The Afghan government is running out of funds despite an influx of millions of dollars in aid as a deadlock over who won the election drives a sharp decline in revenues, already suffering from the drawdown of thousands of foreign troops. The government faces difficulty paying salaries next month and has once more gone cap in hand to donors for help, a senior finance ministry official said on condition of anonymity, because of the sensitivity of the topic. Foreign powers have poured billions of dollars of aid into Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban in 2001, but the country's next leader is unlikely to receive the same levels of financial support. The size of the gap to date is unclear, but the most recent data on the finance ministry's website shows domestic revenue in the first six months of 2014 fell 27.5 percent short of a target of 60.2 billion Afghanis ($1.1 billion). The ministry said current figures were not yet ready, although the senior official indicated the budget shortfall stands between $500 and $600 million. "If the election goes wrong we’ll not be able to manage, we will face huge problems beyond our control," said finance ministry spokesman Abdul Qadir Jaillani. Presidential candidates Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani have been locked in a bitter struggle for power for months, over accusations of mass fraud and rivalry between their camps that has pushed the country to the brink of a civil war. "Our humble request from the finance ministry is for both candidates to reach an agreement to avoid a further decrease in revenue and the economy," Jaillani added. Jaillani denied salaries were at immediate risk, although a host of projects to build and maintain roads, schools and clinics had been suspended for lack of cash, although he warned that resources were running low. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry has twice flown to Kabul in the past month to defuse the electoral crisis, but cracks are already showing in the framework agreement signed during his last visit a week ago. Abdullah was the clear winner in the first round held in April, while a preliminary count showed Ghani won the run-off vote in June. An audit of all eight million votes cast as part of an earlier deal is underway, but proceeding slowly. Outgoing President Hamid Karzai has set a deadline at the end of August to inaugurate his successor, but electoral officials fear the audit could drag on into September. A month into the process, only about a third of the votes have been audited and it is unclear what fraction marked for recount will be excluded from the final tally. NATO will discuss Afghanistan at a summit in Wales on Sept 4 and 5, and who, if anyone, will represent the country has become an increasingly pressing and awkward question as NATO seeks to bring the 13-year war to an end. On Monday it warned it would be forced to withdraw completely unless a new leader emerged soon. A second conference to decide on aid for other government and civilian needs is set for November. "These are vital conferences for our country," Jaillani said. "If the election is not resolved by then it will affect the outcome of the conferences and have a negative impact overall on the economy."BY JESSICA DONATI
Friday, August 15, 2014
Afghanistan seen running out of funds as poll deadlock drags on
Pakistan: PTI to call off protest after PM’s resignation
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Pervez Khattak has said that PTI will call off its planned sit-in only after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif steps down.
Speaking to SAMAA, Chief Minister Khattak said ball is now in government’s court, adding protest will be over as soon as government accepts PTI’s demand.
To a question, he said that PTI has full confidence in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, but he questioned who could implement its recommendations.
He was confident that PTI’s target of gathering one million would be met.
Pakistan: Shah condemns stone pelting on Imran container
Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khursheed Ahmed Shah said that the granting of permission to the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s (PTI) Azadi march was a good step by the government which had averted the danger of confrontation.
The senior Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) said that in his view Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would not tender his resignation and added that his party could not support the demand for the premier’s resignation.
Shah also condemned the stone pelting on Imran Khan’s container and said that there should be no precedence of stone-pelting during political gatherings and rallies.
He further said there were reports that CCTV footage of those engaged in stone-pelting had been collected and added that action should be taken against any found guilty of hurling stones.
Clashes in Pakistan as stones thrown at opposition leader Khan
Clashes have broken out in Pakistan as two large protest rallies converge on the capital. Stones and shoes were thrown at the car of opposition leader Imran Khan, but he is reported to be uninjured.Clashes broke out in the Pakistani city of Gujranwala on Friday, as tens of thousands of protesters continue their march on the capital, Islamabad.
Stones and shoes hit the car of cricket-star-turned-politician Imran Khan as he led his supporters through the eastern city, but he remained uninjured, according to his aides. His spokeswoman, Aneela Khan, said the convoy he was heading was attacked by a mob, but that police had not intervened. She also said shots had been fired at Khan's car, but this has not been confirmed. Khan and firebrand cleric Tahir ul-Qadri are both leading protest processions toward Islamabad, where they plan to stage a sit-in until Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif resigns. The protesters set off on their march on Thursday from the eastern city of Lahore, and it is still unclear when they will reach Islamabad. High security Security in the capital is tight, and several main roads have been blocked by shipping containers and barbed wire in a bid to hinder the marchers. The protests are being fueled by dissatisfaction with the government's handling of the economy, amid high unemployment, spiralling crime rates and frequent power shortages. Some members of Sharif's ruling party have also suggested the protests may be backed by elements in the military, where many are angry at the prosecution of former army chief and president Pervez Musharraf for treason. The military is also at odds with the government about how to deal with a Taliban insurgency, with the army favoring military action while the government prefers peace talks. Electoral irregularities Khan, who leads the third largest legislative bloc in the country, is also protesting against alleged electoral irregularities in last year's polls. The polls saw Sharif elected in the first democratic transfer of power the country has known. Supporters of Qadri have been additionally angered by the police killing of several of his followers in Lahore in June and this month. Qadri puts the death toll at 22, while police have confirmed 11 deaths. Police say 2,000 of Qadri's supporters have also been arrested this month.Clashes broke out in the Pakistani city of Gujranwala on Friday, as tens of thousands of protesters continue their march on the capital, Islamabad. Stones and shoes hit the car of cricket-star-turned-politician Imran Khan as he led his supporters through the eastern city, but he remained uninjured, according to his aides. His spokeswoman, Aneela Khan, said the convoy he was heading was attacked by a mob, but that police had not intervened. She also said shots had been fired at Khan's car, but this has not been confirmed. Khan and firebrand cleric Tahir ul-Qadri are both leading protest processions toward Islamabad, where they plan to stage a sit-in until Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif resigns. The protesters set off on their march on Thursday from the eastern city of Lahore, and it is still unclear when they will reach Islamabad. High security Security in the capital is tight, and several main roads have been blocked by shipping containers and barbed wire in a bid to hinder the marchers. The protests are being fueled by dissatisfaction with the government's handling of the economy, amid high unemployment, spiralling crime rates and frequent power shortages. Some members of Sharif's ruling party have also suggested the protests may be backed by elements in the military, where many are angry at the prosecution of former army chief and president Pervez Musharraf for treason. The military is also at odds with the government about how to deal with a Taliban insurgency, with the army favoring military action while the government prefers peace talks. Electoral irregularities Khan, who leads the third largest legislative bloc in the country, is also protesting against alleged electoral irregularities in last year's polls. The polls saw Sharif elected in the first democratic transfer of power the country has known. Supporters of Qadri have been additionally angered by the police killing of several of his followers in Lahore in June and this month. Qadri puts the death toll at 22, while police have confirmed 11 deaths. Police say 2,000 of Qadri's supporters have also been arrested this month.
Clashes Erupt During Pakistan Anti Government March
Pakistan: Pomi Butt central character of 'PML-N led mob attack'
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Secretary General Jahangir Tareen said on Friday that Pomi Butt is the central character who led the attack on PTI convoy in Gujranwala earlier today, Dunya News reported.
Addressing a press conference along with Chief Minister Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pervaiz Khattak among other PTI leaders, he said that PTI will lodge an FIR against Pomi Butt.
He demanded immediate opening of all the roads and pathways of Islamabad, adding that participants of the protest march should be given full opportunity to exercise democratic right.
PTI leader said that the government is panicking seeing the response in the protest march. He said he himself saw mob attacking PTI workers through stones from within the police vehicle.
Tareen said that PTI knows how to respond but he wouldn’t become part of a conspiracy. He said the authorities should not test their patience.
He said people from across the country are participating in the long march.
