By Myra MacDonaldWhen protesters converged on the Pakistani capital of Islamabad to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, many were quick to see the hand of the military pulling the strings behind the scenes. Sharif, who became prime minister in 2013 after Pakistan’s first full transition of power from one democratically elected government to another, irked the army during his first year in office. He put former military ruler Pervez Musharraf — who overthrew Sharif in a 1999 coup — on trial for treason. He tried to carve out an independent foreign policy — the traditional preserve of the army — including promising better relations with India. The protests, led by cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan and cult religious leader Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri looked like a means of putting Sharif in his place. Then, with Sharif refusing to resign and the protesters turning increasingly violent over the weekend, the showdown appeared to be following a familiar course. If Pakistan became ungovernable, the Pakistan army would be “forced” to intervene and take over to restore order. It had happened before. In 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq seized power ostensibly to end a political crisis. Throughout the 1990s, elected governments were repeatedly changed as political parties moved through a revolving door pushed by squabbling politicians and spun from on high by the army and its Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency. This time around, however, events are not following the script. In what could become a watershed for Pakistan’s fragile democracy, civilian politicians are fighting back. Political parties, with the exception of Khan’s Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI), rallied behind the government. PTI’s own president, Javed Hashmi, broke with his leader to accuse him of acting on the behest of the army in the hope of forcing fresh elections. A statement released by the army — which appeared to draw equivalence between the mob besieging Islamabad and the elected government — was quickly called out by the English-language media. The army statement advised the government against the use of force and said that if the situation were not resolved quickly, it would play its part “in ensuring security of the state” — an apparent warning that it could take over. In response, a remarkably forthright editorial in Dawn pointed out that “it is the government that is supposed to give orders to the army, not the other way around.” The Nation also declared the army to be out of line and pointed out that the military would not hesitate to use force if violent protesters besieged its own headquarters. On Tuesday, the government called a joint session of both houses of parliament to reaffirm support for democracy. So what happened to the script? Has Pakistan’s democracy matured to the point where civilian governments can no longer be so easily dismissed? The answer may not be entirely clear for a few days or weeks yet, and will depend on Sharif’s own ability to show flexibility in accommodating opponents inside and outside of parliament. Or did this coup, by other means, stumble not just because of the resistance of the democrats, but also because the military itself was hesitant about delivering the fatal blow? Are some parts of the security establishment eagerly cheering on Khan and Qadri while others ready themselves to settle for a weakened prime minister still in place? After all, retaining the trappings of democracy would avoid the international disapproval and U.S. sanctions that might follow an outright coup. (Officially, the army denied backing the protesters in a statement that insisted it was an apolitical institution.) Pakistan’s security establishment — a term that covers everyone from army chief General Raheel Sharif, to his fellow Corps commanders, to the ISI, to retired officers who may or may not be acting under official orders — is notoriously opaque. All that can be said, then, is that Khan has been useful to the security establishment in the past, but either has a tendency to go his own way, or draws his support from particularly hard-line elements. A few years ago, for example, Khan became one of the most vocal campaigners against drone strikes in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and against the U.S.-led campaign in neighboring Afghanistan. His campaigns were particularly useful to an army that liked to tell the United States that domestic opinion — albeit domestic opinion it had helped manufacture — prevented it from doing more against Islamist militants. Yet more recently, his insistence on holding peace talks with the Pakistani Taliban annoyed some in the army who believed they should be fought more aggressively. Khan’s commitment to defending the people of FATA was conveniently forgotten as soon as the Pakistan army launched its own military operation this year in North Waziristan, which produced one million internal refugees. In the run-up to the elections, Pakistani media suggested that Khan was a particular favourite of Lt. Gen. Shuja Pasha, then head of the ISI. The former cricketer, not well known for his critical thinking, happily espoused the army narrative that all of Pakistan’s problems could be blamed on its corrupt politicians, while disregarding the military’s own powerful role in setting policy. Yet moving Khan from a single issue player as an anti-drones campaigner to the national political stage proved extremely hard even for a powerful intelligence establishment with many friends in the media. Khan picked up genuine support from those tired of existing political parties, particularly from a younger, urban generation. His unseen friends in the security establishment made sure he was given ample coverage in the Pakistani media, while the international media duly promoted a man with a glamorous international playboy past and pukka English. But he could not win. Rightly or wrongly, Pakistan has a U.K.-style, first-past-the-post system in which the mastery of constituency politics matters more than overall voting percentage. Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has taken years to build and foster its constituency. In the 2013 elections, it came out nearly 100 seats ahead with an absolute majority in parliament. During this year’s protests, Khan tried to accuse Sharif of having won only through massive rigging. In reality, he was so far ahead that even if PML-N victories had been overturned in some constituencies, Sharif would still have won — a view borne out by subsequent opinion polls giving him a strong showing, particularly in the heartland Punjab province. Khan’s failure to bring out enough supporters in the elections was repeated in this year’s protests. Even after he joined forces with Qadri in the hope of bringing out the masses in a “revolution” against the elected government, neither man could muster the numbers they needed. In a country with a population of more than 180 million, the number of protesters laying siege to Islamabad rarely went past a few thousand. Neither Khan nor Qadri could ever really have hoped to be taken seriously as leaders of a true revolutionary movement on behalf of ordinary people without challenging the role of the military establishment, which consumes more than a quarter of the annual budget. Yet despite his lack of numbers, Khan continued to insist on the resignation of the prime minister rather than trying to extract concessions and withdraw to fight another day. Perhaps he was given a false idea from some within the security establishment that the army would move in his favor, force Sharif to resign, and call fresh elections that he expected PTI to win. Certainly, his former political ally, Javed Hashmi, gave that impression when he told the Pakistani media that Khan himself cited army support and promised elections in September. Or perhaps his failure to rally enough discontent gave the army cold feet. Either way, barring any new surprises, the coup by other means appears to have run its course. It was a tawdry affair. An elected government and prime minister were chastened by a mob — a mob, moreover, that was very possibly encouraged by the military. The concessions Sharif made to the army in the course of the showdown will become clearer in the coming weeks, particularly if Musharraf is allowed to leave the country. Khan’s intransigence and willingness to put his personal ambition above support for democracy badly tarnished his reputation. The army came away looking less than sure-footed and perhaps fragmented. Yet remarkably, the fragile democratic transition survived. It is now up to Sharif — who has a reputation for autocracy and a tendency to rely on family members — to make the parliamentary system work and ensure his government is properly accountable to the electorate by delivering good governance. http://warontherocks.com/2014/09/in-pakistan-a-soft-coup-stalls/
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Thursday, September 4, 2014
In Pakistan a Soft Coup Stalls
Pakistan: Former President Zardari meets PML-Q leaders
Former President Asif Ali Zardari held a meeting with PML-Q leaders Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi over the ongoing political crisis in the country, ARY News reported on Thursday.
