Jim MaloneTuesday’s midterm elections turned into a rout for Republicans and a nightmare for Democrats, especially President Barack Obama. Republicans got the wave they were hoping for and nearly ran the table on the close Senate races. And they did even better than expected in the 36 races for state governor around the country. Make no mistake—what happened on Tuesday was the equivalent of a political earthquake and the aftershocks will be felt in Washington for the foreseeable future. The Republican path to a Senate majority ran through several Democratic seats in so-called Red States where Republicans have been strong in recent elections, including the 2012 presidential race. Republicans easily won key Senate races in Arkansas, West Virginia, Montana and South Dakota. They also won Democratic Senate seats in key swing states like Colorado, Iowa and North Carolina – states that were essential building blocks for Obama’s 2012 re-election and which will play a key role in the 2016 presidential race as well. In short, Republicans easily won where they should have (Republican-leaning states) and did better than expected in so-called battleground states where presidential elections are won and lost. That sets them up for potential good news in 2016. Republicans also won governor’s races in strongly Democratic states like Maryland, Massachusetts and even the president’s home state of Illinois. They also prevailed in a close race in Florida and easily secured re-election for Republican Governor Scott Walker in Wisconsin. Walker may now be tempted to join the growing list of potential GOP presidential contenders for 2016. Referendum on Obama The number one factor helping Republicans this year was President Obama’s poor public approval ratings, averaging just over 40 percent in recent national polls. Exit polls of voters who cast ballots on Tuesday confirmed that many Republicans and independent voters saw the election as a referendum on the president, something Democrats had long dreaded. Voter concerns about the economy, health care and foreign policy also factored into the results on Tuesday. About two-thirds of the country believes the country is headed in the wrong direction, despite the fact that the jobless rate is declining and the economy is growing at a decent clip. Foreign policy, a strength for the president in his re-election two years ago, was more of a negative factor this year. Concern about the threat posed by the Islamic State in the Middle East and the administration’s handling of Ebola contributed to a public perception that the White House was not in control of possible threats to the U.S. That in turn led to voter anxiety and doubt, factors that always hurt incumbents. The irony is that public views of Congress in general and Republicans in particular are even worse than those of the president. But in a midterm election, the historical trend is for voters to take out their frustrations and anxieties on the incumbent in the White House, and that is exactly what happened this year. More uncertainty ahead Now that Obama has suffered the strongest political rebuke of his presidency, what are his options? Republican control of the Senate, combined with an enhanced majority in the House of Representatives, gives them more power to block the president’s legislative agenda. The president must now assess whether it’s time to reach out to Republicans on some issues, say tax reform and trade, or hunker down, particularly when it comes to the budget and immigration reform. Republicans have some decisions to make as well. Exit polls showed voters are frustrated with partisan gridlock in Washington. They want Congress and the president to work together to solve the nation’s problems, not fighting endless partisan battles over health care, taxes and climate change. The incoming Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, must consider when to simply block the president’s agenda and when the time might be right to work with the White House and Democrats. In his victory speech McConnell said neither he nor the president will see the world differently in the wake of Tuesday’s results. But he also added, “We do have an obligation to work together on issues where we can agree.” Republican strategist Ford O’Connell told VOA’s Senate Correspondent Michael Bowman the results show that “two-thirds of America thought the country was going in the wrong direction. They wanted a change in direction and now it is up to Republicans to bring that change.” The recent track record in Congress suggests the likelihood of more partisan gridlock in the final two years of the Obama presidency. But Senator McConnell is also acutely aware that Republicans will be held accountable for what they do over the next two years and that could be a key factor leading up to the presidential election in 2016. Republicans are desperate to win the White House back two years from now. They’ve seen that no matter how well you do in congressional races, the presidency remains the real seat of power and that lasting political change stems from winning the White House and using that as a national mandate for action. But McConnell also faces challenges from Tea Party supporters within his own Republican caucus, some of whom are likely presidential contenders in 2016. They include Texas Senator Ted Cruz, Kentucky Senator Rand Paul and Florida Senator Marco Rubio. It was only a year ago that a government shutdown pushed by Tea Party supporters in Congress badly damaged the Republican brand. How McConnell balances both blocking the Obama agenda and keeping some of the more conservative Republican senators in line over the next two years will be a major political challenge. Shaping Obama legacy There is little doubt that Tuesday’s results mean that the president faces a difficult final two years in office. Like most presidents near the end of their time in office, he will be concerned with shaping his political legacy. That means protecting his signature health care law from renewed Republican attack in both the House and Senate. A Supreme Court vacancy, should one occur, could also spark a major battle over Senate confirmation. The midterm setbacks for Democrats will no doubt figure in any assessment of President Obama’s political legacy, said author Aaron David Miller of the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars in Washington. “Barack Obama is not the catastrophic incompetent that his detractors want to depict him as,” Miller said. “But nor is he the redeemer or the savior that his adherents wanted. There is a sense of emptiness and disappointment between what was promised and what was delivered.” President Obama’s first test may come on immigration reform. Will he go ahead with unilateral action likely to antagonize Republicans? Or might some mainstream Republicans be willing to compromise on modest measures that could enhance their party’s ability to woo Hispanic voters two years from now in the presidential race? The election results also appear to have had an impact even on Democrats who were able to prevail. New Hampshire Senator Jeanne Shaheen narrowly beat back a strong challenge from Republican Scott Brown and is taking a decidedly centrist view of the path forward. “I will work with anyone in the Senate—Democrat, Republican, Independent—to get things done,” she said. Finally there is the complicated question of the relationship between the president and the woman who Democrats overwhelmingly want to succeed him—former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Given the results on Tuesday and the clear public unhappiness expressed with President Obama, Clinton will have to find ways to separate herself from the Obama presidency if she runs. The president, for his part, may have to accept some of that pushback while at the same time figuring out what he can do over the next two years to pave the way for a Democrat to succeed him in the White House. The politics of the 2014 midterms are inextricably linked to the presidential contest in 2016. In the wake of Tuesday’s results, Republicans understandably feel a surge of momentum in taking the Senate and showing Democrats they can compete in swing states like Iowa, Colorado and North Carolina. That should set them up to be very competitive for the White House two years from now, provided they nominate the right candidate. Presidential race looms The Republican search for a standard bearer begins now. Many Democrats already believe they already have the right candidate—Hillary Clinton—assuming she runs. But Democrats also remember that Clinton was a heavy favorite for the party nomination in 2008 and lost to Obama, who at the time was a long shot challenger. For 2016, Democrats may be thinking it’s time to go back to the future. For Republicans, the future looks brighter—but still uncertain.