Jahangir Tareen warned the government not to play with fire.
Pakistan: IDPs to return once Zarb-e-Azb is over
http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/Corps Commander Peshawar Lt. General Khalid Rabbani on Friday said that the return of IDPs of North Waziristan Agency to their homes will start soon after the completion of on-going operation against terrorists. Talking to the media in Bannu, he said most of areas of the agency have been cleared while operation is in progress to clear the rest. To a question, he said 31 troops have been martyred and 117 injured in Zarb-e-Azb operation against terrorists in North Waziristan Agency.
Pakistan Economy Suffers Because Of Ongoing Political Chaos In The Country
The political brawl in the country has severely dented country’s economy. The business community whines loss of: Rs1 billion already owing to the political crisis. It has been more than a week now, the rising political temperature has activated serious economic losses and steps taken by the Punjab government have added fuel to the fire. The Punjab government’s decision to limit the protests through roadblocks by placing containers has slowed down trading activities across the country. According to the Heavy Transport Association, around 1,200 containers were seized by the police during these days. The daily rent of each container has been estimated to Rs10, 000; consequently, the transporters are bearing losses of Rs12 million daily. - See more at: http://www.christiansinpakistan.com/pakistan-economy-suffers-because-of-ongoing-political-chaos-in-the-country/#sthash.OxJGL1oz.dpufThe current political upheaval causes great economic loss to Pakistan.
PPP leaders spend Aug 14 with IDPs in Bannu
Pakistan People Party Peshawar Leaders Syed Zahir Ali Shah, Zulfiqar Afghani and Salman orakzai spend 14th august Independence Day with IDPS in BannuThe Pakistan People’s Party on Thursday sent its leaders to Bannu to celebrate the Independence Day with the internally displaced people from North Waziristan Agency.
Former PPP provincial president Zahir Ali Shah, who is the party’s focal person in the province to oversee relief and charity work for IDPs, visited field hospitals in Bannu and distributed sweets among displaced persons.
In a statement issued here, Zahir Ali Shah said on the instructions of the party leadership, he had visited displaced persons in schools in Bannu and got installed pressure pumps there at their request to ensure water supply to them.
He said he had tasked party activist Zahir Shah Toru with overseeing relief activities for IDPs in Bannu.
Currently, PPP MNA Khursheed Shah heads the party’s committee overseeing for relief work.
Zulfiqar said the committee had ordered the provision of 600 pedestal fans to a supplier.
He said fans would be distributed among IDPs during a function where Khursheed Shah and Zamarud Khan would be the chief guests.
The PPP leader said the committee had arranged the Benazir Dastarkhwan on the first Eid day and provided food to 2,000 IDPs at Mashar Daud Shah Masjid, the main mosque of Bannu.
He said the party had set up six-bed field hospitals, which were fully equipped and manned by doctors and paramedics.
Zulfiqar said the field hospitals provided free medicines to all IDPs, including women and children.
“Each filed hospital has a full-time ambulance. These field hospitals will be working there till the end of the military operation in North Waziristan and will be relocated to the tribal region after repatriation of tribesmen,” he said.
He said the committee had so far spent Rs8 million on relief work.
The PPP leader said the Bannu commissioner had sought Rs30 million to repair 25 tubewells for IDPs but the party managed to do the repairs for a small amount of money.
The minority Pakistani
A fellow citizen and a friend, a Christian by faith, had to leave Pakistan and seek asylum as he and his family were threatened by a militant organisation. The departments and agencies responsible for the safety of citizens and for maintaining law and order across Pakistan had acknowledged their inability and lack of willingness to protect this friend and his family. He has now settled in another country. And he feels more of a citizen there. Another Pakistani friend, an Ahmadi, having lost his job because of religious bigots in his office, finally moved his family to Canada. I was talking to him recently and he mentioned that he lived with discrimination almost throughout his life in Pakistan and this was not only in the form of the two beatings he received at the hands of religiously-inspired mobs. In fact, he was referring to the more corrosive effects of the everyday discrimination that he had to face. Finally, when he could not see any future for himself and especially for his children, he migrated. Over the last couple of decades I have seen many friends from minority groups of one hue or another (Christian, Shia, Ahmadi, Baloch, Hindu) leave Pakistan and not come back. Some went for education and never returned, others migrated by applying via the ‘skilled people’ class, while some even had to seek asylum due to one issue or another at ‘home’. When I talk to them now, few seem to have gone willingly and all of them have one thing in common: they were forced to leave due to either direct or indirect persecution by dominant religious and/or nationalist groups. Some have harrowing tales to tell. But all of them have plenty of stories about how they faced discrimination while even interacting with ordinary citizens or institutions of the state in their everyday lives. The latter, in many cases, more than the former, has left deeper scars. We did a few Google searches on incidents involving minorities and reported in mainstream English-language newspapers in Pakistan over the last couple of years. Even though these searches were not very rigorous as they did not constitute all the incidents reported in all the papers, the results tell a very sad story. And here we are not talking of the incidents that are not reported in the papers at all or instances of everyday discrimination. We came up with hundreds of reports of incidents where an individual or a group of people was involved and their being a member of a minority group was at least a partial reason for their involvement. There were more than 80 incidents involving Shias (targeted attacks were the most common cause in their death) and more than 70 incidents involving Christians (a number of cases pertained to blasphemy charges). Many of the incidents involved not just one person but a family or group belonging to a certain community as exemplified by the violence perpetrated on Hazara pilgrims), leading to multiple fatalities in one incident. Christian Pakistanis constitute only 1pc to 2pc of the country’s population; however, the 70-plus incidents in which they feature tell the tragic story of how some Pakistanis are being treated here and how the state is failing to protect its citizens. There have been reports on these issues by various NGOs and rights groups, while civil society raises the issue and protests after every incident. Even the courts have taken notice of some of the larger issues. But, on the ground, little seems to have changed or is changing. In fact, the social, political and economic space for these Pakistani citizens seems to be narrowing all the time. Ahmadis have been hounded out of jobs; they have been booked for ‘preaching’ their religion; they have been asked to remove Quranic verses from their places of worship; some have been denied burial space in graveyards. And many Christians and Hindus continue to be converted by force to Islam; and threats not only to the members of these communities but to any who raise their voice in support of their rights as citizens, have become a lot more common. We clearly need to do more to arrest and reverse the trend. There is a more corrosive element that does not get as much attention as larger incidents. Slowly, but surely, extreme views that started from the fringes of our society have become the mainstream mode of thinking. This has been less noticed and has been less commented on. And there is less momentum to counter this as well. People mention that wearing black kurtas is not a good idea anymore, and wearing Naad-i-Ali bracelet is a sure way of inviting trouble. A goatee is associated with being Ahmadi, and going to graves or mazars with Barelvis. All of these, and many similar signs, are ‘deviations’ from the mainstream and are not tolerated well. I remember a time in Pakistan when the frontier on social space was a lot wider. The debate was on sleeves or no sleeves, dupatta or no dupatta, beard or no beard rather than on the colour and size of the hijab, or the shape and length of the beard. Narrowing of any space hits the ‘deviants’ the hardest. Should we just ask all minorities to leave Pakistan? If not, it is not enough to just allow them to exist on the fringes of society and deny them the rights due to citizens. But this, given the entrenched nature of discrimination in our society, cannot be the responsibility of state institutions alone. All citizens have to stand up to ensure rights for all and have to take the risk of countering the dominant, narrow and bigoted narrative currently prevalent in our society.By Faisal Bari
Pakistan: Operation concluded at Quetta Airbase, 10 militants killed
At least 10 militants were killed and 11 security personnel were injured during the operation early on Friday at Samungli and Khalid airbases in Quetta.
The militants had attacked the Samungli and Khalid airbases in Quetta. The security personal have also arrested one injured militant and shifted him to an unknown place for interrogation.
