From Dubai to the remote villages of the Pashtun people, an uneasy alliance of clerics, generals and terrorist paymasters is edging towards a diplomatic solution to end the insurgency. Jason Burke travels across Afghanistan to trace the complex web of negotiations that some say could end the war.
The red plastic sofas in the living room of Maulvi Mohammed Rahmani in Kabul's Deh Bori quarter are rarely empty these days. The pitted dirt road in front of the home of the tribal elder and former Taliban minister is as busy as the lumber yard behind it.
"For a long time, no one came to see me, then our Arab brothers started coming, then our European friends and now, most recently, the Americans," he said last week.
The cleric owes his sudden popularity to his leadership of a group of former Taliban who are now acting as a channel of communication to the insurgents waging a bitter war against coalition and Afghan forces across the south and east of Afghanistan.
Since Rahmani and several others travelled to Saudi Arabia last year for a first meeting aimed at preparing a dialogue, revealed by the Observer, initiatives to find a negotiated solution to the conflict in Afghanistan have gathered pace - now with the blessing of the new American administration.
Last week, US ambassador Bill Wood said that, although his government opposed anyone "shooting their way to power" and was against any agreement involving "power-sharing or an enclave for the Taliban", there was "room for discussion on the formation of political parties or running candidates for elections".
"Insurgencies are like all wars: they end when there is an agreement," Wood said in an interview in the vast, heavily guarded US embassy in Kabul. "[The Taliban] have said 'no start of negotiations without prior departure of foreign forces'. That's not serious. Let's get serious."
Such talk would have been inconceivable even six months ago. Now, in an astonishing U-turn, Kabul diplomats are privately discussing what concessions could conceivably be made to insurgents.
There is talk of the Afghan government releasing certain prisoners from detention centres in return for a halt to attacks on government buildings and infrastructure such as schools or roads; the removal of key insurgents from United Nations blacklists, which render them diplomatic outlaws; and even changes to the Afghan constitution to allow a "political wing" of the Taliban to integrate disaffected, ultra-conservative, rural Pashtun tribes - the insurgents' key constituency - into the political process.
The process has gathered pace since the meeting in Mecca last year. Dozens of such encounters between possible mediators are taking place.
Nothing involves direct talks - simply exploratory discussions involving trusted intermediaries such as Rahmani. Many meetings are held in Dubai, a two-hour flight from Kabul. Others involve tribal elders representing communities that have sided with the insurgents travelling to Kabul to talk to senior former Taliban figures or President Hamid Karzai's brother, Qayum.
Such trips are not without risk. Recently, a senior elder from the southern province of Helmand was arrested and imprisoned by American forces on his way to Kabul to negotiate, angering the Afghan intermediaries who had arranged the journey.
However, attempts to establish dialogue continue at a frenzied pace. In addition to contacts with the Taliban, overtures to mediate between other key insurgent leaders are being made.
Two weeks ago, the Observer has learnt, a meeting was held in Dubai with representatives of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, a former prime minister and an Islamist warlord who has been fighting in alliance with Mullah Mohammed Omar's Taliban.
Though inconclusive, more such encounters are planned. "We have kept all channels of communication open," said Humayun Hamidzada, Karzai's spokesman, confirming the talks.
Rahmani, the former Taliban minister, said that Jalaluddin Haqqani, a powerful cleric and tribal leader in eastern Afghanistan, has also been approached. And visitors to Mullah Abdul Salam Zaeef, the former Taliban ambassador to Pakistan, who spent two years in Guantánamo Bay and who is now based in Kabul, have included scores of ambassadors as well as European Union and Nato officials. Abdullah Anas, a London-based former militant, is another channel of communication.
Despite the sudden enthusiasm for contacts with representatives of the Taliban, seasoned observers are wary about predicting their outcome for a number of reasons.
First, Afghan politicians, including the president, are in election mode. Polls are set for August and only a newly re-elected leader with a strong mandate could make the dramatic gesture necessary to establish a serious dialogue. Until then, no candidate will risk the votes of Afghanistan's ethnic minorities and women by reaching out to the Taliban. Analysts dismiss Karzai's previous loud offers to talk to Mullah Omar in Kabul as grandstanding.