According to sources, Zardari advised Chaudhry Shujaat, a former ally in previous People’s Party government, to follow a more flexible stance during the ongoing crisis situation in the country.
He also asked the PML-Q leaders to advise Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) chief Dr. Tahirul Qadri to soften his stance and avoid a hardline during present stand off with the government, sources further said.
Pakistan People’s Party headed by Zardari trying to mediate between the government and protesting parties to break a middle ground for resolution of the crisis.
The party will produce a model of middle path to resolve the crisis, sources added.
- See more at: http://arynews.tv/en/zardari-meets-pml-q-leaders/#sthash.KuEQilny.dpuf
Pakistan: PTI’s men of honour
In walked Shah Mehmood Qureshi to the very institution his party has denounced as illegitimate and corrupt and which his leader Imran Khan has been abusing from atop his container. As the PM and the interior minister walked away, Qureshi delivered a speech so laden with hypocrisy that it made many cringe. Remarkably, he insisted his party had never attempted to harm parliament and was in fact out to defend it, denying there was any other agenda, any script written by hidden hands and handed to the PTI and PAT. It must have taken a considerable degree of shamelessness on Qureshi’s part to do so, but he had to run this errand. He spoke of the sanctity of parliament, its lawns, its land and his respect for these. He only exposed himself and Imran Khan further by giving away the real ‘code of honour’ the PTI leadership lives by: that whatever is said outside parliament is just words and verbosity. We wonder how this should be taken by those PTI supporters – men, women and children – who have been misled, exploited and endangered by the words and verbosity of the proponents of ‘Naya’ Pakistan. In a stunning display of hypocrisy and double-talk, Qureshi claimed that he could only advise the crowds, not command them, and then in the next breath said PTI marchers had nothing to do with the violence that had occurred. He blamed the PTV headquarters attack on the PAT, ostensibly throwing Tahirul Qadri under the bus.
Shah Mehmood Qureshi and the other PTI MNAs who had submitted their resignations, were, according to Imran Khan, supposed to appear at the joint sitting of parliament for the last time to lay out their case. It did not quite work out that way. In the manner of Mark Antony coming to bury Caesar rather than praise him, Qureshi hoped to win over lost PTI support, made his speech and walked out before any of the PTI members could have their resignations accepted. This tactic should not work. Walking out of parliament before anyone could confront them, he and his fellow MNAs managed to avoid Mehmood Khan Achakzai’s proposal to pass a resolution condemning the attacks on parliament and PTV and getting the PTI MNAs to sign it. Avoiding responsibility has been a hallmark of the PTI since day one of the march and Qureshi and the rest of the MNAs merely played to type. It is highly telling that the only PTI MNA to have really and openly followed the original instructions to resign so far is Javed Hashmi – the one who dared defy Imran and expose his real intentions.
Even as the ‘political jigra’ tries to hash out a political settlement – something Qureshi claimed to support in his speech – Imran is still insisting on Nawaz’s resignation. What now remains to be seen is if the PTI and PAT drift apart as talks continue with Imran’s men or if a more comprehensive solution can be found. We have already seen enough to know that both Qureshi and his leader cannot be trusted. He may have, in what can be seen as an admission of defeat, said that the PTI wants a negotiated solution. But Qureshi and his fellow men’s real standing in Imran Khan’s eyes, and how they can so easily be overruled and used by Imran Khan’s megalomania is now sufficiently known. Until such an agreement is in place and adhered to, Islamabad should continue to be alarmed. Still, the triumphant cries from just days ago to march towards the PM’s house seem to have been forgotten. An agreement there has to be, but there will be little now that the PTI can hold up as a sign of success – even for face-saving. The feeble cries that ‘awareness’ has been raised leaves us incredulous. Awareness about what? How not to lead a party? How to lie? How to incite a mob and worship chaos? How to invite the army to make order out of chaos? Yet, for all the humiliation they have suffered, the PTI may be marginally better off than Tahirul Qadri. Though he made some attempts to soldier on his body language gives him away. His cape droops, his shoulders sag and no one pays him much heed at all. He has already asked supporters who wish to leave to go home. We hope the attention should soon shift to clearing up the debris left behind by the marchers in Islamabad.
Pakistan: The economic cost of the two sit-ins
The ongoing sit-in on Constitution Avenue by the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) is taking a serious toll of the economy. Figures released by several federal ministers including Finance Minister Ishaq Dar vary between 500 to 800 billion rupees during the last 17 days with the business community of the country concurring with these estimates and warning that the toll is rising with each passing day that the political crisis is not resolved. The Finance Minister pointed out that the bulk of the loss - 350 billion rupees - was on account of the stock market, or in other words it was in portfolio investment, which is the most susceptible to political turmoil yet this too has major macroeconomic implications.