M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Wednesday, November 5, 2014
U.S : Column: A Republican Rout—Now What?
U.S : The Midterms Were Not A Revolution
By FRANK LUNTZ
ON election night 1994, as Republicans recaptured the House for the first time in 40 years, I stood in the audience and watched my client Newt Gingrich, who would soon become speaker of the House, declare the beginning of the “Republican revolution.”
I knew immediately that the smartest man I had ever worked for was making the worst rhetorical blunder of his career. Nobody voted Republican to start a revolution. They did so because they were fed up with a Democratic president overreaching on health care and a government seemingly incapable of doing even the smallest thing effectively. We all know what happened when Mr. Gingrich tried to turn his rhetoric into action.
Sound familiar? No one is quite saying “revolution” this week, but Republicans across the country, in their glee over Tuesday’s elections, are coming dangerously close to making the same mistake.
True, there will now be more Americans under Republican representation than at any time in decades. And the re-elections of G.O.P. governors in blue states like Michigan and Wisconsin are certainly a validation of their policies. It was a tsunami; someone needs to get the Democrats a towel. But that anti-Democrat wave was not the same as a pro-Republican endorsement. In many races that went from blue to red, Republican success was hardly because of what the G.O.P. has achieved on Capitol Hill. In fact, if Americans could speak with one collective voice — all 310 million of them — this is what they said Tuesday night: “Washington doesn’t listen, Washington doesn’t lead and Washington doesn’t deliver.” Purple states tossed out their Democratic senators for being too close to Washington and too far from the people who put them there.The current narrative, that this election was a rejection of President Obama, misses the mark. So does the idea that it was a mandate for an extreme conservative agenda. According to a survey my firm fielded on election night for the political-advocacy organization Each American Dream, it was more important that a candidate “shake up and change the way Washington operates.”I didn’t need a poll to tell me that. This year I traveled the country listening to voters, from Miami to Anchorage, 30 states and counting. And from the reddest rural towns to the bluest big cities, the sentiment is the same. People say Washington is broken and on the decline, that government no longer works for them — only for the rich and powerful.They voted out those who promised to do more in favor of those who said they would do less, but do it better. That’s why the Democratic candidates for governor who condemned their opponents for spending too little on education, transportation and programs for the poor and unemployed still lost. The results were less about the size of government than about making government efficient, effective and accountable. Our election night survey showed that 42 percent chose their Senate candidate because they hated the opponent more. One pre-election poll had over 70 percent willing to throw everyone out and start fresh.Winning on Election Day is not the end. The objective can’t be just to bide time for the next election; that’s a losing strategy. The mission has to be a restoration of confidence in the future. The question is: What can Republicans at all levels do to make this happen, and avoid repeating the mistakes of the past?First, hold Washington accountable. From the cover-ups of veterans dying while being denied care to using the I.R.S. to target conservative groups, recent scandals highlight the chasm between hard-working taxpayers and Washington. But this also means holding your colleagues accountable. No turning a blind eye to broken promises. If you’re truly different, act truly differently.Second, make the people’s priorities your priorities. In our survey, the top priorities were making the government more efficient and controlling spending. So tackle deficits and the national debt, and root out the waste and abuse of government programs. Reduce the crippling red tape and regulations that are strangling small businesses. As the House majority leader, Kevin McCarthy, said, show that a Republican Congress has both the wisdom to listen and the courage to lead.Third, stop blustering and fighting. Americans despair of the pointless posturing, empty promises and bad policies that result. Show that you are more concerned with people than politics. Don’t be afraid to work with your opponents if it means achieving real results. Democrats and Republicans disagree on a lot, but there are also opportunities of real national importance, like national security and passing the trans-Atlantic trade deal. Aside from a small activist constituency, Americans are not looking for another fight over same-sex marriage or abortion. This isn’t to say that voters want their leaders to co-opt their convictions. People are simply tired of identity politics that pit men against women, black against white, wealthy against poor. More than ever, they want leadership that brings us together. This isn’t about pride of ownership regarding American progress; this is about progress, period. Americans don’t care about Democratic solutions or Republican solutions. They just want common-sense solutions that make everyday life just a little bit easier. But they can’t get their houses in order until Washington gets its own house in order.
Obama, Republicans sound conciliatory note but battles loom
BY JEFF MASON AND ROBERTA RAMPTONPresident Barack Obama and his powerful U.S. Senate adversary struck a conciliatory tone on Wednesday, but Obama's plans to proceed with new immigration rules foreshadowed a bumpy start to his relationship with a Republican-controlled Congress. Obama and Mitch McConnell, who will become majority leader when Republicans take charge in the Senate in January, signaled they hoped to get past a previously frosty relationship to pass legislation on priorities on which they can both agree. Republicans swept elections on Tuesday, capturing their biggest majority in the House of Representatives in more than 60 years and gaining a majority in the Senate for the first time since 2006. The election result limits what Obama can achieve without bipartisan support during his final two years in office. "As president, I have a unique responsibility to try and make this town work," Obama, a Democrat, said at a White House news conference. "So, to everyone who voted, I want you to know that I hear you." Obama lauded McConnell, with whom he said he hoped to share some Kentucky bourbon, and House Speaker John Boehner for expressing the wish to seek common ground after the elections. He spoke to both men earlier in the day. McConnell said he believed Obama was interested in moving forward on trade agreements and tax reform, two issues at a standstill in Washington because of political differences. "This gridlock and dysfunction can be ended. It can be ended by having a Senate that actually works," McConnell told reporters in his home state Kentucky. But the words of reconciliation only went so far. Obama said he intended to go ahead with plans to implement executive actions by the end of this year that could remove the threat of deportation from millions of undocumented immigrants. McConnell said it would be like "waving a red flag in front of a bull" for Obama to take unilateral action on immigration. The Democrat-controlled Senate passed a bill on the issue last year but House Republicans did not support it. "We're going to take whatever lawful actions that I can take that I believe will improve the functioning of our immigration system," Obama said. "If they want to get a bill done ... I'm eager to see what they have to offer. But what I’m not going to do is just wait." Obama conceded that Republicans "had a good night" on Tuesday but shied away from more descriptive language of the sort he used in 2010, when he described Republican victories as a "shellacking." The president, whose unpopularity made him unwelcome to many Democrats running for office, plans to meet congressional leaders from both parties at the White House on Friday to take stock of the new political landscape. ENERGY, KEYSTONE, TAXES Despite the Republican gains, the election was not necessarily an endorsement of Republican policies. Initiatives championed by Democrats to raise the minimum wage and legalize possession of small amounts of marijuana succeeded in a handful of states where they were on the ballot. With the bulk of election results in, the dollar surged to a seven-year high against the yen and the Dow and S&P 500 finished at record closing highs, reflecting optimism about pro-energy and other business policies. Obama said he would like to work with Republicans on a deal to pay for repairs to roads, bridges, ports and other infrastructure. He said a tax reform package might be one way of paying for the infrastructure projects. The new power structure will test Obama's ability to compromise with newly empowered political opponents who have been resisting his legislative agenda since he was first elected in 2008. Americans elected him to a second and final four-year term in 2012. One of the first tests could be a bill to approve the Keystone XL crude oil pipeline from Canada, a project about which Obama has voiced reservations. Republican Senator John Hoeven said in an interview on Wednesday that he has enough votes to pass a bill early in 2015 that would approve TransCanada's long-languishing $8 billion pipeline project. Obama said at the news conference he would let the State Department-run process on Keystone play out, but said his criteria for approving it or not would be based on whether it helped Americans' pocket books. "Is it going to actually create jobs? Is it actually going to reduce gas prices that have been coming down? And is it going to be, on net, something that doesn’t increase climate change that we’re going to have to grapple with?" he said. Energy markets hope Republican control of the Senate will lead to reform of crude and natural gas export laws and motivate the Obama administration to include those energy exports in new, or broader, trade agreements.