Equally, the gap between insurgent demands and the government's position is vast. The mantra repeated by the Afghan government and British and Nato officials is that any reconciliation has to be in accordance with the Afghan constitution, ie that the Taliban have to stop fighting. "We are not going to say, 'OK, we will give you half the government," said Hamidzada, the government spokesman. Few expect the insurgents to drop their weapons any time soon.
Second, this is all very new. "The American position on war and peace is still developing," said Zaeef, the former Taliban ambassador. "We have to wait and see." A major review of US policy is expected in coming weeks.
Third, the Taliban are an extremely complicated and diverse phenomenon, with fighters with a range of motivations and from different backgrounds in their ranks. Though the former Taliban insist otherwise, it is not certain that they will all necessarily obey Mullah Omar, their nominal leader, if he did decide to accept a deal.
"We do not have a proper party on the other side to deal with," said Hamidzada. "They are a variety of groups with different hierarchies."
The Taliban recognise this. Last week, the Taliban leadership council, after some debate, accepted a request from the family of former president Daoud Khan for a 24-hour ceasefire to mark the reburial of their relatives' remains that were found recently in a communist-era mass grave. Though Taliban guns fell silent for the day in some areas, in others attacks continued.
While, as dozens of interviews with local officials and MPs reveal, the Taliban have made efforts to strengthen discipline over the winter, reshuffling their shadow administration in areas where they are strong and executing commanders who have not obeyed orders, it remains a problem.
The Taliban "governors" of Wardak and Logar provinces, neighbouring Kabul, were recently ordered to exchange posts, but both are resisting the order. Though intelligence sources say that complaints among frontline commanders about the senior leadership, common last year, have died away, the Taliban remain fragmented.
The final reason why the peace bids will probably fail is that the Taliban, whatever their internal problems, give little sign of believing they need to negotiate. "If they win, it is victory; if they are killed, it is victory," said Zaeef. From total defeat in 2001 through the grand offensive of 2006 to today's bloody stalemate, the insurgents have suffered tactical defeats and heavy casualties, but have made significant strategic progress.
Even General David McKiernan, the American who commands the 59,000 Nato troops in Afghanistan and the 14,000 US troops of Operation Enduring Freedom deployed along Afghanistan's frontier with Pakistan, admitted in an interview in his Kabul headquarters that "in some parts of the south and the east... we are not winning", although he points to the relative stability of much of the north and of cities such as Jalalabad, Mazar-e-Sharif and Herat as examples of progress.
Nato commanders hope the 17,000 new US troops being "surged" in coming months will make the crucial difference. Equally, the current weakness of the Afghan government - which, despite some islands of honesty and efficiency, remains riddled with corruption and incompetence - encourages the insurgents.
"This government does not have the moral authority needed to negotiate," said opposition MP Daoud Sultanzoy. One Nato officer defined "winning" as simply creating a "viable governance capacity at provincial and district levels". "Then we can think about leaving," he said.
Forty miles east of Kabul and its fevered speculations, 278 French infantrymen, 24 soldiers from the Afghan National Army and seven interpreters cluster in a new base perched high on a cliff above the town of Sorobi. Reached by steep tracks, ringed with barbed wire, the French base, like many Nato positions, is built over trenches and bunkers once occupied by Soviet troops.
The French arrived last summer - a new contribution to the 41-nation coalition decided by France's president, Nicolas Sarkozy, in the teeth of fierce domestic opposition. Sent to secure the rough mountain valleys and gorges around Sorobi, the troops ran into immediate trouble, losing 10 men in an ambush in the Uzbeen valley to the north.
One consequence, officers at the base said, was that early plans of leaving armoured vehicles in the base and patrolling "à la française" - rather than putting their own security first, "à l'américaine" - were ditched. The political fall-out of further casualties at home would be too damaging.
But the French, like troops elsewhere, have found it difficult to connect with locals. "Security will not be improved if development is not improved at the same time and political dialogue is not promoted," said Colonel Jean-Michel Baillat. 'But... we need deeper tribal knowledge and our reconstruction and development work is probably not on a scale that is meeting the needs."