Transporters from Karachi port to upcountry areas are reluctant to take any consignments through Punjab for delivery not only in Punjab but also in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) for fear that their trucks may be attacked by angry mobs of PTI and PAT workers. While the consignments may be insured yet most of the trucks are not and the transporters have refused to take the risk. Thus, for example, palm oil importers have been unable to move the product to Punjab and KPK during the past two weeks or so, creating shortages that would soon begin to bite the common man.
Inventories are rising throughout the country and until and unless they are offloaded soon stockpiling would make any additional output/import uneconomic due to shortage of storage facilities that would automatically lead to workers layoff.
No federal ministry is open for business to the general public including the Ministry of Finance and Commerce and therefore business activity remains stalled. And finally the daily wage earners in Islamabad are suffering especially those who were engaged in the Metrobus project as that has come to a complete standstill.
Recent data released by the Federal Board of Revenue indicates that tax collections have exceeded targets for August by over one billion rupees, however, the implications of rising inventories and inability to transport to up-country areas would have major implications for revenue collections in weeks to come. The business community has expressed serious concern over their failure to meet with their foreign clients due to the sit-ins maintaining that they could lose existing clients if they divert their orders to competing businesses in other countries. Once a client is lost it is very difficult to get him back, exporters are warning.
The rupee-dollar parity has also declined as a consequence of the political uncertainty, which implies that imports would become dearer though exports may receive a boost as Pakistani products would now be cheaper than before. However, blocked roads and other transport-related issues would limit the favourable impact of the rupee-dollar parity.
Imran Khan's call of civil disobedience that includes non-payment of electricity bills is also a cause of serious concern as power sector recoveries remain low; and any further rise would automatically lead to a worsening of the power crisis.
While no one challenges the right to protest in a democracy yet the continuing sit-n for over two weeks is exacting a heavy economic toll from the general public and one hopes that the two protagonists begin to move towards resolution of the crisis. Imran Khan would do well to heed his own advice to the government in the matter of the Taliban namely to first negotiate prior to using force. At the same time the onus of concessions in negotiations is on the greater power, which in this case is clearly the government. One can only hope that better sense prevails on both sides and the existing stalemate is breached promptly.
Pakistan's Parliament Joint Session : PPP Senator Raza Rabbani speaks
PPP Senator Raza Rabbani opened his address with a request to the PM to direct the Punjab government to deal diligently with the situation caused due to heavy rainfall in Punjab, leading to 12 deaths.
Moving towards the current political situation, Rabbani said that he does not agree fully to the notion Parliamentarians expressed yesterday that the Parliament was victorious.
He said that yesterday was a just the first victory of a battle but the war was not over.
“If democratic forces think that it was the first and last attack on the Parliament, they are mistaken.”
“This is a war for power, for control of the state,” he said.
He said that for the first time all the democratic forces, lawyers and media were standing against anyone seeking to walk over the constitution, warning that certain elements will keep on seeking chance to break the unity showcased by the democratic forces.
He said, referring to PM, that if he and his cabinet alienate the Parliament and won’t come to the assembly and senate then such conspiracies will spring up.
“Only a united Parliament can fight off such attacks,” he said.
He said that if the situation had been handled politically from the beginning, the happenings outside would not have reached this point.
He said that the constitution has been safeguarding itself through some clauses that have hindered the attempts made by dark forces to attack the Parliament.
“ The government would have been sent packing had 58(2)(b) been in effect today but since it is not so, these forces have brought their puppets on to the streets,” he said.
He said that the election result was accepted despite rigging for the ‘sake of democracy.’
Addressing PTI, he said that first it wanted the scrutiny of four constituencies but then went on to call for the fall of the system,
“Even when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was murdered judicially, we decide to remain within the system. Our victories were snatched away but we remained in the system. Benazir Bhutto was murdered in Rawalpindi but we said we would stay in the system. We never called for the fall of the system as this is politics,” he said.
Going on with the criticism on the PAT and PTI protests, Rabbani said that what was happening at the Red Zone was not a revolution where the privileged class was raising claims of being underprivileged.
“It’s a situation where the ‘haves’ say they are ‘have nots.’ Where are the labourers, the famers,” he asked.
Hitting out at Tahirul Qadri, the senator said that he had taken an oath in allegiance to the Queen of England and hence cannot even be a Parliamentarian.
“What revolution is he calling out for? The revolution has artists, students and teachers as its forerunners,” he said.
He said that on Wednesday, Qadri turned his cannons towards PPP, in reference to Qadri’s criticism of PPP leader Khursheed Shah whom he alleged looks over the terrorists in Sindh.
He said that his party was used to such attacks but Qadri attacked Bhutto Shaheeh who was the architect of the Constitution of Pakistan.
“They should know PPP’s jiyalas know how to deal with those who attack their leaders,” he said.
He said that the Parliamentarian were ready to lay down their lives to protect the Parliament.
“In this battle we are not ready for the compromise, this war is for the survival of Pakistan.”
“The federation of Pakistan will be under threat if dictatorship is imposed. Its in no way acceptable to us,” he said.
Taking a turn to urge to Parliamentarians for soul-searching, the senator said that had the political class been able to deliver, the situation would have been different.
“ If we had been delivering as we should, each citizen of Pakistan would have actively rejected the attack on Parliament but now they don’t seem concerned,” he said.
Criticising government’s moves to call army troops to the capital and asking the COAS to mediate in the political crisis, Rabbani said that the political authority had been compromised upon by meetings with the army chief at GHQ and invoking article 245 in Islamabad.
“When we impose Article 245, we concede political space; when we ask for facilitation, we concede political space.”
“ Unfortunately, today the balance of power does not rest in Islamabad but in Rawalpindi,” he said.
He praised the government’s move to agree with five points of the protesting parties.
He said that the Parliament would be the guarantor of the commission that will be investigating the elections and would ensure that its findings are follow through and action is taken against those involved in rigging.