Bilawal Bhutto felicitates Sikh Community on Baba Guruk Nanak Sahab’s birthday
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Chairman Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), has congratulated the Sikh community in Pakistan and the world over on the auspicious occasion of 546th Birthday of Baba Guru Nanak Sahab. In a press statement, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said that Baba Guru Nanak Sahab promoted peace, religious harmony and brotherhood among the people of Indus Valley in 14th and 15th centuries and his teachings always provide guidance to all those who love peace and equality among the humanity. Chairman PPP welcomed the Sikh pilgrims from all the world to Nankana Sahab and said Pakistan is proud to be home of this great sage of the history.http://mediacellppp.wordpress.com/
Army Lost Nearly $420M-Worth of Equipment in Afghanistan
The U.S. Army lost nearly half of a billion dollars-worth of equipment in Afghanistan, a new report from the military’s watchdog says. Late last week the Department of Defense’s Inspector General published the summary of an audit report it conducted for fiscal year 2013 and said that the 401st Army Field Support Brigade “did not report in a timely manner 15,600 pieces of missing equipment valued at approximately $419.5 million.” The summary did not describe the kind of equipment that went missing, or when, and stated that part of the problem was that the 401st ”did not consider the inventory lost.” The summary did not expand on that and the full report was not posted online. ABC News has requested a copy through the Freedom of Information Act. The IG’s summary says that there is an “increased risk that missing property will not be recovered… [and] no one was held financially responsible for the property losses or accountable for missed reporting deadlines.” The IG said the Army “immediately acted” on the IG’s recommendations to resolve inventory reporting and processing problems. “We commend their efforts,” the IG summary says. A spokesperson for the Army did not immediately return requests for comment for this report.By Lee Ferran
US turns to Iran for help to jump start Afghanistan’s economy
Pakistan's Ch Nisar - With Love from Dhaka :- War Crimes - Forget and forgive: A cliché
Amnesty asks Pakistan to protect minority communities
Global rights watchdog Amnesty International has asked Pakistan to bring those responsible for the killing of a Christian couple, accused of blasphemy, to justice.
"Those responsible must be brought to justice and the Pakistani authorities have to ensure at-risk communities are proactively given the protection they need.
"This vicious mob killing is just the latest manifestation of the threat of vigilante violence which anyone can face in Pakistan after a blasphemy accusation, although religious minorities are disproportionately vulnerable," David Griffiths, Amnesty International's Deputy Asia Pacific said yesterday.
The Christian couple was yesterday thrashed and burnt alive by a group of angry Muslims in Pakistan's Punjab province for allegedly desecrating the Quran. The horrific crime was reported from the villages of Kot Radha Kishan of Kasur district, some 50 kilometres from Lahore.
"This type of violence is fuelled by Pakistan's repressive blasphemy laws, which add to the climate of fear for religious minorities. A mere accusation of blasphemy is often enough to put a person and their wider community in danger.
"In this case, a mob appears to have played judge, jury and executioner. The blasphemy laws violate international human rights law and standards and should be reformed as a matter of urgency to provide effective safeguards against their abuse, with a view to their eventual repeal," Griffiths said.
Amnesty said that consistent failure by the government to tackle violence in the name of religion has effectively sent the message that anyone can commit outrageous abuses and excuse them as defence of religious sentiments.
The Punjab provincial government has reportedly set up a committee to fast track the investigation into the killings and ordered additional police protection to Christian neighbourhoods in the province.
"The local government's response is encouraging but it remains to be seen what comes of the investigation.
"The climate of impunity around violence against religious minorities in Pakistan is pervasive, and it is all too rare that those behind attacks are held to account," said David Griffiths.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/amnesty-international-asks-pakistan-to-protect-minority-communities/articleshow/45044416.cms
10-fold increase in Facebook content restrictions for Pakistan
The Pakistani government has increased its efforts to restrict access to content on Facebook that it believes is blasphemous or critical of the state, data released by the social networking website revealed on Tuesday.The Facebook ‘Government Requests Report’ shows that during the period Jan-June this year, the Pakistani government sent a staggering 1,773 requests to Facebook to restrict content, up almost 10 times from just 162 such requests during the July-Dec period in 2013.
Pakistan: Baloch Are Left With No Option But To Approach International Court Of Justice: Akhtar Mengal
PUNJAB: GROWING VULNERABILITIES – ANALYSIS
Pakistan: HRC PPP strongly condemned mob violence
PPP Human Rights Cell Central coordinator Dr Nafisa Shah has strongly condemned the mob violence against a Christian couple which has caused their death and demanded that culprits be arrested and given exemplary punishment. She has further demanded that a judicial commission be set up to enquire into the misuse of blasphemy laws so that adequate amendments may be made against those who wrongfully accuse someone. The misuse of these laws has led to constant insecurity among the minorities and has allowed people to take law into their own hands. It has also made it increasingly difficult for the judiciary to do justice as it is under pressure from religious zealots. It is therefore urgent that lawmakers and judges join hands to find a solution to this grave issue.mediacellppp.wordpress.com
Pakistan's Shia Genocide : Takfiri terrorists attack Shia mourners with bombs; two martyred in Orakzai
At least two Shia Muslims were martyred and several were injured after Takfiri Taliban terrorists attacked on Ashura procession with mortar shells in Orakzai Agency in Pakistan’s Northern area, The Shia Post reports. In terrorist attacks Miramat Ali S/O Hussain Khan, aged 20 years and Ghulam Abbas S/O Ezan Ali, aged 14 years were martyred. Both martyrs were resident of Dara Mani Khel Kalaya area or Orakzai. According to details, the Shia Muslims were taking Ashura procession on their way to Imambargah, the takfiri terrorists attacked on them with mortar shells and rocket launchers. Despite of heavy firing and bomb attacks on Ashura procession the Shia mourners of Imam Hussain AS continued their Azadari and chanted slogans Labaik Ya Hussain (AS). “There were seven huge bomber were fired on mourners and four vehicles were also came under attack” an eye witness said.