In fact, the French budget for their zone, in which 140,000 people live, is €400,000 (£375,000). According to Baillat, "the security situation is so bad for three years that there has been no NGO or United Nations presence". However, a school has been restored within the seven-mile perimeter currently considered "secure" by the French, and a thriving cottage industry of honey production created.
The population of the two more prosperous of the three valleys around the French position pose little threat, said Colonel Franck Chatelus, who commands the troops. But Uzbeen is hostile. After a "clearing operation", the French called a shura, or council, to tell the locals that they were there to help and that they did not seek revenge for the previous year's deaths. "There was a muted response," Chatelus said.
Uzbeen is a good measure of the complexity of the situation in Afghanistan and the consequent difficulties of any negotiations or reconciliation process. Since the war against the Soviets, the valley has been a stronghold of commanders loyal to Hekmatyar, the very man to whom the Afghan government is now reaching out.
Hekmatyar's son-in-law, released from US detention in Afghanistan, recently travelled to London and attended at least one of the recent meetings with government intermediaries in Dubai.
But, on the ground, it is a local family, partly protected by a member of parliament who is a relative, who are behind much of the violence. "We see them driving around, but because they are unarmed we cannot touch them. One was locked up, but got out because of his connections," said one officer.
Much of the current thinking is focused on how to win over such lower-ranking commanders. In Helmand, the British are pioneering a new district council system that, even though it is aimed more at "community outreach" than reconciling local Taliban, is one way of establishing a dialogue at a grassroots level.
The Afghan government has sponsored a separate programme, designed at identifying mid-level commanders who could be brought over from the insurgents. In the eastern province of Nangahar, governor Gul Agha Sherzai, a potential election candidate, called a huge meeting of tribal elders last week and told all his district governors to find, contact and talk to the Taliban commanders.
One programme that most agree functions poorly is the official reconciliation process. Though 7,000 names are on its lists, most are foot-soldiers, of whom the insurgents have an apparently exhaustible supply. The new and controversial Afghan Public Protection Force, in which the young jobless men who constitute most of the recruits for the Taliban will be enrolled as auxiliary policemen, may help. But an increasingly brutal and technically competent Taliban have a power in the villages that is difficult to counter.
With talks unlikely to be fruitful, the current enthusiasm for dialogue may simply be a morale-booster for an international alliance badly in need of a sign that an endpoint - any endpoint - in Afghanistan is visible. Western objectives have been "relooked", General McKiernan said. The west is hoping that the coming election will "re-energise" the project, but Nato officers talk of achieving a "tipping point" in three to five years.
One critical question is how long domestic opinion in the west will back continued - indeed, increasing - expenditure of blood and treasure. Wood, the US ambassador, said that he "couldn't guarantee [US commitment] for the whole life of the sun", but that the US was in Afghanistan "for the long term". Few doubt, however, that international will is fickle at the best of times.
Just round the corner from the house of Maulvi Rahmani, the former Taliban mediator, lives Sediqa Mobariz, a member of parliament from the central region of Bamiyan, which is still peaceful. From the Hazaran minority, who suffered terrible ethnic violence under the Taliban, she has strong views about any dialogue. "As an Afghan woman, I don't think you can negotiate with the Taliban. They cannot forget the past and nor can we."
Wednesday, March 25, 2009
Rights group: Israel made illegal use of phosphorus shells in Gaza
The Israeli army unlawfully fired white phosphorus shells over densely populated areas of the Gaza Strip during its recent military offensive, needlessly killing and injuring civilians, U.S.-based rights group Human Rights Watch said Wednesday in a report.
Citing Israel's use of white phosphorus as evidence of war crimes, the group said the army knew the munitions threatened the civilian population but "deliberately or recklessly" continued to use them until the final days of the Dec. 27 - Jan. 18 operation "in violation of the laws of war."
It called on senior Israeli military commanders to be held to account, and urged the United States, which supplied the shells, to conduct its own investigation.
The Israel Defense Forces have announced an internal probe, the results of which have yet to be made public.