Read More-http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2014/09/04/national/parliament-joint-session-political-authority-compromised-by-inviting-army-says-raza-rabbani/
Pakistan: True Lies
There was so much hot air generated in Parliament on Wednesday that one thought the building would lift and hover above the righteous mob outside to provide shelter from upcoming rains. Shah Mahmood Qureshi led the heating with claims that the protests must be applauded for being so peaceful, “This parliament is our political ‘Ka’aba”. Even the Speaker Ayaz Sadiq called him out mentioning the broken gate outside. PTI has made itself into a joke that no body is laughing at, and the government, in a sudden change of narrative, is being hailed for its maturity in allowing PTI members who had tendered their resignation to address the House at all.
Aftab Sherpao accused PTI of being hand in hand with PAT, and now PTI is trying to back away and assert its independence. Unfortunately, few now believe Mr Qureshi. He denied responsibility for the actions of PTI supporters during the riots of the last few days saying, “I do not command them. I do not lead them.” It was ironically reminiscent of Shahbaz Sharif denying any knowledge of the Model Town Massacre. No body believed Mr. Sharif either.
That a million people were with the PTI has been questioned again and again in the assembly. The media has been lamented for being obsessed with the march while forgotten IDPs languish. Balochi Senator Hasil Bizenjo stated he had never before seen such a lavish “struggle” with free meals served three times a day. And it is indeed a fact; this has been three weeks of merrymaking in the PTI camp. Shah Mahmood blamed the attack on the PTV offices on PAT. Khurshid Shah thought that was great, because PPP always recommended that PAT not be allowed to march. Which caused Qadri to almost lose his lunch on television later saying that the attack was carried out by the PML-N, rather than putting the onus back on PTI.
Really, it was all rather tragic. It is sad that only mob politics has made these politicians come together in parliament (without a single phone-call or reminder, Aftab Sherpao stressed, as though this alone was democracy’s great victory). So they all came, through backdoors and hidden doors and they let out some steam. Well, now what? Apart from the ideologically appropriate backing to an embattled government, what have been the constructive points to have emerged? None. Wednesday was an exercise in the frustrated ravings of those left in the shadows. With so many MPs backing Sharif, perhaps Imran Khan will see his own political isolation and end the circus. So we can all collect the pieces, and move on.
Pakistan: Habib Wali Muhammad passes away at 90
The Express TribuneFamed singer Habib Wali Muhammad passed away on Thursday at the age of 90, after being treated for his illness in Los Angeles for the past few days, Express News reported. Born in 1921 in Rangoon – present day Myanmar, Habib’s family later moved to Mumbai. Though he belonged to an industrialist family, he always showed keen interest in music. He also won a singing competition in Mumbai which had more than 1,200 participants. His family later moved to Pakistan in 1947. Habib was trained by Ustad Latafat Ali Khan in formal singing and rose to fame after the release of his song “Lagta nahi hai dil mera” which was a poem of Bahadur Shah Zafar. Other famous songs of Habib include “Kab mera nasheman ahl-e-chaman” and “Gulshan mein gawara karte hain”. He also sang numerous patriotic songs as well as a few tunes for the film industry.
Pakistan: Reconciliation and parliamentary supremacy
Imran Khan unhappy with Azadi March attendance
Wednesday, September 3, 2014
Underage and trapped: female Iraqi factory workers need help

Shayma Hassan, 16, walks 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) each day to the brick factory in Bahr al-Najaf in the city of Najaf, 161 kilometers (100 miles) south of Baghdad. Her hectic work day starts at 6 a.m. and ends at 5 p.m.Along with four other women, Shayma moves bricks out of molds and into and out of the oven. For all this hard work, she gets paid $7 per day. “I never went to school because I live in the village and I need to make money. My only hope now is to have my own family, since my mother decided that I should get married,” she told Al-Monitor. Even when she's ill, Shayma has to work in this polluted environment to put food on the table, especially since her mother, who used to work in the same factory, is sick and can only take care of some plants around the house. Shayma’s employer Abu Haidar, who preferred not to give his full name, told Al-Monitor, while Shayma timidly stared at the floor, “The women here work with dignity and I help them with their living expenses." However, Abu Haidar added, “The wage is minimal, but most of the brick factories are no longer as profitable as they were before.” Many girls who work are violating the Iraqi labor law. For instance, the girls who work in the plastic waste recycling factories in the city of al-Mahawil, north of Hillah in the center of Babil province (100 kilometers, or 62 miles, south of Baghdad) are not 16 yet. The labor law prohibits minors from working and stipulates that education is mandatory up to age 16. In these factories, young girls work tirelessly on assorting garbage before putting it into thermal and plastic cutting machines for recycling. Saad al-Heli, the owner of a plastic waste recycling factory, told Al-Monitor, “Girls are more suitable [for this work] than boys, since they are more compliant.“ Fatimah, 16, told Al-Monitor, as she cleaned her face and hair from the plastic ooze coming from the machine, “I get paid $5 for about 6 hours of work.” As all other girls there, Fatimah comes from a poor family and has never been to school. However, she prefers to work in this female-only factory, because she was a victim of sexual assault when she worked in a factory with men. Fatimah refused to give details concerning the incident and she simply commented, “Working with men is risky,” referring to the incident. This is probably why Heli does not hire boys to work with the girls in his factory. “They created many problems and the police had to interfere,” he said. But he seems fine with hiring underage girls, saying, “There is no real supervision and I make sure to treat them like my own daughters.” Ghofran Majed, a local feminist activist, told Al-Monitor in the town of Babil: “Hiring uneducated young girls has serious social repercussions. … Field studies show that many working girls become victims of oppression and sexual harassment, which delays their marriage. Most of these young girls come from poor families that allow them to work because they need the money.” Ferial Mhamdawi, 15, has been working in factories since she was a child. She got married at a very young age, probably two or three years ago (parents in these regions of Iraq marry their daughters off at age 11 or 12), but is now divorced and back at work. “The biggest mistake of my life was not attending school,” she said. She married a man 20 years her senior who accused her of being involved with another man, which led to their divorce. In general, girls often become the victim of rumors that affects their reputation, according to social researcher Sakinah Daoud, who told Al-Monitor, “The future of young working girls remains uncertain until they get married. In case they do not, they risk [getting involved] in prostitution and the sex trade.” Suheila Abbas, a member of the council of Babil, told Al-Monitor: “The solution to this phenomenon is to create a social protection network, which prevents child labor as well as the labor of young girls, in addition to establishing laws that penalize illegal employment.” This first step, Abbas said, “Is to create job opportunities under the auspices of the government, while simultaneously launching civil society initiatives to provide medical care and proper education for all segments of society, especially women and children who are forced to work.” Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/09/iraq-underage-girls-working-illegal-exploitation.html#ixzz3CHpqhW2K
China: Xi urges Japanese reflection on war anniversary
Ukraine ceasefire: Putin lays out 7-step plan to stop hostilities in E. Ukraine
President Putin has outlined a seven-point plan to stabilize the situation in the crisis-torn east of Ukraine.