http://en.shiapost.com/2014/11/05/takfiri-terrorists-attack-shia-mourners-with-motrar-shells-two-martyred-in-orakzai/
The Law That Radicalized Pakistani Muslims
In a trial and appellate process not befitting any judicial system, Aasia Noreen ("Asia Bibi"), a Pakistani Christian woman, was sentenced to death for expressing her faith in Jesus Christ. Her accusers perceived her statement that she believed in Jesus and not in the prophet Muhammad to be insulting to the prophet. Sentencing Asia to death is a gross miscarriage of justice and blatantly disregards international treaties to which Pakistan has acceded. In addition to the inherent injustice in convicting a woman for expressing her faith, Pakistan's blasphemy laws are a hypocritical blot on the Pakistani justice system. First, the blasphemy statute—which requires the death penalty for violators—under which Asia Bibi was charged has been widely condemned by the international community as being unjust and a tool for the majority Muslims to use to persecute non-Muslims. Second, during Asia Bibi's trial, her testimony that she had not disrespected the prophet was not given due weight by the court. Third, the two eye-witnesses who testified against Asia were never cross-examined. Fourth, their unscrutinized testimony was given more weight than Asia's testimony. After a flawed trial that lacked effective legal representation, Asia Bibi was sentenced to death in November 2010. Asia Bibi appealed her sentence and conviction, but her appeal was unduly delayed multiple times over a period of four years. After her long wait for her appeal to be heard, the Lahore High Court upheld Asia Bibi's conviction and sentence on October 16, 2014. The appeals process at the Supreme Court of Pakistan could take up to five more years, further jeopardizing her right to due process. Her life and freedom depends on the country's court of last resort. In addition to Asia Bibi, Pakistan has at least sixteen people on death row and twenty serving life sentences for violating the blasphemy laws. In addition to the statutes that prohibit blasphemy against the prophet Muhammad (carrying death sentence) and desecration of the Quran (carrying life imprisonment), many others have been convicted under other statutes relating to religion that carry prison terms from one year to ten years. Not only are these laws a severe restriction of religious liberty and freedom of expression, but they have provoked Muslim extremists to take the law in their own hands and kill the alleged blasphemers and attack minority communities, vandalize their properties, and destroying their homes. Many men and women have become targets for vigilante attacks. At least, 117 people have been killed due to violence resulting from blasphemy laws. Violent mobs of Muslims have attacked entire communities of Christians after false allegations of blasphemy against individual Christians. Pakistan has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) without reservation to articles 18 and 19 of the ICCPR that protect freedoms of religion and speech, respectively. Additionally, Pakistan had voted in favor of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet, long delays in the appeals process, convictions carrying death sentences and life imprisonment, and numerous murders of alleged blasphemers show that Pakistan has not lived up to its international commitments. More alarming is the fact that Pakistan has not lived up to its own laws that exist to protect citizens, whether they are Muslim or non-Muslim. Pakistan's own citizens are suffering due to the government's inability to adequately perform its duties. Most of the perpetrators who have either killed people accused of blasphemy or took part in attacking Christian communities, destroying scores of Christian homes, have not been brought to justice.SHAHERYAR GILL/ACLJ
Pakistan's Cruel Muslim Fanatics - PCC Holland Chapter strongly condemn live burning of Christian couple
Living in fear under Pakistan's blasphemy law
Asad Hashim
In Pakistan, 17 people are on death row for blasphemy, and dozens more have been extrajudicially murdered.Rashid Rehman, a 53-year-old lawyer, was known throughout the south of Pakistan's Punjab province as a staunch defender of human rights, representing peasants, workers, women and members of religious minorities in cases against their alleged oppressors for over 20 years. When people had nowhere else to turn, local rights activists say, they came to Rehman. But that door has now been closed. Late on May 7, Rehman was shot and killed in his Multan office by unidentified assailants. His crime? Defending Junaid Hafeez, a university lecturer who had been accused of committing blasphemy by hardline student groups in March last year. "Rashid was the master of so many virtues. He had a huge heart, and he had a great intelligence. He even made people laugh. He was a very good man, but he was also serious and committed to his work. He lived for it all, and died for it," Zaman Khan, an official at the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, of which Rehman was the Multan co-ordinator, told Al Jazeera. Rehman, who had earlier been threatened in open court by the complainants in the case, has become the latest person to be extrajudicially murdered in a case related to Pakistan's strict blasphemy laws, which often rile public sentiment. Since 1990, at least 60 people have been killed outside the Pakistani justice system in cases relating to blasphemy, according to the Islamabad-based Centre Research and Security Studies (CRSS). The list includes lawyers, alleged blasphemers and even politicians calling for amendments to the law. That last category includes former Punjab Governor Salman Taseer and former Federal Minister Shahbaz Bhatti.
