttps://www.change.org/p/king-abdullah-bin-abdul-aziz-supreme-court-of-saudi-arab-stop-the-crucifixion-of-ali-mohammed-al-nimr#petition-letter
END
For all press queries and details please contact Al Nimr PR representatives at Veritas Consulting:
Catherine Shakdam in the UK at
Email: catherine.shakdam@veritas-consultancy.one
or
Marwa Osman in Lebanon at
marwa.osman@veritas-consultancy.one

http://en.abna24.com/service/middle-east-west-asia/archive/2015/10/16/715400/story.html