“On my way here from [the city of] Blagoveschensk to Ulan-Bator [Mongolia], I outlined some ideas and plan of actions. It’s here, but in handwriting,” Putin told reporters.1. Militias should cease military advances in the Donetsk and Lugansk Regions. 2. Pro-Kiev armed forces should withdraw to a distance that excludes the possibility of shelling settlements. 3. Implement full and objective international control over ceasefire observation and monitoring. 4. Exclude the use of combat aircraft against civilians and villages. 5. Prisoner/captive-exchange via an ‘all-in-all’ formula, without preconditions. 6. Humanitarian corridors for refugees movement and delivery of humanitarian aid across Donetsk and Lugansk Regions. 7. Direct repair-crew access to destroyed social and transit infrastructure with supportive aid. Putin expressed hope that final agreements between Kiev and militia in southeastern Ukraine could be reached and secured at the coming meeting of the so-called contact group on September 5. “I hope the leaders of Ukraine will support the anticipated progress in bilateral relations,” Russia’s president said. He called on Ukraine to take an active part in the work of the contact group “for a final and comprehensive settlement of the situation in the southeastern Ukraine, of course, with full and unconditional assurance of the legitimate rights of the people who live there.” Commenting on the phone call with the Ukrainian president earlier on Wednesday, Putin stressed that their “views on ways to resolve the conflict are aligned.” Later on Wednesday, the Ukrainian president expressed “great hope” that the peace process will start negotiations in Minsk on Friday. “The first task is peace,” Poroshenko said. “Today at 5am, because of the time difference, we talked with President Putin about ways we could stop this horrible process. It is impossible to deny that people should being killed,” he added. The Ukrainian President stressed that all Ukrainians want peace and that is why he will strive for it. Anti-Kiev militias say they are ready to lay down arms, but only if the same is done by all the government units fighting in the east of the country, said DPR Prime Minister Aleksandr Zakharchenko. The political leader of the self-proclaimed republic noted that Kiev will have to obtain compliance from irregulars, such as Right Sector volunteer battalions, and mercenaries, who are also fighting on the side of the government. “These have previously sabotaged existing deals,” said Zakharchenko. The DPR leader said that the recent upturn in the rebels’ fortunes would improve the chances of striking a deal with Petro Poroshenko’s government. Germany has supported the news that the two presidents are showing willingness to resolve the conflict, saying that Germany and the International community are ready to assist measures aimed at securing the ceasefire. “Presidents Poroshenko and Putin are bearing responsibility not only for their nations, but all Europe,” German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier said in Hamburg. He stressed that now it is important to take decisive steps to establish a ceasefire in Ukraine. “We are ready to assist this path via either repeating the meeting in Geneva or through other international formats,” he added. In Ukraine, meanwhile, Putin’s peace plan was met with criticism from the country’s prime minister, Arseniy Yatsenuk, who said that Russia’s real plan is to destroy Ukraine and restore the USSR. "We are waiting for decisions from NATO and the EU on how to stop the aggressor,” he said. In Yatsenuk’s opinion, Putin’s 7-point plan is “an attempt of eyewash for the International community ahead of NATO summit and an attempt to avoid inevitable decisions from the EU on the new wave of sanctions against Russia.” The “best” for Ukraine would be a one-point plan, Yatsenuk stressed, which is the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine. “And then there will be peace,” the PM said. Russia has repeatedly denied accusations of direct military involvement in the conflict. So far, attempts at temporary ceasefires between Kiev and self-defense forces in the past months have failed to bring about any improvement in the situation in southeastern Ukraine. Each time fighting has continued, with both sides blaming each other for breaking the truce. 2,593 people have died in fighting in eastern Ukraine since mid-April, the UN reported last week. The military conflict that started this spring has displaced over a million Ukrainians, with the majority of them finding refuge in Russia.