The exchange of fire continued between security forces and militants for four houses, where attackers had also fired seven rockets that landed in the premises of the two airbases.
Describing the incident , Station House Officer Airport Police Athar Rasheed said, “The militants were hiding in a Nalla Known as airport Nalla and wanted to precede either Quetta International Airport or Samungli Airbase for a deadly attack.” Security forces from airbase opened fire after they spotted the armed men and their suspicious movement which were around half kilometer from the base.
The armed men opened fire on Anti-Terrorism Force (ATF) and Frontier Corps (FC) when they tried to get closer to the attackers.
Quetta Police said they were informed by Pakistan Air force about the presence of terrorists calming heading towards airport and airbase which are locked outskirts Quetta. Frontier Corps (FC) and Anti-Terrorism Force (ATF) cordoned off the area and began operation against terrorists.
According to the Balochistan police Chief Muhammad Umlaish the forces had concluded the operation in Quetta. In the operation 10 militants were killed and 11 security personnel were injured which lasted for more than four hours. All injured shifted to the Civil Military Hospital in Quetta cantonment.
Muhammad Umlaish said that 11 rocket launchers were recovered from the Khalid airbase while a huge quantity of arms and ammunition was recovered from the Samungli airbase. “All entry and exit points leading to the airport and airbases are being strictly guarded,” He added
“All dead terrorists seem to be Uzbeks,” said Home Minister Balochistan Sarfaraz Bugti
Dawn, a leading English newspaper in Pkistan has reported that the Ghalib Mehsud faction of the outlawed Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) claimed responsibility for the attack on the Samungli and Khalid airbases in Quetta in which 10 militants were killed by security forces. Ghalib Mehsud is the leader of Fidayeen Islam which is the suicide wing of the proscribed TTP.
North Waziristan IDPs stage protest in Peshawar
Dozens of internally displaced persons (IDPs) from North Waziristan staged protest rally outside the Peshawar Press Club on Thursday, saying they were observing the Independence Day of Pakistan as ‘black day’ and demanded end to military operation and early repatriation to their hometowns.
Having association with Faqir Ipi Tanzeem (organisation), the protesters chanted ‘Waziristan Zindabad’ (Long live Waziristan) and said they were homeless within their homeland. “How we can celebrate the Independence Day when we are away from our homes and living a refugee life in our own country,” said Malik Mohammad Noor, who was leading the protest rally.
He said that the security forces had claimed to have cleared most of their areas from the militants, but still they were not allowed to go back to their homes in Mirali, Miranshah and other tehsils of North Waziristan.
He said majority of the IDPs from North Waziristan had taken shelter in schools and other government buildings in Bannu district but now they were told to leave these buildings within 10 days. “Where will we go now? We want to go back to our own homes in Waziristan,” Malik Mohammad Noor added.
Another IDP from North Waziristan, Nasir Jamal, told this scribe that they were observing August 14 as black day to compel the government to let them go home.“We have left all our belongings there and God knows what happened to our grains, standing crops and other belongings,” he said, questioned how they could celebrate Independence Day while being homeless.
He said they were not against the security forces or military operations but added that if their areas had been cleared from militants, why the government was reluctant to send them back. Another displaced person from Miranshah, Ali, said that instead of announcing ration and cash amount, the government should allow the displaced people to return to their homes in North Waziristan.
“We have learnt that our homes and shops have been either damaged or destroyed during the military operation,” he said, adding that the government should compensate the affected people, rebuild infrastructure and rehabilitate the victims.
The protestors peacefully dispersed after chanting slogans in favour of Waziristan. However, none of them raised slogans against the military operation or Pakistan on the Independence Day.
Video & Report-- Punjab's Law minister Rana Mashood’s ‘corruption scandal’ surfaces
Chief Minister Punjab Getting bribes through... by arynews In a shocking revelation that rocked the political atmosphere of the country, Law Minister Punjab Rana Mashood was seen demanding a bribe from a fraudulent immigration official via telephone, in a video footage aired on ARY News program ‘Khara Sach’ hosted by Mubashir Lucman. The minister was caught in a CCTV footage demanding bribe from Asim Malik, an immigration consultant. Lucman told that Malik was already charged with Rs 13 billion fraud. He deceived several people on pretext of sending them abroad and plundered their money, Lucman added. In a video, Mashood is seen seeking bribe from Malik purportedly on behalf of the chief minister Punjab. Lucman disclosed that Malik had already 180 cases registered against him with FIA, while Interpol had also issued red warrant against him. Complete conversation can be heard in a video below.
Pakistan: Shame On Punjab Judiciary: Court Order
The Lahore High Court’s decision dubbing the Inqilab and Azadi marches unconstitutional undermines the judiciary and everything that the courts and the principles of justice are supposed to uphold. After Gullu Butt’s untimely bail two days before the march was to begin, the high court order has further reduced the credibility of the legal system. If anything, it reflects evermore, the panic that has defined government policy in the last week and it is difficult to separate government pressure from the court order. The real question to ask is: What has the court got to do with an entirely political situation? The people’s right to protest a sitting government is one of the central tenants of democracy. Democratic protests anywhere in the world call for PM and government resignations when situations demand it. David Cameron faced the brunt of the UK public’s wrath over education policy, and Tony Blair was repeatedly asked to resign after the Iraq debacle. There are few coherent things coming to the fore of this situation, but let us be clear that demanding the departure of a sitting government is a constitutional and democratic right. The premise that the PML-N stalwarts are basing their entire counter-narrative on, is misleading and purely speaking, wrong. The protest, up till the writing of this editorial, has remained well within the ambit of the law.
There is no denying that both marches have many real and ideological flaws, but that factor becomes irrelevant when the actions of the government and judiciary are this circumspect. To top it off, Chaudary Nisar’s recent explanation claimed that the government’s heightened concern over the protests was because the PTI did not file an application with the Islamabad district administration for its march. The country is now honestly expected to believe that the government unleashed a madness of unheard-of proportions upon the public for a bit of paperwork. The greater burden of responsibility lies, as always, with the sitting government. Of that burden, with or without bringing the judiciary into it, there can be no absolving itself.
Pakistan: Shots fired at PTI chief’s container, Imran not injured:
Imran Khan's spokeswoman Aneela Khan said the PTI chief was not injured but his vehicle was hit by gun shots. The convoy was also attacked in Gujranwala by a stone-throwing mob and police did not intervene, she said. Television pictures showed local people tearing up posters featuring Imran’s party and clashing with his supporters.— Reuters
Pakistan: ‘Revolution’ knocking at Capital gates!
Thousands of protesters led by cricketer-turned- politician Imran Khan and preacher Allama Dr Tahirul Qadri are likely to enter Islamabad today (Friday), aiming to bring down the government they accuse of stealing last year’s election and for being involved in corrupt and undemocratic practices. The looming confrontation has renewed the political role of the military, casting some doubt on the strength of democratic institutions in a nuclear-armed nation that has seen several coups and has been ruled by the army for half its history. Khan’s ‘Azadi’ March began on Thursday evening from Lahore, the provincial capital of Punjab and the power base for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The march is being carried out in cars and buses. Khan’s following was bolstered by Qadri, who is leading thousands of followers in a separate such march, named Inqilab March on the road from Lahore to Islamabad. Leaderships of both the parties have assured the government that the protests will be peaceful. The 185-mile journey normally takes about five hours by vehicle, but with the demonstrators inching along, they aren’t likely to reach the capital before Friday morning. ‘NOTHING BUT PM’S RESIGNATION: “You have to fight for freedom, you have to snatch freedom,” Khan, the chief of opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), told a massive gathering of his supporters as his rally made an hour-long stop at Faisal Chowk, in front of the Punjab Provincial Assembly. “Mian Sahib, I’m coming to Islamabad and I won’t be leaving until you step down from office,” Khan said, addressing Prime Minister Sharif. The PTI chief told his charged supporters that he won’t settle for anything less than the PM’s resignation, installation of an interim non-political government to hold fresh elections in the country, and dissolution of the incumbent Election Commission of Pakistan. Khan said that he was setting out to throw Sharif out of power “to pave the way for true democracy as the current system was nothing less than a monarchy”. The PTI chief told his supporters from Sindh and Balochistan that he had hadn’t been able to make frequent visits their provinces because he was “busy fighting a battle in Punjab”. However, he assured them that he would be spending more time with them “after coming into power once his party sweeps elections across the country”. The PTI chief also said that his children and relatives won’t be imposed on the people. “I’ve won several fetes for Pakistani cricket and now I’m going to lead this nation to a historic victory over a corrupt system,” he said. QADRI RESOLVED TO REACH CAPITAL: Meanwhile, talking to a private news channel, Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) Chairman Dr Tahirul Qadri said that his followers will march to Islamabad without creating any law and order situation. “Our demands are clear and the participants of my Inqilab March will not return until the fall of the Sharif govt,” Qadri said from his bullet-proof SUV.