Judges and lawyers under threatcritics say the laws, at least one section of which carries a mandatory death penalty, create an atmosphere of religious intolerance. "While purporting to protect Islam and the religious sensitivities of the Muslim majority, Pakistan's blasphemy laws have in fact fostered a climate of religiously motivated violence, and are used indiscriminately against both Muslims and non-Muslims," said Jan Wetzel, an Amnesty International researcher. "They violate the basic human rights of freedom of religion and thought. These laws are often used to make unfounded malicious accusations to settle personal scores in land and business disputes [and] are also arbitrarily enforced by the police and judiciary." While the core of Pakistan's blasphemy laws date back to 1860, during British rule, military ruler Zia-ul-Haq made a raft of changes in the late 1970s and 1980s. As a result, while there were only seven blasphemy cases lodged from 1851-1947, there were 327 such cases from 1977-2012, according to the CRSS. Currently, there are at least 17 people convicted of blasphemy on death row in Pakistan, with another 19 serving life sentences. The issue runs deeper than the volume of cases, however. Many lawyers told Al Jazeera that because blasphemy cases often inflame public sentiment, they are seldom dealt with fairly by the courts. "The main issue that you face is a general mindset within the court, especially after Salman Taseer's murder, that it's a matter that has become so sensitive that nobody really wants to touch it," said Muhammad Ali*, a Lahore-based lawyer who frequently deals with blasphemy cases. Ali said the burden of proof in blasphemy cases was low and that despite the fact that it was difficult to prove blasphemy allegations, lower court judges - often under threat themselves - felt pressure to convict. "If someone commits murder, you know there is a body. You see a body. You know by looking at it that … there was some wrong done. With blasphemy, there is no real proof needed. It's clearly his word against yours, and based on that little thing you are killing someone. The burden to prove is so easy and open. Especially mentally ill people who have been accused, they cannot defend themselves. It's too easy to prove someone to be a blasphemer," he said. That's an assessment with which Fatima Butt*, a lawyer currently representing several people either alleged to have committed blasphemy or convicted of having done so, agrees. She said, however, that the fact that blasphemy cases often gain traction in the public sphere is pushing judges towards convicting the defendants. "There are two kinds of judges in this blasphemy field. [There are] those who genuinely have their hands tied behind their backs, because there is a threat to their lives. But there's a fair amount of lawyers, prosecutors and judges who are making a name for themselves by … sentencing blasphemy convicts," she told Al Jazeera. One of Butt's clients is Muhammad Asghar, a diagnosed paranoid schizophrenic who was convicted of having committed blasphemy by a Rawalpindi court in January, and now faces the gallows. Butt listed a litany of irregularities in Asghar's case, from the constitution of a medical board to certify his sanity in the presence of a mob calling for him to be publically lynched, to an adversarial judge who, at one point, kicked Asghar's legal team out of the court. "We were forcibly kicked out of court. Our client was screaming that he did not agree to this, that [the state-appointed counsel] was not his attorney," Butt said. Pakistan's religious parties all support the blasphemy laws in their current form. Jalil Jan, a spokesperson for the Jamaat Ulema Islami-Fazl (JUI-F), a religious political party, said the laws "are part of the constitution of Pakistan, and we made it a part of the constitution with much difficulty ... We will fight to keep the law as it is. This is Allah's work, to fight against those who would insult the prophet." "The state is the only one who can punish people, but the state must punish on [blasphemy] cases," Jan told Al Jazeera. "If it does not, then these sorts of incidents [of vigilantism] will definitely happen." In September 2013 the Council of Islamic Ideology, a constitutional body that advises parliament on the Islamic aspects of laws, recommended against any amendment to the blasphemy laws. 'A tool to settle scores' Butt, like Rashid Rehman in Multan, has faced death threats throughout her representation of Asghar. She said that when it came to appeals, she was often unable to find high court judges who were willing to hear the case, due to its sensitive nature. This is a common problem, lawyers in the field say, and one that other high-profile blasphemy case convicts are also facing. That unwillingness to be associated with the case does not seem to extend to the other side. For example, Mumtaz Qadri, the policeman who shot dead Salman Taseer for his opposition to the blasphemy laws, was showered with rose petals by many lawyers on his way to his court proceedings. Qadri was convicted of murder, and is imprisoned in the same Rawalpindi jail where Asghar is incarcerated. The former policeman has developed a following as a religious hero, lawyers say. "Mumtaz Qadri, his cell is about 12 metres away from the blasphemy cell. So the blasphemy convicts are kept near him, where he can roam around freely, while they can't roam around anywhere because they're considered to be 'under threat'," said one lawyer who frequents the Adiala Jail premises to meet clients. One lawyer said that the threat of lynching for those accused of blasphemy, whether they are in or out of jail, "is very real". Lawyers also said that blasphemy laws are often used as a mask for other disputes. In Asghar's case, for example, the complainant who accused him of blasphemy was also engaged in a property dispute with him. "This has become a tool to settle personal scores. You will not see any genuineness in any of these cases," said Khan, the HRCP official. Threat of 'vigilante justice' International law experts, meanwhile, including those at the United Nation's Human Rights Committee (UNHRC), say blasphemy laws are incompatible with human rights commitments. "Prohibitions of displays of lack of respect for a religion or other belief system, including blasphemy laws, are incompatible with the [International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)]," the UNHRC has said. "Pakistan's laws and practice are particularly egregious [with regards to blasphemy], with its constantly-abused law penalising blasphemous acts with the death penalty or life in prison. In addition to state enforcement, mobs feel enabled, under the cover of this law, to mete out vigilante justice against individuals deemed to have committed blasphemy," noted the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom in its annual report this year. Despite those commitments, however, the blasphemy cases in Pakistan continue to pile up, often for seemingly innocuous incidents. The CRSS has documented cases in which blasphemy cases have been lodged due to the design of an Ahmadi mosque, the throwing away of a visiting card in a dust bin, a Christian pastor quoting the Holy Quran, the naming of a child and even spelling errors. In the latest example, Pakistani police on May 12 lodged a blasphemy case against 68 lawyers protesting against the allegedly illegal detention by police of a colleague. Their crime? Raising slogans against the local police chief, Umar Daraz. Activists from a banned Sunni Muslim sectarian group who lodged the case said the slogans hurt their religious sentiments, because "Umar" is also the name of a revered follower of the Prophet Muhammad. And for those who protect the rights of alleged blasphemers, there appears to be no-one to protect them. "With blasphemy, whenever I go to court, I am always considered to be the enemy … I was actually asked in one of the cases, 'How much money have you sold yourself for?' There are people there representing murderers and rapists, and that's fine, but you represent a blasphemer and people then question your integrity. That question should never come up with a lawyer," said Ali. "[Rashid Rehman's killing] sends a message that there should not be rule of law. What was his fault? His fault was that he was fighting rule of law. He was offering legal help to his client to give him access to justice under the law. That was his biggest fault, and that is why he gave his life," said Khan.