Joe Biden: We’ll follow ISIL to ‘gates of hell’
The vice president referred to ISIL — the group the Obama administration has said is responsible for the beheadings of Sotloff and fellow U.S. journalist James Foley, seen in a video on Aug. 19 — as a group of “barbarians.”He touted the U.S. history of resiliency and said the videos documenting the killings of the two Americans would not scare the American people. “[T]hey somehow think that it’s going to lessen U.S. resolve, frighten us, intimidate us. But, if they think the American people will be intimidated, they don’t know us very well,” he said, adding that U.S. military forces killed Sept. 11 mastermind Osama bin Laden and that Americans united after the April 2013 Boston Marathon bombings. “The American people are so much stronger, so much more resolved than any enemy can fully understand,” Biden added. Biden made his remarks during a scheduled appearance at the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard in New Hampshire. He noted multiple times that Foley was a native of New Hampshire. The late journalist’s family lives in Rochester. His comments were reminiscent of those made by Sen. John McCain in a 2007 Republican presidential debate, when he was asked about bin Laden, who at the time was still at large. “We will do whatever is necessary,” the Arizona Republican said at the time. “We will track him down. We will catch him. We will bring him to justice and I’ll follow him to the gates of hell.” His speech came after President Barack Obama addressed the situation during a joint news conference with Estonian President Toomas Hendrik Ilves. In his comments, the president also insisted that the U.S. would bring ISIL to account for its actions. “Their horrific acts only unite us as a country and stiffen our resolve to fight against these terrorists. And those who make the mistake of harming Americans will learn that we will not forget and that our reach is long and that justice will be served,” Obama said. Secretary of State John Kerry offered similarly strong words early on Wednesday, decrying “the unfathomable brutality of ISIL terrorist murderers” and insisting that the U.S. will bring the group to justice. “When terrorists anywhere around the world have murdered our citizens, the United States held them accountable, no matter how long it took,” he said in a statement, vowing the U.S. would do the same to ISIL. The administration has launched multiple airstrikes against ISIL targets in Iraq, where the group has swept across much of the northern and central part of the country and has targeted religious minorities. The White House has not yet made a public decision regarding airstrikes or other potential military response against ISIL militants in Syria. Read more: http://www.politico.com/story/2014/09/joe-biden-isil-react-110558.html#ixzz3CHSOPlAy
OPINION: 'Why we must all challenge ISIS'
Last night, a video emerged of the execution of American journalist Steven Sotloff, at the hands of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi's ISIS, the extreme jihadist group that has illegitimately declared the establishment of a militant "caliphate" in Syria and Iraq. This latest execution video follows that of a similar crime committed against another U.S. journalist, James Foley, a fortnight ago. Like the first "Message to America," this latest video ended with the executioner threatening to behead another captive non-combatant, this time a Briton. First and foremost, it is imperative that we do not allow the traction that these videos have gained in the West to eclipse ISIS's other inhumane actions. In years gone by, ISIS -- which refers to itself as the Islamic State -- and its forebears have consistently and persistently committed the most atrocious of war crimes against communities in the Middle East. In the last month alone, it has been held responsible for attempting a genocide against the Yazidi minority sect, as well as the extermination of the Turkmen Shia Muslims of Amerli. These come on top of the wholesale massacre it committed against the Sunni peoples of the Shu'aytat tribe in East Syria in August, as well as countless other summary executions of people it deems to be its enemies.By Charlie Cooper
/blockquote> We must not be fooled into thinking that ISIS only beheads its Western captives; last week, a Kurdish man - unarmed, of course - was executed in front of a mosque in Mosul in a video entitled "A message written in blood." But because it was directed at the president of Iraqi Kurdistan, this particular piece of propaganda did not receive widespread coverage in the international media. A cursory glance at ISIS propaganda suggests that the West is its primary target. While this may be the case in terms of the group's long-term ambitions, events on the ground in Syria and Iraq paint a very different picture, with ISIS predominantly killing those it deems to be "apostate", including its co-religionists. In light of events in Syria and Iraq, the international community must react robustly and swiftly. This week's NATO summit is fortuitously timed, and one would hope that the ISIS crisis takes its place at the top of the meeting's agenda. However, as I've said before, a strategy of solely Western intervention would play right into the ISIS ideology. Indeed, it would be exactly what the group wants. As such, it is paramount that other states -- particularly those within the region -- step up to the plate as well. Countries such as Turkey and Saudi Arabia must actively respond instead of leaving it to others. It is not just the international community that has a responsibility, though: the media must act as well. It is paramount that it carefully considers its treatment of ISIS propaganda, with its twin aims of intimidation and recruitment. Every time a still or clip from an ISIS video is shown, the group gets what it wants: the oxygen of publicity. Of course, it is necessary that people the world over are aware of the atrocities occurring at the hands of ISIS, but journalists must be careful not to do the jihadists' job for them. This also involves establishing a firm no-platform policy for al-Baghadi's stooges in the West. These insidious individuals thrive on media attention, which they use to amplify their otherwise ostracized voices. As Quilliam's last report, which looked at extremist content online, showed, it is an unfortunate truth that online censorship does not work. Any attempts at censorship in the aftermath of the Foley killing were always doomed to failure. Simply put, corporations and governments are unable to remove propaganda from the internet at the rate that it is uploaded. More effective than government-led censorship was the "ISIS media blackout," in which users across the internet resolutely refused to publicize ISIS material. After all, videos like these have minimal propaganda value if they have no audience. At the same time, instead of publicizing what ISIS wants, we must popularize what it doesn't. The anti-ISIS fatwa recently released by prominent Sunni British imams would be a good place to start, because it dismantles any sense of legitimacy for the self-proclaimed "caliphate" and directly calls for Muslim communities to take an active stance in opposing this appalling group. More initiatives like this must emerge. That they have not materialized already is testament an untenable situation in which the vast majority of Muslims, who are invariably moderate, are largely silent, something which leaves extremists to dominate the discourse on Islam. The time has passed when we can allow ISIS to popularize itself unchallenged. Challenging ISIS propaganda must be at the forefront of international policy towards Syria and Iraq. And it is not just something for governments to deal with. People all over the world, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, are responsible too.
President Obama Vows 'Justice Will Be Served' For American Reporters' Murders By Islamic State Militants
U.S. Will Hold ISIS Accountable After Steven Sotloff Slaying: Kerry
Afghanistan's NATO Coalition Shrinking Fast
NATO Summit an Opportunity for Afghanistan Future
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) summit is scheduled to be held this Thursday and Friday on September 4-5 in Wales where the 28-nation alliance will discuss and decide the financial and security assistance to Afghanistan.