Pakistan: PTI, PAT allowed to march on GHQ’s message
MIAN ABRAR
The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) government Thursday allowed the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) to take out their long marches from Lahore towards Islamabad after a “subtle message” from the General Headquarters (GHQ), supported by the political leadership led by Mutahidda Qaumi Movement (MQM), Pakistan Today has learnt reliably.However, the PML-N government has devised a strategy to counter mass mobilisation of political workers by both the parties, sources said. Under the planned strategy, though the GT Road would be kept opened for the main procession of the long march but all link roads would be blocked and hurdles would be created in way of the protesters to ensure that PTI and PAT are not in a position to mobilise the people on a large scale and the government can prove to the media that both parties have failed to muster desirable political support in the federal capital. “The Punjab Police will be blocking the protesters in small cities and towns and top workers of both the parties would be arrested. There are many who have been arrested and sent on judicial remand, who could have motivated the workers to ensure mass mobilisation,” a source told Pakistan Today. “Now we will be able to prove to the nation that the PTI and PAT have failed to gather two million supporters in the federal capital which both the parties had claimed.”
GEN SHARIF PLAYED A ROLE:An informed source, seeking anonymity, told Pakistan Today that Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Raheel Sharif had proposed the government to avoid any step which could incite violence. “During his meeting with Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan and Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, Gen Raheel advised the government to avoid confrontation with any of the opposition party supporters which may end up in massive bloodshed,” the source said. The source added that during the meeting, Gen Raheel also shared intelligence reports which suggested that both the protesting parties had made “elaborate preparations” for the march and blocking any of the two parties could create a major law and order situation. The source said that following the meeting, both the ministers reported back to the prime minister and informed him about the suggestions of the army chief, following which the government decided to allow long marches. “Resultantly, Nisar during his press conference on Tuesday night, tried to dodge the media and said that the government would implement the Lahore High Court verdict by disallowing protestors for the march,” the source added.
POINTS HAD TO BE SCORED:Later on, political players also jumped into the fray to defuse the tiff between the marching parties and government and the reconciliation process was led by Mutahidda Qaumi Movement (MQM) leader Altaf Hussain while the process was facilitated by Punjab Governor Chaudhry Mohammad Sarwar who has better relationship with Dr Tahirul Qadri, while Nisar contacted Khan and persuaded him to guarantee a peaceful march, the source said. “Imran Khan informed the interior minister that his march would be peaceful and he would guarantee if his workers are not attacked or blocked.” The source added that after Khan’s assurance, it was decided that PTI would be given a free hand to carry forward the long march but the PTI would not be allowed to gather so much strength which could put the government in a tight corner.
Thursday, August 14, 2014
President Obama calls for ‘healing’ and ‘justice’ in shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo.
Washington Post reporter Wesley Lowery was detained by police on Wednesday while reporting on the unrest in Ferguson, Mo., following the fatal shooting of unarmed teen Michael Brown by police over the weekend. (The Washington Post)
Firing and explosions reported near Quetta airport
Armed men attempted to penetrate the Samangi airbase and the airport in Quetta but the attack was thwarted by security forces. One security man was injured in the incident and heavy firing was continuing around the premises of the attack. Helicopters were circling in the air space around the airport in the provincial capital and carrying out aerial surveillance. Military sources confirmed that the airport in Quetta came under attack. Seven to eight explosions were reportedly heard in the city. However, their nature could not be ascertained.
AFGHANISTAN AFTER 2014 ELECTIONS: US AS A STRATEGIC PARTNER? – ANALYSIS
By Halimullah Kousary
The aftermath of the Afghan 2014 presidential election confirms two problems of Afghanistan today. Firstly, democracy is at its nascent stage and elections are not without problems. Secondly, Afghanistan is still a fragile country and needs continued engagement of the international community.AFTER THREE presidential elections since 2001, Afghanistan is still a fragile state. Afghans and the international community hailed the most recent April 2014 election as a national voice against the militants and a manifestation of political maturity among the Afghan powerbrokers. But one of the two candidates boycotted the election process, which led to weeks-long standoff on the election and a threat of forming a parallel government. This indicates that Afghanistan is still suffering from political instability and serious political divisions. After 13 years in power, President Hamid Karzai’s inability to figure out a solution to resolve election standoffs that are acceptable to the contending parties forced the intervention of the United States. In the latest case, Secretary of State John Kerry flew to Kabul and forged a commitment from both the candidates to form a government of national unity.
Afghanistan-US Strategic PartnershipKerry urged a 100 percent audit of the votes in the presence of international observers. The audit process is not without issues but the American role shored up the need for a partnership with the US. It also shows that despite winding down its mission, the US still wields influence with the Afghan government and powerbrokers because Afghanistan receives billions of dollars in US aid. In November 2013, President Karzai convened the Afghan Traditional Assembly, where around 2500 religious scholars, tribal leaders and government officials from across the country voiced support for the strategic partnership with the US. President Karzai, however, held back his endorsement and left the partnership to be decided upon by his successor. This brought up a strong reaction from both the US and segments of Afghan society while Washington warned that refusal to approve the partnership would mean zero troop presence from all the NATO countries in Afghanistan. President Karzai argued that the strategic partnership with the US without negotiation with the Taliban would not succeed in ending the war in Afghanistan. He even remarked that the war in Afghanistan is a battle over Afghanistan’s geostrategic position. This means the US objective of denying terrorists sanctuaries in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region is becoming secondary to its objectives of tackling the threat of an emerging China and a re-assertive Russia in the broader region. The US may well have such a broader objective. But in the meantime, what is crucial to Afghanistan is that without continued engagement of the international community, it is not yet ready to stand on its feet politically, militarily and economically. The country’s political fragility and the uncooperative neighbourhood necessitate a strong strategic partner. Such a partnership can be part and parcel of efforts to hold the country together and avert a repeat of the 1992 crisis as a result of the non-involvement in the peace process by the Taliban. Uncooperative neighbourhood For the Taliban strategic partnership with the US means continued fighting in the country. Their leader Mullah Mohammad Omar in his Eid message released in late July 2014 called on the candidates not to endorse the partnership and said that the war in Afghanistan would end when all the foreign troops pull out. But reservations prevail that the Taliban and their external backers may not cease violence even after a complete withdrawal of foreign troops. This is because the Taliban’s fight during last 13 years in Afghanistan centred on two agendas – one to defend the country against foreign invasion and the other to re-instate the Islamic Emirate there. The latter is an equivocal no to the current government system and the Afghan constitution, which suggests the possibility of continued fighting by the Taliban even after the complete withdrawal of foreign troops. Afghanistan also suffers from an uncooperative neighbourhood. In 2013 Pakistan said it charted a policy of “no interference and no favourites” towards Afghanistan but its apparent indifference to the presence of the Afghan Taliban on its soil proved the policy to be only rhetoric. Pakistani military is now positioned across the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) to only dismantle the anti-Pakistan militants. The ongoing operation Zarb-e-Azb in North Waziristan Agency (NWA) is an indicator of such a strategy; there is as yet no sign of the Haqqani Network being targeted in NWA. There have even been speculation that the Haqqani Network was allowed to evacuate from NWA prior to the launch of the operation and operate from Kurram Agency of FATA- which remains largely safe from the US drone attacks. The intensity of the ongoing spring offensive “Khaibar” launched by the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani Network in Afghanistan also shows the absence of any pressure on both these entities in Pakistan. These were the first operations of such a scale by the Taliban and the Haqqani Network since 2010 and the Afghan government claimed that Pakistani military and intelligence were also involved. Two options In such a scenario where the Taliban seems determined to sabotage the country’s stability with continued support from Pakistan and where the goal is to re-instate the Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan, there are only two options open to the next Afghan government. One is to proceed with the strategic partnership with the US and face the belligerent Taliban but with the potential to gradually neutralise them. Afghans in general do not want the Islamic Emirate and thus the future government must deliver to the people by closing the chasm with the public in the past 13 years. The second is to negate the strategic partnership and risk deterioration in the current political landscape as the 2014 election has shown. This option is clearly not feasible as it will lead to the military and economic dysfunction of the state. The West has already made it clear that no strategic partnership with the US means no troop presence from any country and that the responsibility for the consequences of zero troop presence lies with the Afghan government. Mr Abe will nevertheless need to pay greater heed to political undercurrents and public sentiment in the coming months as the legislation for collective self-defence is further debated, in effect placing limits on his ambitions to steer Japan to become a country with a more “normal” military.