Tuesday, November 4, 2014
US mid-terms: Republicans win control of the Senate
WAHABISM: The Islamic State’s Ideology is Grounded in Saudi Education
shiapost.comAccording to an article published Oct. 21 on Al-Monitor, the Islamic State (ISIS or IS) has issued new regulations for the school systems under its control in Iraq and Syria. The announced purpose of the so-called guidelines, which carried the imprimatur of the group’s “Amir al-Mu’minin,” presumably leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, is to “eradicate ignorance and disseminate Sharia sciences.” Although the “guidelines” are extreme, controlling, and regressive, some of the key elements in IS educational program are similar to what one finds in Saudi textbooks, especially those that are taught in Saudi public middle and high schools. The ideological foundations of Saudi public school education are based on Wahhabi-Salafi-Hanbali theology. One key difference focuses on the nation-state. Whereas Saudi education accepts the Saudi and other Arab and Muslim states, with recognized boundaries and national ethos, IS rejects national boundaries within Dar al-Islam, or the Abode of Islam, and individual states. Instead, it calls for one Islamic State or a “Caliphate.” The new guidelines call on teachers to emphasize creationism, reject Darwinism, eliminate music and the arts, teach history from a Sunni-Islamic perspective, discard modernity, and of course segregate the sexes. Saudi Textbooks Much of IS’s educational “curriculum” finds its roots in Saudi textbooks, especially at the middle school and high school levels. Arabic, literature, history, civic education, cultural values, and norms of behavior—whether in a home or societal setting—are all taught according to a particular interpretation of Sunni Islam. The Wahhabi-Salafi-Hanbali interpretation also permeates religion or theology classes, especially those that focus on elements of Sharia, fiqh (jurisprudence), or the Hadith. The biological and physical sciences are taught from a pre-ordained creationist perspective, which rejects modernity in favor of traditionalism. Science experiments are allowed with the understanding that the doctrine of “Tawheed” or “Oneness” of God permeates the universe. God created everything and every creature. There is no “Big Bang” theory and no evolution of the human, animal, or plant species. Even the geography curriculum discusses the region from an Islamic perspective. For example, kids are taught that the “Zionists” have occupied Palestine illegally, and the Islamic umma one day must re-establish Muslim control over Jerusalem, the “Third Qibla” of Islam, to which Muslims turn to pray after Mecca and Medina. “Israel,” for example, does not appear on maps of the Arab world in Saudi geography textbooks. The Saudi curriculum, much like what IS is urging Syrians and Iraqis under its control to teach and preach, imparts to the youth a narrow-minded, conservative, traditional worldview. It is intolerant of other religions and even of other sects in Islam. Oftentimes, Shia Muslims are considered “apostates,” or “rejectionists,” and could be subject to discrimination and even death. The Shia in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain are excluded from key government, defense, and national security positions. The Saudi youth are socialized in public schools on the importance of Islam in the personal, familial, social, and national levels. Whenever Islam, as a faith and a territory, is threatened or invaded, Muslims have a duty to do jihad against the perceived “enemies” of Islam. Saudi education espouses this ideology, so do al-Qaeda and IS. In the past three decades, Muslim youth have participated in large numbers in jihad across the Muslim world, from Afghanistan to Chechnya, and from the Balkans to Iraq and Syria. The Saudi government participates in the anti-IS coalition, yet IS’s jihadist ideology resonates with Saudi educated youth. Their government talks about a possible peace with Israel should it withdraw to the 1967 borders, yet Saudi youth do not see Israel on the maps in their textbooks. If the Saudi youth are taught about the duty of jihad in the face of a “war on Islam,” as Bin Ladin had preached for years, and view IS rightly or wrongly as the “defender” of Islam, they can’t understand why their government is fighting on the side of Islam’s “enemies.” This is particularly poignant, especially since some Saudi clerics have strongly endorsed the type of educational curriculum that is currently being pushed by IS in Iraq and Syria. Textbooks play a central role in educating and socializing Saudi youth and many of their teachers. Many Saudi grade school teachers do not have a college degree and rely on the textbook to guide them through the course. Those who are college graduates usually receive their degrees from teachers’ colleges, which teach a curriculum heavily imbued with Islamic studies and Arabic language, grammar, and literature. The ministries of education and religious affairs, which are heavily staffed by Salafi Islamists, approve the curriculums and have the final say on what’s taught in schools. Teachers are not allowed to stray away from the textbook or offer analytic judgments or opinions either on the material in the text or current issues that might relate to the subject under discussion. Both teaching and learning are done almost by rote memory. No critical thinking is allowed and no logical extrapolation is encouraged. Teachers and students accept whatever interpretations are offered in the textbooks, especially if such an interpretation is attributed to the Koran, the Hadith, or Sharia. Such attributions and religious quotations permeate the textbooks regardless of the subject matter. Policy Implications So what if the educational curriculum of IS tracks with Saudi education? Should the US and other countries do anything about it, and can they? Several years back, I briefed senior policymakers in the United States and other countries on the Saudi curriculum, the jihadist message it transmits to youth, and the radicalization that was sure to follow. It was “actionable” intelligence in that Western diplomats could speak to Saudi leaders about a very specific problem, which they could address. According to media reports, Saudi officials were amenable to review their textbooks with an eye toward softening the Islamist message. Unfortunately, not much was done. Saudi clerics objected to any revisions of the textbooks on the grounds that non-Muslim outsiders were interfering with religious teachings in the kingdom. Some of them went even further to depict suggestions along these lines as a “conspiracy” against Islam. Western diplomats, who had pushed the issue, backed off. Other interests in recent years—including Iran, Iraq, the aftermath of the Arab Spring, counterterrorism, commerce, oil, arming anti-Assad jihadists, and more recently, building a coalition against IS—have in all candor trumped Western interests in “reforming” Saudi textbooks. I argued in previous articles on this blog that although IS is defeatable and containable, the ideological root causes must be dealt with. Otherwise, other Islamist terrorist organizations would rise on the ashes of IS. The latest educational “guidelines” issued by the Islamic State are a stark example of what’s wrong with our strategic policy planning on the root causes of terrorism. Discussing Saudi textbooks is the first step toward “degrading and defeating” IS. http://en.shiapost.com/2014/10/28/wahabism-the-islamic-states-ideology-is-grounded-in-saudi-education/
Why Is Bahrain Outsourcing Extremism?