Pakistani leader talks persecuted Christians with Pope Francis
In a brief encounter with Pope Francis following his general audience Wednesday, former Pakistani minister Paul Bhatti discussed persecuted Christians and invited the pontiff to visit his country. “I met him with my mom and it was a desire and a heartfelt wish of my mom to see the Holy Father and to share her views regarding peace in the world and regarding the persecution of Christians in the world,” Bhatti told CNA Aug. 28. “I translated for her and conveyed this message, and I saw that the Pope was really moved by her statement, and he showed her, and me, that he is with us with his prayers,” and is with “all who are persecuted in the name of religion.” Bhatti is the former Federal Minister of National Harmony and Minorities Affairs in Pakistan, which is a position he took on after the assassination of his younger brother, Shahbaz Bhatti, who was killed in 2011 by Islamic extremists. The two had worked closely to assist the most marginalized and oppressed in the country, and strove to promote religious freedom, equality and social justice, particularly fighting violations of those areas within Pakistan. Meeting Pope Francis was important, especially for his mother, Bhatti noted, because he is the “head of the Christian Church, it means head of all those who follow the Christian Church, our faith,” so his role is one of “humility” and a sharing in the “suffering due to the general situation of law and order.” Recalling how his mother invited the pontiff to come and visit their small Christian community in Pakistan, the former minister explained that although he didn’t give a decisive answer, “He just had my mom’s hand in his hand and he had a big hug with my mom.” “Afterward he expressed that he is with us and his love, care, etc., is toward all those who are a part of our Church.” The current situation in Pakistan “is quite complicated,” he noted, because there is “sectarian violence, there’s extremism, there’s terrorism and there’s instability” on a political and economic level, as well as problems with “law and order” in general. “So the situation of Christians and all those who belong to the weak sector of society is directly proportionate to the general stability of our country,” Bhatti observed, stating that “I think it’s getting worse.” “It’s not only one community that’s being targeted, but the whole country and its population, where we lived in Pakistan even Muslims are a target. But it’s getting worse.” What can help, he explained, is if the international community unites to “try to bring peace and stability in that country. And if the country is stable, if there’s peace in the country I think everybody will get benefit of that.” “It’s needed that the international community and those who have influence should use it to bring peace in that region and stability.” Reflecting on the great solidarity Pope Francis has shown toward persecuted Christians across the Middle East, Bhatti explained that what the pontiff is saying is that “we belong to one community, we belong to one faith, we belong to one Church and everybody is united with each other whether they are in Pakistan, whether they are in Italy or whether they are in America.” “So this bond, this kind of relationship on the basis of the faith we have with each other, this keeps us united and he is there to help us, to be with us, and for him it’s not important who is where, but he is strongly concerned with the persecuted people of the whole world.”By Elise Harris
Pakistan : Terrorism & blasphemy charges in FIR filed against Sharifs
Pakistan: Shah asks Imran to give up stubborn attitude
Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Khursheed Shah on Wednesday said that the opposition parties were ready to play role of guarantors between the government and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) to end political unrest in the federal capital.
In a statement released here, he said that all the political parties would support PTI Chairman Imran Khan if the commission finds out massive rigging in the 2013 general election. Shah said that the demand of the prime minister’s resignation would be constitutional if the allegations of rigging were proved.
Shah said that Imran Khan’s decision of sending Shah Mehmood Qureshi to attend the joint session implies that he believes in supremacy of the parliament. He said that Imran Khan should also give up his stubborn attitude. He urged the PTI chairman to hold talks with the government over valid demands.
http://www.ppp.org.pk/news123/?p=7950
Pakistan: Deadlock ends between Govt, two parties
Pakistan: Rising Poverty and unemployment in Balochistan
Balochistan: Education emergency - In a first, private school comes under attack in Turbat
Karachi: Blast near police check post on Shara-e-Faisal, 4 cops injured
At least four policemen were injured in a blast near police check post on Shara-e-Faisal in Karachi, Dunya News reported.
“Two attackers riding on a motorbike threw explosives near the post,” Inspector Hummayun, incharge of the check post said.
He said police contingent leaves check post around 9:15am that is why no major loss has occurred.
Inspector Hummayun said four policemen have received minor injuries who have been shifted to Jinnah Hospital.
On the other hand, police check post and motorbikes parked outside the building were badly damaged in the attack.
Police and Rangers have cordoned off the blast site, however, no arrest has been made as yet.
Imran Khan: Pakistan's Biggest Looser
On Saturday, street protests germinating from simultaneous marches led by cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan (Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) party leader) and Canadian religious cleric, Tahir-ul-Qadri (Pakistan Awami Tehrik (PAT) leader) that have laid siege to Pakistan's capital for the last two weeks turned violent. Islamabad had been relatively peaceful up to this point, but close to 25,000 protestors, wearing gas masks and armed with rocks, sticks, and marbles to hurl at the security forces breached the Parliament (PM) House perimeter and charged toward sensitive installations in the Red Zone which houses the Presidency, the Parliament, government offices and diplomatic missions. While attempting to remove barricades near the PM House, protestors were met with a police contingent, tear gas, and rubber bullets. The two leaders of the protests, Khan and Qadri appeared to remain inside their bullet-proof containers while sporadic clashes erupted around them. Close to 595 people, including journalists, policemen, women, and children have been injured, according to reports. Without any concrete evidence, Khan has claimed that Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who won a simple majority in the National Assembly and formed the government without having to enter a coalition, engaged in widespread rigging in last year's elections. Khan has called for the prime minister's resignation and a new government. Qadri, who demands a political revolution and a technocratic government that can draft a new constitution, has also called for the PM's resignation. With clashes erupting and the country at the brink of a military intervention, there is much blame to go around. Though Sharif has been criticized for his severe mishandling of the crisis, it is Khan who has faced the wrath of analysts and observers for his confrontational stance. Khan's party currently forms the government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) Province, which is beset with challenges and has failed to deliver on the election promises of ushering in development and eradicating militancy. Regardless of his own political failures, what Khan is protesting against is not entirely irrational. Despite the fact that his rigid demand calling for the resignation of the prime minister has not waned, he has drawn attention to corruption