Ongoing political scenario crushing economy of Pakistan
Certain political parties in Pakistan had created a state of unrest and confrontation and had utterly ignored that te country was already knitted in a web of crises. The agitators had failed to play their role for resolving peoples’ grievances and added manifold problems to the already anguished masses. The economy of the country was fast declining and if the situation of unrest to continue in the country, a serious blow to the economy of the country would lead to a downfall and sad to say that the investors had so far lost their Rs 80 billion and stock exchange was continuously steeping toward decline. These views were expressed by Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Karachi Division President Abdul Qadir Patel and General Secretary Syed Najmi Alam in a joint press conference they addressed at the reception of Independence Day Motorcycle Rally at Bilawal House Wednesday. They said that common men were being sandwiched by poverty, joblessness and blackouts and the venues for new employment and prosperity were fast eliminating. On the other hand, Pakistan Army was at war against terrorism in North Waziristan Agency through a military operation, ‘Zarb-e Azb’ while the heads of certain political parties were leaving no stone in creating a state of anarchy in the country, which was of the benefits of the terrorists, claimed the PPP leaders. They were of the opinion that the politics of agitation being imposed by certain political parties might inflict colossal damage to democracy, which was restored in Pakistan after decades of struggle. The Independence Day demanded of us all that we should vow to protect democracy as per vision of founder of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Quaid-e Awam Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto and become a wall against those that were after doing some adventure in the country. They said that close companions of Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf Chairman Imran Khan were now parting ways form him owing to his flawed political vision and stubbornness. The PPP leaders said that the situation should have been normalized after the speech of the Prime Minister Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif as the PM had announced for a highest level judicial commission for investigations in allegation levied by Imran Khan. They said that PPP had been playing its democratic role diligently for the sake of democracy. On the august occasion of Independence Day of Pakistan, PPP produced a Independence Day motorcycle Rally that started from Bilawal House to Quaid’s mausoleum. The rally was meant to create harmony, bring an end to escalating unrest and social, political and economic stability in Pakistan.http://www.ppp.org.pk/
Opinion: Unfolding of a classic drama in Pakistan
The power struggle in Islamabad makes one thing clear: Pakistan is yet again missing the chance to become a civil economic power in the region, says DW’s Florian Weigand.. Pakistan's power struggle has all the ingredients of a classic drama: two peoples' tribunes, one a former athlete and man-about-town, now reformed and on the straight and narrow, the other a religious leader, down to earth, straightforward, but not an extremist, are both marching towards the capital city, accompanied by a growing number of followers, to topple a controversial ruler from power. The show being put on by ex-cricket star Imran Khan, Islamic cleric Tahir-ul-Qadri, and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was always the stuff of epics – what the bards once sang around the campfire is being played out today as a visually stunning TV story around the world. The two protagonists - Khan and Qadri - are aware of the power of image and are basking in their popularity. But they overestimate their influence: the classic plot would not be complete without higher powers secretly pulling strings, deciding when heroes should rise and fall. In Pakistan, these powers wear khaki and shoulder pieces.
The military feels provokedFor the generals, the "March on Islamabad" comes at the right moment. Nawaz Sharif's politics have been a thorn in their side for a long time. Firstly, Sharif puts former head of state and of the military, General Pervez Musharraf, on trial for high treason. And as if that was not already cowardly enough, Sharif joined hands with the arch enemy, India, for all the world to see, when he met with the new Prime Minister of the neighbouring country, Narendra Modi, at Modi's inauguration. Such gestures of reconciliation rub the Pakistani military violently the wrong way. The eternal enmity with its neighbor is part of Pakistan's founding myth since British India split into the two states in 1947 – and without this, the over proportional role of the military would be difficult to justify. But the military sees itself not just as a protective barrier for the subcontinent's Muslims against the Indian Hindu superior power. It is also still the biggest employer in the country. It runs hospitals, businesses and schools, army families live in so-called military cantonments, enclosed residential areas which offer a standard of living otherwise only enjoyed by the elite. Many urban middle class families have at least an uncle or an aunt working for the military. Lost potential These old structures may be comfortable for those who benefit from them, but they do not move Pakistan on in the globalized world. Because in the same urban families, obligatorily related to at least one ex officer, a well educated generation is growing up, young people with academic credentials - often achieved abroad. They are the potential basis for a civil economy, for change through trade in the region – but without reconciliation with the Indian giant, this vision has no real future. Many in Pakistan see Nawaz Sharif as corrupt and inefficient, however he does send the right signals in the direction of the country's neighbor. Regrettably, the young people feel more of a connection with the charismatic Imran Khan, who runs the risk of ending up as a military puppet along with Qadri. If the two get tangled up in a possibly violent power struggle with the present government, the military could emerge as the self-appointed last peace-keeping power and revolt again, as so often in Pakistan's history. Change of tack towards India But it is unlikely to go that far. Nawaz Sharif will give into the military and revise his policy regarding India, even if he withstands the mass protests put on by Qadri and Khan. Sharif will think back to his first term in office, which ended abruptly in 1999 when the generals seized power after he had once already stretched out his hand to India. It is almost unimaginable, that he is now risking a repeat of the event. India's Modi is also making life difficult for Sharif. After some skirmishes in Kashmir, an area disputed by both countries, Modi accused Pakistan of waging a proxy war with irregular forces – a move which does not lend itself to reconciliation. Whether these skirmishes were orchestrated by the Pakistani military or were just a convenient coincidence for them no longer matters – just as it does not matter who gains the upper hand in the march on Islamabad. In every possible scenario, the military will profit. And yet again Pakistan is missing out on the chance of becoming a regional economic power. Everything remains just as in the classic drama: as long as the military retain their power, why should they bother about the needs of the mere mortals?
Pakistan: After 67 years, what is the meaning of Independence Day?
The country celebrates its 68th Independence Day today with dazzling fireworks, singing competitions and a lot of other activities that are traditionally associated with celebrations known for this most significant day in the history of the country. Unfortunately, however, never before in its history has the Pakistani nation encountered such a seemingly grim Independence Day as today. Consider: The country is in ferment as its people nervously and fearfully await the outcome of this big day because our politicians have landed this nation in a situation in which further progress seems to be impossible: a blind alley, dead-end street. Needless to say, the situation that has evolved over the past many weeks, or months, has not happened by chance, unintentionally, or unexpectedly. The incumbent government of Nawaz Sharif and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf of Opposition leader Imran Khan are equally responsible for this dangerous pass in the history of the country.