White phosphorus ignites on contact with oxygen and continues burning at up to 1,500 degrees Fahrenheit (816 degrees Celsius) until none is left or the oxygen supply is cut. It is often used to produce smoke screens, but can also be used as a weapon, producing extreme burns if it makes contact with skin.
When used in open areas, white phosphorus munitions are permissible under international law.
But Human Rights Watch said Israel "unlawfully" fired them over populated neighborhoods, killing and wounding civilians and damaging civilian structures, including a school, a market, a humanitarian aid warehouse and a hospital.
In Gaza, the Israeli military didn't just use white phosphorus in open areas as a screen for its troops," said senior Human Rights Watch researcher Fred Abrahams. "It fired white phosphorus repeatedly over densely populated areas, even when its troops weren't in the area and safer smoke shells were available. As a result, civilians needlessly suffered and died."
The group gave no precise casualty figures, citing the difficulty of determining in every case which burn injuries were caused by white phosphorous.
Human Rights Watch researchers found spent shells, canister liners, and dozens of burnt felt wedges containing white phosphorus on city streets, apartment roofs, residential courtyards and at a United Nations school.
The report documented several attacks involving white phosphorus, including one on January 4 that killed five members of Ahmad Abu Halima's family in northern Gaza, saying it found remnants of the substance at their home.
"I was talking with my father when the shell landed. It hit directly on my father and cut his head off," the 22-year-old said.
The rights' group said the army knew that white phosphorus threatened civilians, citing an internal medical report about the risk of "serious injury and death when it comes into contact with the skin, is inhaled or is swallowed."
If the Israeli army intended to use white phosphorus as a smokescreen, Human Rights Watch said it could have used non-lethal smoke shells produced by an Israeli company.
Israel launched the offensive with the declared aim of halting cross-border rocket fire by militants in the Hamas-ruled territory, home to 1.5 million Palestinians.
Over the 22 days of fighting, 1,417 Palestinians were killed, including 926 civilians, according to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights. Israel disputes those figures.
Israel has accused Hamas of putting civilians at risk by using them as "human shields" and by drawing Israeli forces into densely-populated areas.
Human Rights Watch said it found no evidence of Hamas using "human shields" in the cases it documented in the report.
In some areas, Palestinian fighters appeared to have been present, the group said, but added: "This does not justify the indiscriminate use of white phosphorus in a populated area."
Israel said during the war that it only used weapons in accordance with international law.
It is unclear how long the internal army investigation will take. Human Rights Watch said it doubted the probe would be thorough or impartial.
The IDF issued a response to the Human Rights Watch report, saying that at the conclusion of operation Cast Lead, the Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi, ordered a number of investigations at the General Staff level, each lead by an officer of the rank of colonel.
The investigations aim to evaluate different aspects of the fighting during the operation, in addition to the operational investigations being conducted at the different command levels.
The IDF spokesperson announced during the operation that an investigative committee headed by a colonel would investigate allegations with regard to the use of ammunition containing elements of phosphorous.
This particular investigation is dealing with the use of ammunition containing elements of phosphorous, including, amongst others, the 155mm smoke shells which were referred to in the Human Rights Watch report. This type of ammunition disperses in the atmosphere and creates an effective smoke screen. It is used by many western armies, the IDF statement said.
The investigation is nearing its conclusion, and based on the findings at this stage, it is already possible to conclude that the IDF's use of smoke shells was in accordance with international law. These shells were used for specific operational needs only and in accord with international humanitarian law. The claim that smoke shells were used indiscriminately, or to threaten the civilian population, is baseless.
It should be noted that contrary to the claims in the report, the IDF statement continued, smoke shells are not an incendiary weapon. The third protocol of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) ? which defines particular limitations on incendiary weapons ? makes it clear that weapons intended for screening are not classified as incendiary weapons.
Palestinian children sing for Holocaust survivors
The Palestinian youths from a tough West Bank refugee camp stood facing the elderly Holocaust survivors on Wednesday, appearing somewhat defiant in a teenage sort of way. Then they began to sing.