BY ALA'A SHEHABI
The Bahraini government has been working overtime to crush pro-democracy activists. But what about followers of the Islamic State?Against the backdrop of a beautiful green landscape along the Euphrates River, four young men carrying assault rifles walk up a hill in slow motion, carrying the distinctive flag of the Islamic State (IS). A voice informs us that these "warriors of the doctrine" are carrying out the "noble mission" of "purifying" Iraq. Speaking to the camera, the four deliver messages to their "Sunni family" in Bahrain. Aside from the expected pleas to join their jihad, the key purpose of the film is to encourage members of their home country's security forces to join IS. They also urge fellow Bahrainis to boycott November's parliamentary election. The video is graphic evidence that Bahrain has a burgeoning problem with Salafi radicalization. Support for extremist groups has flourished even as the state has been cracking down on the non-violent, pro-democracy opposition. The regime's response to the film, which has been viewed around 100,000 times since it was uploaded in September, has been muted, though officials admit that at least 100 Bahrainis have joined IS and several have been killed. That number is small but significant. Not only is there a direct link between IS and Bahrain's security services (as the video suggests), but the Bahraini cohort in the Islamic State includes Turki al-Binali, one of the movement's most influential radical preachers. Bahrain's public stance on the war against IS contrasts sharply with its lack of action at home. The kingdom has attempted to present itself as the leader of the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) anti-IS efforts. At the start of the air campaign launched against IS by the United States and a select group of allies in September, Bahrain's Foreign Minister, Sheikh Khalid bin Ahmed al-Khalifa, made prominent appearances in the Western media, including the BBC and CNN, to announce Bahrain's membership in the U.S. military coalition. Khalifa even spoke of the need to rid the region of the "deviated cult." Some Bahrainis may have been wondering, however, at what point this cult was viewed to have "deviated." In June, Information Minister Sameera Rajab appeared to tweet sympathetically about the advances IS was then making, suggesting that they might represent "a revolution against the injustice and oppression that has reigned over Iraq for more than 10 years" -- a view echoed by many prominent figures in Bahrain. Nor have the authorities given the impression that they are treating the threat of internal IS recruitment with anything like the seriousness they apply to "rooting out traitors" -- a reference to the pro-democracy activists that have been taking to the streets to demand reform since 2011. So far, only one of those in the IS video has been identified -- a former lieutenant in the Bahraini police force, Mohammed Isa al-Binali -- although it is hard to believe that discovering the identities of the other three would be too difficult in a country with a native population of under 600,000. In contrast to the grand rhetoric employed against political dissenters, the authorities tend to dismiss radicalization as the result of "misguided" youth who have been "led astray." There is no acknowledgement that books printed and distributed by the Bahraini Army itself have promoted the takfiri thought that underpins IS and other extremist groups. Adel Jassim Flaifel, a former colonel in the state security service who has been accused of torture and openly preaches sectarian hate speech, was only recently arrested -- though he was convicted only on lesser charges of financial irregularities. Before he was detained this summer he had spent three years openly preaching extremist views in Muharraq, Bahrain's third largest city. So far there doesn't appear to have been any documented trial of any person on charges of IS-related terrorist activity despite government vows to pursue and monitor their activities. So far there doesn't appear to have been any documented trial of any person on charges of IS-related terrorist activity despite government vows to pursue and monitor their activities. The government offered a two-week amnesty for former jihadists in March of this year. (A Bahraini IS fighter responded by ripping up his Bahraini passport on YouTube.) Commenters on Bahraini websites supporting IS brag about the freedom they enjoy in the kingdom, compared with other Gulf states such as the United Arab Emirates. By contrast, the government has violently repressed the largely peaceful, non-sectarian movement -- led by activists like Nabeel Rajab, the president of the banned Bahrain Center for Human Rights -- that continues to fight for equality, freedom, and human rights. Rajab was arrested on Oct. 1 for tweeting that "Many #Bahrain men who joined #terrorism & #ISIS came from security institutions and those institutions were the first ideological incubator." He was charged with "offending national institutions," a crime punishable by up to three years' imprisonment. (He's supposed to receive his sentence today, Oct. 29.) He has already served two years on charges that included criticizing the prime minister, and was only released in May. For three years, the regime has destroyed Shiite mosques, carried out sectarian profiling, and "cleansed" state institutions in a crackdown during which up to 15,000 people have been arrested; around 3,000 remain in prison. The government's sectarian narrative -- that the Sunni regime and its loyalists are threatened by the Shiites, who make up two-thirds of the Muslim population -- is the paradigm that has been used to frame the Bahraini pro-democracy uprising right from the start. The opposition does include Shiites, who are justly aggrieved by decades of exclusion, but also many others whose longstanding demand has been for a constitutional monarchy and human and civil rights. Last month, the NGO I cofounded, Bahrain Watch, uncovered a list of 77 people targeted by Bahraini intelligence agencies using British surveillance technology. Those named consisted almost entirely of lawyers, activists, and journalists who support political reform. This interpretation of what constitutes a "threat to national security" exemplifies the Bahraini regime's warped worldview -- that peaceful dissent is more of a threat than crime and terrorism. The greatest Bahraini contribution to IS has not, however, been only in the form of fighters and funding. It has been through ideological and moral support, in particular from the radical Bahraini cleric Turki al-Binali, the now Mosul-based spiritual ideologue of IS whose writings have set out the case for Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi's credentials as the righteous caliph to whom all Muslims owe allegiance. His sermons in Bahrain, Libya, and Tunisia can all be found on YouTube, and he was freely traveling and preaching up until at least the end of 2013, if not later. (In the photo above, Binali leads a terrorism class in Mosul.) Last year, he led a protest outside the American embassy in Manama, the Bahraini capital, with no sign of the tear gas and crowd control usually employed during pro-democracy gatherings, despite the fact that the demonstrators were waving al Qaeda flags and pictures of Osama Bin Laden. For years, Turki al-Binali has been expanding his influence in Bahrain and recruiting for his cause with little or no interference from the authorities. Bahrain's society is small and interconnected, and this may explain why he's enjoyed impunity for so long. The Binalis are an important family in the country due to their close historical and tribal ties to the ruling al-Khalifas. (Turki al-Binali is also related to Mohamed al-Binali, the renegade police official.) Of course, some IS support was initially motivated as much by genuine feelings of solidarity with fellow Arabs suffering the oppression of the Syrian regime as by ideological Salafism. But the Bahraini government had also been nurturing and nourishing extremist groups and their sectarian ideology to counter the so-called "Shiite threat" posed by the pro-democracy uprising. For decades, the government has excluding Shiites from sensitive positions, a policy of exclusion that has included filling the security forces with mercenaries from Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Pakistan, and Baluchistan. Many of these "New Bahrainis" have been fast-tracked into citizenship. The popularity of IS ideology within the Bahraini security services shows just how clearly this policy has backfired. Far from showing gratitude for this support, however, IS has been denouncing the ruling Khalifas as "heretics" for allowing the Americans to launch airstrikes against the jihadists in Syria and Iraq from the U.S. Navy base in Bahrain. IS is also attacking the royal family for allowing the sale of alcohol and for "placing themselves as gods next to Allah." Meanwhile, negotiations between the regime and Al Wefaq, the main opposition party, have broken down, and Al Wefaq has decided to boycott the parliamentary elections scheduled for November. The king has offered concessions, but they have been minimal, abstract, and insufficient to persuade Al Wefaq to participate. (Among the party's demands: an equal voting system, an elected government, and a fair and independent judiciary.) Impartial polling data in Bahrain is virtually impossible to obtain, but social media sentiment suggests that the boycott enjoys wide support. In response, a judge has now banned the party for three months. This dangerous move to completely outlaw all political activity will push the democracy movement underground, and will push it toward the use of violence. Now that Bahrain is "at war," however, talk of reform and reconciliation has been relegated to the back seat. Now that Bahrain is "at war," however, talk of reform and reconciliation has been relegated to the back seat. The monarchy's Western allies are also more concerned about the monstrosity growing in the bosom of the Arab world rather than the environment that bred and nourished it. But that is a mistake. The bigger question that needs to be addressed in the Gulf region is how to fight the extremist radicalization that has served as the material and "ideological incubator" of IS. It is not enough to tackle the enemy by military means without tackling the root causes of sectarianism and the specific environments and cultures in which it arises. The Bahraini regime needs first to dismantle a system that encourages extremism, promotes sectarianism, enforces exclusionary policies, and survives on repression. Bahrain's rulers may regard the country's role in the coalition as necessary for their own self-preservation. If they lose their Western allies, and if their already small base of Sunni loyalists defects to the extremists, the already bare threads of sovereign legitimacy may not be strong enough to keep the dynasty in power. The regime hopes that it can reduce the external pressure for democratic change by strengthening its alliance with the West. But its allies, above all the United States and the United Kingdom, must not let the regime's participation in the military offensive serve as a quid pro quo for avoiding genuine democratization. The reality is that Bahrain, like many other Arab states, is in urgent need of a national unity that can only be achieved by forging a new social contract around democratic constitutions that represent the will of the people. Democracy is the only beacon of hope for a region that is drowning in a cesspool of extremism and authoritarianism. So far, however, the ruling elites across the region only know how to respond by force, with the help of economic fuel provided by the richer Gulf states. Many believe the future lies in a regional bargain between the United States, Saudi Arabia, and Iran but it is not clear to anyone if democracy is a stake in this bargain at all.
Bahraini regime forces attack Shia mourners
Bahrain regime forces have attacked a group of Shia Muslims participating in a religious procession marking the martyrdom anniversary of Imam Hussein (PBUH), the third Shia Imam and the grandson of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH).Bahraini soldiers roamed the streets in the village of Nuwaidrat, situated about 10 kilometers (six miles) south of the capital, Manama, in armored vehicles on Tuesday, as people marched through the streets to observe the rituals of Ashura, the 10th day of the lunar month of Muharram. Bahraini regime forces in riot gear then engaged in scuffles with the mourners, and fired tear gas canisters to disperse them. On Saturday, Bahraini troops attacked Shia mourners commemorating the martyrdom anniversary of Imam Hussein (PBUH) in several villages across the country. They destroyed and removed all banners, flags and black cloths hoisted to mark Ashura. Bahrain’s Shia community has long complained of discrimination in the Persian Gulf island state. Bahrain’s main opposition bloc, the al-Wefaq National Islamic Society, has called on the Manama regime to stop police from arresting civilians for their religious beliefs. Imam Hussein (PBUH), the grandson of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), and 72 of his loyal companions, were martyred on Ashura in the battle of Karbala against the second Umayyad caliph, Yazid I, in 680 A.D. Imam Hussein (PBUH) was killed after he refused to pledge allegiance to the tyrant ruler. The mourning rituals have been in place worldwide since the beginning of Muharram. Meanwhile, thousands of anti-regime protesters have been holding numerous demonstrations in the streets of Bahrain since mid-February 2011, calling for the Al Khalifa royal family to relinquish power.
Where's the outrage over Saudi treatment of women?
Garry LinnellImagine a nation that treats a huge section of its population as little more than slaves. A nation where many are not allowed access to a full education or a professional career. Picture a place where some citizens can count themselves lucky if they are allowed to show their faces in public, let alone attend a sporting event. Now imagine this: a football stadium in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, this Sunday. A sweltering cauldron of sound. The Western Sydney Wanderers run on to the pitch to play the second leg of the final of the Asian Champions League against Al-Hilal. Then, at the opening kick-off, the Wanderers all sit down and decline to play until Saudi Arabia agrees to recognise women as equals. Our apologies. We'll now interrupt this broadcast and return to normal programming. You can safely assume this Sunday's final will pass without a mention of women's rights in Saudi Arabia. There may be only one woman in the crowd of 65,000 - devout Wanderers fan Kate Durnell. And she has only been given permission to attend because she will be accompanied by her father and will wear a hijab. Where is the anger, much less the outrage? Whatever happened to that generation in the 1970s who helped change the world? Did they all grow fat and old and decide sport was no longer a worthy weapon in the battle for human rights? Say what you like about the 1970s. The naff idealism. The quaint notions of peace amid the threat of nuclear holocaust. At least it was a time when the world belatedly woke up to the evils of the apartheid system in South Africa and decided to do something about it. Australian sport caught up with public opinion as Sir Donald Bradman directed that a cricket tour of South Africa be cancelled. "We will not play them until they choose a team on a non-racist basis," declared Bradman who, just a year earlier, had not believed politics should mix with sport. When the Springboks arrived in 1971 for a series of Tests, more than 700 Australians were arrested for disrupting the tour. Such was the public outcry that games were played behind barbed wire. Unions banded together, forcing the tourists to travel around the country on air force planes. These strident public protests eventually led to a stiffening in the resolve of politicians. By the late 1970s, the world was condemning South Africa. And, little more than a decade later, the practice of measuring a person by the colour of their skin in that country was peeled away. So where is the outcry as the Western Sydney Wanderers head to Saudi Arabia? This is a nation that has long suppressed its women. They are not allowed to drive a car. In fact women under the age of 45 require a male guardian's permission to open a bank account, to seek a job, to undergo elective surgery and even to travel. Enforcement is often swift and brutal and carried out by the Mutaween – a select group of religious police with the powers to detain Saudis and foreigners for whatever they deem "immoral". Where's the moral outrage? Have we had to look the other way because of the diplomatic nuances required to live in a post 9/11 world? Does our reliance on the Middle East oil pipeline preclude the West from speaking out against clear and present human injustices? Or maybe we've just lost the zeal, the passion and the desire to make the world a better place. Maybe we decided that soccer superiority beats civil rights hands down. Read more: http://www.smh.com.au/comment/wheres-the-outrage-over-saudi-treatment-of-women-20141029-11dijm.html#ixzz3IA8jOkbr
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