The Prime Minister's last-ditch effort through which he sought to defuse the ongoing crisis that came as inadequate as a remedy and not in time to be effective for PTI chief Imran Khan has profoundly deepened the political turmoil in the country. More than half of the country is on lockdown where people are facing restricted access instituted as security measures. That the country's economy is going south is a naked fact that has translated itself into the recent stock slide or loss of 4.6 percent by Karachi Stock Exchange and a serious setback to the country's Eurobond prospects owing to growing political instability in the country. Moreover, dark clouds hover over scheduled IMF talks. Not only has the current upheaval adversely affected industrial output, exporters are finding it impossible to ship their consignments because of severe restrictions imposed by the government on the movements of people and vehicles.
Various parts of Punjab, the largest province of the country, and the federal capital present pictures of areas that have been virtually placed under curfew, a regulation requiring certain or all people to leave the streets and be at home at a prescribed hour. According to an analyst, the intensity of security measures indicates as if, God forbid, the country has been attacked by our traditional rival, India. The situation shows that the present government's ineptness is grossly characterised by its narrow worldview because it has failed to articulate a timely response to the situation by looking at a bigger picture of the region. Aren't the country's policymakers aware of the happenings in the Middle East, Afghanistan and a likely reset in India-West and India-China relations following the election of Narendra Modi of BJP? Don't these developments underscore the need for greater political stability and improvement in the economy and the resolution of issues, particularly the simmering government-PTI conflict, in the shortest possible time?
While the government of Punjab and, the interior ministry that is in-charge of federal capital's security, can be plausibly blamed for reacting disproportionately to perceived and real threats to law and order in their respective domains, Dr Tahirul Qadri's activists in particular have immensely contributed to the present woeful situation through their overt and covert threats of bloodshed on Independence Day in order to deliver for the nation a "Green Revolution".
Although, Imran still seeks to remove the incumbent government through constitutional means, he has been increasingly relying on street power rather than the floor of Parliament. He too is now talking of a "revolution" - an objective that he seeks to achieve through his "Azadi March". Unfortunately, however, both of them have little understanding of real meaning of "revolution" as according to Chairman Mao, "A revolution is not a dinner party.... A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another". They must not therefore lose sight of the fact that neither Pakistan is Egypt; nor Nawaz Sharif is 'Hosni Mubarak of Pakistan'. Drawing parallels between these two countries and leaders manifests a profound lack of understanding of politics in the Middle East.
Imran Khan, undoubtedly a charismatic leader, is often found excessively quoting from the founder of this country, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, with a view to substantiating his arguments against the incumbent government. How ironic, however, it is that he is not aware of what the Quaid said in relation to similar situations. Addressing a public meeting in Dhaka (then Dacca), on March 21, 1948, the Quaid said: "It is in your hands to put the Government in power or remove the Government from power, but you must not do it by mob methods. You have the power; you must try and understand the machinery. Constitutionally, it is in your hands to upset one Government and put another Government in power if you are dissatisfied to such an extent".
Last but not least, since our culture encourages us to fit the norm and the present situation underscores the need for greater political stability, the PTI chief must rescind his approach through which he seeks a change in existing system in a way which causes immense problems to people and endangers the future of nascent democracy in the country. Insofar as the incumbent PM - a poor student of history - is concerned, he is warned against making waves because if he continues to make too much waves, he may not last long.
Wrongs in the first year of Pakistan
Dr Naazir Mahmood
Retracing some historical errors that pushed a nascent country with great potential towards disasters that still haunt the society.This August Pakistan is completing 67 years of its existence. While looking at this period one often wonders why this country with so much of potential went astray and ended up as a fragile and almost a failed state. Some blame General Ayub Khan for usurping power by derailing democracy, some accuse Iskander Mirza, the first president of Pakistan, for declaring the first countrywide martial law and abrogating the 1956 constitution. There are still some others who find fault with the shenanigans of Malik Ghulam Muhammad, the third governor general of Pakistan, for dismissing the second prime minister of Pakistan, Khawja Nazimuddin, and then dissolving the first constituent assembly. Yet if we look carefully, the rot started much earlier. The religion card that was so deftly played by the Muslim League led by Jinnah continued its spiral movement after partition. Forget about the warnings conveyed to the departing Muslims from the stairs of the Jamia Mosque in Delhi, just peep into the folds of initial years after Pakistan’s inception and you get a picture of what was inevitable to come. No surprises await you in the coming years if you untangle the web of postnatal squirms of the country. Let’s start from the day of independence when Jinnah decided to become governor general rather than prime minister of Pakistan. Everyone knows that in a parliamentary democracy head of the government is usually prime minister and being governor general as head of state is rather a ceremonial job. Being the strongest personality in Muslim League, it was well-nigh impossible for Jinnah to mutate into a ceremonial head of state. This decision perplexed many but ultimately paved the way for an ongoing tussle between the heads of state and the heads of government. Since 1947, this tug of war has marred the history of Pakistan in numerous ways; be it Liaquat Ali Khan and Khawja Nazimuddin or Muhammad Khan Junejo and Mir Zafarullah Jamali, almost all prime ministers have been expected to toe the line provided by the head of state, failing which they invited the wrath of the more powerful. In addition to opting for the governor generalship, Jinnah made another important decision on the Independence Day; for the flag hoisting ceremonies in Karachi and Dacca (now Dhaka) two Deobandi religious leaders — Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani and Maulana Zafar Ahmed Usmani — were given the honour of unfurling the national flag. Despite their common surname i.e Usmani, they were not related but both belonged to the Deobandi school of thought. It is pertinent to mention here that most Deobandi scholars were either with Congress (such as Maulana Abul Kalam Azad) or with Jamiat Ulemae Hind (such as Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni). Contrary to the mainstream Deobandi politics of Indian nationalism, the two Usmanis had supported the Pakistan Movement and by giving them the distinction Jinnah had rewarded them in kind. Interestingly, when the first cabinet of Pakistan took oath on August 15, 1947, there was an unlikely person to be inducted as the first minister for law. By choosing Jogendara Nath Mandal, a Hindu, Jinnah was probably trying to send a signal that despite the two Deobandis hoisting the national flag, Pakistan was not going to have a Muslim-only government. Though, ultimately the first signal proved to be long-lasting than the second and neither could Mandal survive for long nor his Hindu community had a bright future in Pakistan. In the final analysis, Deobandis seemed to have an upper hand. The same day i.e. on August 15, M. Ayub Khuro and Iftikhar Ahmed Mamdot took oath as chief ministers of Sindh and Punjab respectively. The provincial governments were taking shape and for a while it appeared that parliamentary democracy would take root in provinces as well as at the centre. A jolt came within a week when in the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Dr Khan Sahib’s provincial government was dismissed. This was the first provincial government to be dismissed in Pakistan. Dr. Khan Sahib’s full name was Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan and he was elder brother of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan — that indomitable freedom fighter from that region. The two brothers were supporters of the Indian National Congress and they had boycotted the referendum held earlier to gauge the popular support for the creation of Pakistan.