and bad governance during Sharif's first year, as premature as it may be. However, his execution is deplorable and one that has drawn sharp criticism from all sides. In a desperate bid for Islamabad to become the next Tahrir square, Khan has encouraged a culture of street protests. As witnessed though recent clashes, Khan has drawn supporters (including women and children) to the streets. Certainly realizing that mobs cannot be controlled and ultimately grow violent and desperate within a short span of time, Khan has undoubtedly lost control. The environment in Pakistan is now conducive for any political actor to encourage street protests over parliamentary procedures to achieve their goal, regardless of its legitimacy. The government, having disregarded PTI's concerns before the protests began, now finds itself on the defensive and Khan, having gone too far with his demands, is at the point of no return. Most recently, rifts have also occurred within the party causing seasoned politician and PTI President Javed Hashmi to be expelled from the party for disagreeing with the decision to lead protests toward the PM House with women and children in tow. Further fuelling rumors, in a controversial media appearance, Hashmi claimed the protests were being coordinated by the Army -- an accusation vehemently denied by the PTI and followed by a strong rebuttal from the Inter-Service Public Relations claiming that "the army is an apolitical institution." In a study conducted by the PEW Research Center before the protests erupted, Khan's popularity is steeply waning, while Sharif's remains more or less the same. Currently, 64 percent of Pakistanis hold a favorable view of the prime minister, essentially implying that he could draw on public support if executed wisely. Khan's popularity presently stands at the high rating of 54 percent, a critical 17 percent decrease from the previous year. Despite strong ratings, the government finds itself between a rock and a hard place. Having asked the Army chief to serve as "mediator" between the two sides, a claim that the Sharif government denies, the prime minister is in a tough spot to either illustrate his loyalty to the system or to cede control of critical portfolios of security and foreign policy to Pakistan's all-powerful establishment in a bid to save his seat. Though the Army chief refused to mediate and asked both sides to engage in "meaningful dialogue", the denial comes after 11 out of 12 parties in parliament announced unanimous support for Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML-N) and rejected Khan's "unconstitutional" demands. Many have criticized Sharif for turning to the military instead of the parliament and have opposed the involvement of the Army in the matter. Though vowing to defend democracy and defiantly stating that his government was here to stay, turning to the Army to broker an agreement has made Sharif appear weak and desperate. The constant denials by both sides is yet another reminder that the two institutions are far from being on the same page, dealing a blow to an already hostile relationship Sharif suffers with the military. The civil-military imbalance has become more pronounced with Sharif's indecision and hesitancy of launching a military offensive in the north against the Taliban. Improving relations with India and remaining adamant on pursuing a personally motivated trial against his nemesis, former president and Army chief, General Pervez Musharraf has widened the divide. Perhaps emboldened by an outright victory in the May 2013 elections, Sharif has attempted to assert civilian supremacy over the country's powerful military. Many analysts believe that the Army may have engineered the current situation to remind Sharif exactly who holds the reins of power. The Army so far has played its cards carefully. Gone are the days when the Army would seize state institutions and insert its chief in the seat of power. By creating an ‘enabling environment' instead, it is able to generate an invitation to intervene for the sake of ‘national interest.' However, Army Chief Gen. Raheel Sharif seems to portray little political ambition Nonetheless, observers point out that the recent attack on a state broadcaster's building by anti-government protestors that forced the channel to go off-air for 45 minutes could not have been executed without tacit approval from the military. After an emergency Corps Commanders meeting, the Army reaffirmed its support for democracy, yet ominously stated that it is "committed to playing its part in ensuring the security of the state." It is seemingly unlikely (though not impossible) that the Army, which has governed Pakistan for most of its history, will initiate an old-school coup. Instead, the Army has shrewdly placed the onus on Pakistan's civilian institutions. Though public support for the Army is strong, another military coup will damage the Army's credibility at a time when it cannot afford a backlash or attract international sanctions. Should civilian power fail to control the situation, the Army may be ‘asked' to come in, further discrediting the democratic system and empowering the military. However, depending on how Sharif chooses to play the game, he may continue to confront the Army to a point where the only option left would be to remove him. An ousting of the prime minister by the Army will undoubtedly draw strong criticism to the institution and publicly illustrate that it has never truly been tolerant of civilian rule. Ultimately, what Khan has done is nothing short of dangerous. By leading people onto the streets, he is not only challenging the prime minster but has openly threatened the system of democracy that he continues to claim to defend. For democracy to thrive in Pakistan, institutions must be allowed time to strengthen without being threatened by any one political party or institution. With the first-ever democratic transition taking place just a year ago, what Pakistan needs at this critical stage is stability and consistency. But by challenging the system itself, what Khan has inadvertently also done is inject much-needed accountability from elected leaders, himself included. The result of inflicting such pressure on a sitting government and bringing military intervention to the forefront is that public expectations will force an ineffective system to be fixed. Election fraud will be taken far more seriously and the next elections may be monitored more carefully than ever before. A broken system will now be injected with a level of accountability not because Khan wanted it, but because few in Pakistan want to see the same situation unravel again. It is difficult to predict how the current political crisis will unfold but Sharif must be allowed to complete his tenure. He has already stated, "The nation [can] be sure, I will neither resign nor go on leave." But he has been stripped of his powers and will essentially serve as a toothless prime minister with little power or say in critical issues. In a recent joint session of Parliament, political parties criticized Sharif for his mishandling of affairs but reiterated their commitment to democracy. In response, Qadri and Khan united, holding a joint rally without any alteration in their demands. Many blame Khan for putting people's lives in danger and assisting to create a situation that has allowed the Army to intervene. Rigid in his demands and publicly launching personal attacks against the sitting government, Khan's political career, by many estimates, is over -- making him one of the biggest losers in this entire saga. But with protests intensifying and an escape route dissipating, there is also no clear victory for the government, the opposition, or at this point, even the Army.BY ARSLA JAWAID
http://southasia.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2014/09/02/pakistans_biggest_loser
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