Even if the Muslim League could not tolerate a pro-Congress government in the NWFP, the rightful measure was to bring about a change within the confines of the provincial assembly rather than opting for the dismissal at the behest of the centre. This set an unfortunate precedence for all times to come and the establishment kept dismissing not only the provincial governments but the federal ones too. Examples are too many to repeat here. Another unpleasant example was set when after dismissal, Dr Khan Sahib was detained and barred from participating in political activities. He remained confined in Hazara for a couple of years. To top it all, in September 1947 the Red Shirt Movement of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was also banned and despite his larger than life stature in the freedom struggle, Ghaffar Khan was also arrested and put behind bars. In February 1948, Chaudhry Khalique-uz-Zaman was elected as the first president of the Pakistan Muslim League. Prior to this, it was called All India Muslim League and its last president was Jinnah who after becoming the governor general had relinquished the presidency of the Muslim League. In the same month, i.e. in February 1948 the Constituent Assembly met for the second time after a recess of almost six months. The second session was chaired by Jinnah himself (the first was chaired by Mandal, the law minister). An important decision taken at the second session was regarding the separation of the Muslim League administrative positions from the executive posts of the government of Pakistan. This decision was reversed later by Liaquat Ali Khan when he got himself elected the president of the Muslim League when he was still the prime minister. The second significant step was declaring Urdu as the sole national language of the country. Some members from East Bengal (the province had not yet been renamed as East Pakistan) demanded that the Constituent Assembly should meet alternatively in Dacca and they should be allowed to speak Bangla on the assembly floor. Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan vociferously opposed this suggestion and reiterated his resolve to allow the use of only Urdu for the sake of ‘national unity’. This decision was to have long-lasting effects on the ‘national unity’. Another nail in the coffin of the ‘national unity’ was hammered when in March 1948, Jinnah while addressing the annual convocation of the Dacca University made it absolutely clear that there would be one and only national language in the country i.e. Urdu and no other language could be considered for a national status. We need to remember that the population of East Bengal constituted around 55 per cent of the total population of Pakistan and that Bengali populace was averse to adopting Urdu as the sole national language. Still, not even one year of independence had completed that in April 1948 the chief minister of Sindh, Ayub Khuro, was dismissed and Pir Ilahi Bukhsh was appointed as the new chief minister. It is pertinent to mention here that immediately after Partition, Pir Sahib had suggested that all the mosques in Pakistan should be advised to mention Jinnah’s name in the Friday sermons as was the practice in medieval times when the caliph’s name was mentioned in Friday sermons — luckily, nobody paid much attention to his idiotic proposal. Ayub Khuro had become the chief minister of Sindh when he had replaced Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah who was the prime minister of Sindh before Partition. Ayub Khuro was in favour of restricting the settlement of refugees in Sindh and this had created frictions with central ministers such as Malik Ghulam Muhammad and Ghazanfar Ali Khan. At the same time, some provincial ministers in Sindh e.g. Ghulam Ali Talpur and Pir Ilahi Bukhsh were hatching conspiracies against Ayub Khuro. As a first step, Sindh Governor Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah deprived Ayub Khuro of the provincial interior ministry portfolio prompting Khuro to complain to Jinnah. Khuro wanted to remove GA Talpur and PI Bukhsh as provincial ministers. On April 26, 1948, Ayub Khuro was accused of gross misconduct and corruption and removed from his post. The new CM, PI Bukhsh, was much more loyal to Jinnah and the central government. After the dismissal of Dr Khan Sahib’s government in the NWFP, the Sindh provincial government of Ayub Khuro was the second to go while Jinnah was still alive. To sum it up, at least six important seeds were sown in the very first year of the nascent country that grew into thorny bushes. First, the early signs of the power play between the head of state and the head of government became visible. Second, an unnecessary limelight was provided to the Deobandis who later on craved for even greater chunk of the pie and kept encroaching upon the social space. Third, the dismissals of the provincial governments in the NWFP and Sindh — without any vote of no-confidence in the assemblies — set the country on the path of similar dismissals. Fourth, the detention of political opponents and imposing bans on their activities could hardly cultivate democratic traditions. Fifth, the use of corruption charges became a hallmark of the establishment against political rivals. And last, the disregard shown to legitimate demands of provinces in terms of not recognising other languages has continued to this day.
Pakistan: The exit door beckons the prime minister
Beneficiaries of a corrupt system huddle to save it.The divide in the country is becoming increasingly clear: the beneficiaries of the existent system on the one side and those fighting it for a share of the pie on the other. In between are a few who are banking on their pound of flesh irrespective of the direction the battle may take ultimately. The hurriedly-convened National Security Conference by the government was turned into an unsavoury platform for playing politics and advancing arguments favouring the continuation of a corrupt and decrepit system. The alternate arguments were available only outside the domain of the conference which was conspicuous by the absence of the interior minister and the Punjab chief minister. PTI had opted to boycott the conference. Notwithstanding the hyperbole emanating from both sides of the divide, the tactics used by the government to gag political protest can be safely construed as bordering on the fascist. Lahore has been under siege for over a week now and its link with other parts of the country effectively cut off. If the Sharifs were heading a genuinely elected democratic government, why do they live in mortal fear of political protest and why do they have to resort to imposing draconian curbs on the movement of people which is the latter’s right as per the constitution that the two brothers and their paid cronies never tire of quoting from? Blocking the roads would not stop the people from converging on the location of protest. It would only make life more unbearable for the ordinary people, thus adding further to the resentment against the government. Islamabad has already started looking like a ghost town with massive containers blocking the flow of traffic on all the city arteries. It has been completely sealed off for all incoming traffic from Rawalpindi and G. T. Road that will, in all probability, bring the main PTI procession into the capital, as well as from other parts of the country. This is all part of the fascist repertoire of the rulers who look absolutely disjointed in their response to the burgeoning crisis. It has also been virtually confirmed that the government does not plan to allow Tahirul Qadri and his people to leave Lahore and is determined to use the lethal state machinery to ensure that. PML-N’s anti-army and anti-ISI agenda keeps finding voice in their leaders’ discourses, the latest being an accusation that the former spy chief was advising the PTI. The Prime Minister himself alleged that protests against governments usually take three to four years to begin, but agitation against his government had started within one year. This fatalistic preoccupation has brought about their downfall in the past and may expedite another one this time around. The Prime Minister’s speech on August 12 was nothing but a painful harangue of what he claims his government is doing for the country. Towards the end of his speech, he offered to constitute a judicial commission, almost in passing, to look into allegations of rigging in the 2013 elections. I believe this to be too little, too late. If the Prime Minister was genuinely interested in averting a show-down, he should have taken steps a long time ago to engage the opposition in meaningful discussions with the help of intermediaries and well-wishers. But, given to indescribable arrogance and an emperor’s demeanour, he opted to remain aloof and left things to his decrepit and shameless foot-soldiers who, in addition to adding to the existing crisis, created a lot more by puking venom at other state institutions. It is also true that, with the Prime Minister in the saddle, there is little prospect of remedy. Having taken political birth in the lap of the vilest military dictator that this country has known, he is used to behaving like one himself and no amount of good advice has been able to prevail upon him to banish the demons of fascism from the manner of his governance. The democratic apron is only a camaflouge that he wears to deceive the people and hide his real spots. So, the offer of constituting a judicial commission to look into the allegations of rigging does not mark a step forward because there is a vastly pervasive feeling that the ills of governance including corruption and the lack of transparency and delivery can be traced directly to his dictatorial and overbearing style. This includes the conspiracy to rig the last elections and steal the people’s mandate through a combination of the administrative and judicial measures and the help accorded by people who were ensconced in positions of power and influence. That having been done to its most lethal effect, there is little that can be achieved by way of progress without the principal culprit first leaving the stage. It is only then that the prospect of any genuine remedial initiative would be possible. But leave Nawaz Sharif will not because he fully understands that, having stolen the last election, and with the crisis at hand and its possible repercussions, there is little that he would be able to do to influence any future election exercise either by way of securing votes on the basis of a credible performance of which there is none of, or by way of employing deceitful tactics and building mutually-beneficiary partnerships as he managed to do in 2013. So, in all probability, this appears to be his last stint in power and his coffers are not yet full. So, he needs a few more months in power to raise his financial stakes further – the principal objective of all his politics. So, what do we expect later today? With the opposition led by Imran Khan not willing to be brought over to the negotiations table without the Prime Minister first resigning, and the government hell bent on using the worst of the fascist tactics to gag the opposition and stop it from marching to the capital, the scene is set for a violent show-down that may result in the toppling of the so-called democratic government and paving the way for just what the PTI chief wishes to be done: the induction of a technocratic government to do a non-partisan accountability, the constitution of a judicial commission to enquire into the conduct of the last elections and punishing the perpetrators of fraud if any, incorporating the necessary electoral reforms and preparing for the next elections within a specified time frame. While everything else may be doable, even desirable, it is the time factor that may ultimately determine which way the country is headed by way of how it is to be governed. Notwithstanding the parliamentary system that we have, there is absolutely no harm in looking into its inherent drawbacks and reviewing options that may better suit Pakistan’s needs and requirements. A directly elected president with a cabinet comprising the best brains the country has may offer a better option for finding a way out of the quagmire that our leaders have so treacherously dug out. Pakistan deserves better than the pigmies that rule it today and whom the existent system may throw up, yet again!
Only In Pakistan: No green signal: PM Nawaz stops removal of OGRA member accused in scam
Pakistan: Religious cannibalism
Nothing puts the miserable situation of minorities in Pakistan better than these words of PPP Minority Wing leader Napoleon Qayyum: “Minorities in Pakistan have got no benefit except for permission to mark August 11 as National Minority Day.” The event is relatively new in our history as the slain Clement Shahbaz Bhatti, a Christian and the first ever federal minister for Minorities Affairs who was assassinated for criticising the blasphemy law, with his efforts to give minorities their rights, declared this day to be marked as National Minority Day in 2009 during the PPP government. Since then, this day is commemorated at the state and public level by organising seminars and events to remind the nation that all minorities are an integral part of this country. Though the rights of all minorities are ideologically and philosophically preserved in the constitution, their history as Pakistanis has an entirely different story to tell. All minorities in this country are facing either direct threats in the form of persecution by active militant organisations, or indirect threats in the form of social and political ostracism. The blind persecution of Hazaras, Ahmedis and Shias over the decades has qualified to be termed as genocide. The other, relatively less highlighted, form of violence is forced conversions, especially of Hindu women, which often goes unnoticed and uncommented on by the state. One does not need to look too far back to collect evidence. The recent killings of Sikh traders in Peshawar, the mob attack on Ahmedis in Gujranwala, Punjab and kidnappings of Hindus from Umerkot, Sindh bear witness to the unobstructed terror they are on the receiving end of. The culprits of the Joseph Colony Lahore incident, the Gojra incident, Abbas Town attack and several others are yet to be caught, let alone punished.
Politicians’ pledges to protect the right of minorities according to the vision of Jinnah and similar such statements have lost meaning and turned Jinnah’s vision into a laughing stock. Last week a National Assembly committee was formed apparently to probe into the different attacks on minorities. These mere pledges and committees give little help to the aggrieved families who have lost their loved ones. The fact that some of these attacks were carried out not by extremist militants but vigilante mobs gives this issue a different dimension. The state has effectively failed to turn the tide of fanaticism and intolerance towards its minorities. Not only do we have to eliminate the hatemongering militant outfits, we also need to create an environment of tolerance. Starting from the curriculum being taught at educational institutions, which carries a narrow specific version of what amounts to being a Pakistani, the state needs to effectively implement a policy that ensures a society that is tolerant of all faiths and denominations.
Bilawal Bhutto : Pakistan a great nation attained through statesmen of Quaid-e-Azam
Pakistan is a great nation, which was attained through the relentless and unwavering struggle of statesmen like Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.
On Pakistan’s 68th Independence Day, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari patron-in-chief Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) said leaders like Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto lived and died to fulfill the dreams and aspirations of the people and carried the torch of democracy for this great nation through its darkest hours.
The restoration of democracy was the first step on Pakistan’s road to recovery, however a lot more still needs to be done.
All our collective efforts should go towards serving the people. Full force of nations economy should be dedicated to eradicating poverty and unemployment. Solving the electricity crisis is key to nation’s development as shortfall of electricity has now crossed 7,000 megawatts that is 4,000 megawatts worse than the deficits we saw during the People’s government until 2013. Nothing improved since then except the churning out of inflated electricity bills that overcharged citizens for the power they rarely receive.
The present government should come up with a proper strategy to deal with the crisis instead of fleecing the people, he added.
Our Armed forces are engaged in operation against terrorists in North Waziristan and it is our duty to support our troops and do everything to ease the burden on internally displaced persons.
All politicians should be focused on serving the people, not bringing Pakistan to a standstill over issues that could have been politically resolved at the right time.
Bilawal Bhutto pointed out it was highly unfortunate the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf leader Imran Khan continued to selfishly argue over who should be sitting in the Prime Minister’s chair instead of doing what they were elected to do, which was to serve the people who voted for them.
The only solution to Pakistan’s problems is democracy, not its derailment. Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif should not allow their fight for power to undermine our democratic transition for short term gains, he added. Charter of Democracy and PPP’s reconciliation policy are part of the sagacious vision and foresightedness of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and the rulers and politicians of today need to learn from her example.
He demanded the government should announce a re-commitment to the Charter of Democracy as signed between Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to protect and strengthen the democracy that we all fought so hard for.
Hailing the sacrifices of the workers and leaders of the PPP in their mission to gift democracy to Pakistan, Bilawal said it was a harsh reality our country was facing serious challenges like terrorism, extremism, poverty, unemployment and illiteracy.
These burdens together pose serious risks to the very vision of our founding fathers and betrays their struggle for a democratic, prosperous and progressive Pakistan. He emphasised the norms and customs of democracy should be upheld under all circumstances. When faced with protests and political challenges, the government should have adopted democratic means of negotiations and dialogue to resolve the grievances of the opposition parties.
Pakistan: Tension on Independence Day
Sixty-eight years since the creation of Pakistan, the country will face its umpteenth political crisis today. Like most crises, if not all before it, this crisis was neither necessary nor desirable — but the democratic system can still emerge strengthened in the long run, if the chief protagonists do not let ego override good sense.
For the government, the announcement by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on Tuesday that a judicial commission consisting of Supreme Court justices will be formed to investigate allegations of fraud in last year’s general election is another late gamble to try and find some middle ground with the PTI.
There are rightful fears of renewed politicisation of the superior judiciary by drawing it into power politics again and also questions of whether a Supreme Court judges-led commission would nullify the necessary power of review of electoral disputes the court has.
But it is also true that given the intransigence of the PTI and the stubbornness, at least until recently, of the PML-N, only the highest forums in the land can act as final and binding arbiters. Better that arbiter be a commission of Supreme Court judges than some anti-democratic force in the country.
Immediately, Imran Khan swatted away the suggestion of a judicial commission, although the PTI has long held that the judiciary is the right forum to decide electoral disputes — notwithstanding the simultaneous allegation by the PTI that elements in the superior judiciary last year were responsible for some of the alleged rigging against the party.
Rejecting the idea of a high-powered judicial commission could either be posturing by the PTI supremo determined to deliver on his promise of a grand Aug 14 rally in the federal capital. Or it could be that Mr Khan has decided that he will do whatever he can to bring down the government, electoral reforms only being a ruse to achieve the real goal.
Either way, there is a very real responsibility on the shoulders of Mr Khan to ensure that his rally remains within the bounds of the law and that the PTI does not incite its supporters to violence, directly or tacitly.
The PML-N government, while still trying to disrupt the PTI rally, has not used the kind of tactics it has against Tahirul Qadri and his supporters against the PTI. Furthermore, the PML-N has consistently talked of the need for a peaceful solution to the PTI’s demands and remained open to compromise.
Mr Khan and the PTI therefore should press their demands in a way that they abide by their pledge to stay within the bounds of the Constitution and the law. The real X-factor today though may be Tahirul Qadri: neither he nor the PML-N seem inclined to compromise in any way with each other. Unhappily, the country has the tensest of Independence Days ahead of it today.
Message from former President Asif Ali Zardari on the occasion of Independence Day 14th August
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