The choir burst into songs for peace, bringing surprised smiles from the audience. But the event had another twist: Most of the Holocaust survivors did not know the youths were Palestinians from the West Bank, a rare sight in Israel these days. And the youths had no idea they were performing for people who lived through Nazi genocide - or even what the Holocaust was.
"I feel sympathy for them," said Ali Zeid, an 18-year-old keyboard player, who added that he was shocked by what he learned about the Holocaust, in which the Nazis killed 6 million Jews in their campaign to wipe out European Jewry.
"Only people who have been through suffering understand each other," said Zeid, who said his grandparents were Palestinian refugees forced to flee the northern city of Haifa during the war that followed Israel's creation in 1948.
The 13 musicians, aged 11 to 18, belong to Strings of Freedom, a modest orchestra from the Jenin refugee camp in the northern West Bank, the scene of a deadly 2002 battle between Palestinian militants and Israeli soldiers.
The event, held at the Holocaust Survivors Center in this tree-lined central Israeli town, was part of Good Deeds Day, an annual event run by an organization connected to billionaire Shari Arison, Israel's richest woman.
The two-hour meeting starkly highlighted how distant Palestinians and Israelis have become after more than eight years of bloody Palestinian militant attacks and deadly Israeli military reprisals.
Most of the Palestinian youths had not seen an Israeli civilian before - only gun-toting soldiers in military uniforms manning checkpoints, conducting arrest raids of wanted Palestinians or during army operations.
"They don't look like us," said Ahed Salameh, 12, who wore a black head scarf woven with silver.
Most of the elderly Israelis wore pants and T-shirts, with women sporting a smear of lipstick.
"Old people look different where we come from," Salameh said.
She said she was shocked to hear about the Nazi genocide against Jews. Ignorance and even denial of the Holocaust is widespread in Palestinian society.
Amnon Beeri of the Abraham Fund, which supports coexistence between Jews and Arabs, said most of the region's residents have no real idea about the other.
The youths said their feisty conductor, Wafa Younis, 50, tried to explain to them who the elderly people were, but chaos on the bus prevented them from listening.
The elderly audience said they assumed Arab children were from a nearby village - not from the refugee camp where 23 Israeli soldiers were killed, alongside 53 Palestinian militants and civilians, in several days of battle in April 2002.
Some 30 elderly survivors gathered in the center's hall as teenage boys and girls filed in 30 minutes late - delayed at an Israeli military checkpoint outside their town, they later explained.
Some of the young women wore Muslim head scarves - but also sunglasses and school ties.
As a host announced in Hebrew that the youths were from the Jenin refugee camp, there were gasps and muttering from the crowd. "Jenin?" one woman asked in jaw-dropped surprise.
Younis, from the Arab village of Ara in Israel, then explained in fluent Hebrew that the youths would sing for peace, prompting the audience to burst into applause.
"Inshallah," said Sarah Glickman, 68, using the Arabic term for God willing.
The encounter began with an Arabic song, "We sing for peace," and was followed by two musical pieces with violins and Arabic drums, as well as an impromptu song in Hebrew by two in the audience.
Glickman, whose family moved to the newly created Jewish state in 1949 after fleeing to Siberia to escape the Nazis, said she had no illusions the encounter would make the children understand the Holocaust. But she said it might make a small difference.
"They think we are strangers, because we came from abroad," Glickman said. "I agree: It's their land, also. But there was no other option for us after the Holocaust."
Later, she tapped her feet in tune as the teenagers played a catchy Mideast drum beat. After the event, some of the elderly Israelis chatted with students and took pictures together.
The encounter was not absent of politics. Younis dedicated a song to an Israeli soldier held captive by Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip - and also criticized Israel's occupation of the West Bank.
But she said the main mission of the orchestra, formed seven years ago to help Palestinian children overcome war trauma, was to bring people together.
"I'm here to raise spirits," Younis said. "These are poor, old people."
Hillary Clinton admits US blame for Mexico drug violence
America's "insatiable demand" for illegal drugs is to blame for much of the violence engulfing Mexico, Hillary Clinton has said.The US secretary of state also acknowledged America's "inability" to stop weapons being smuggled across the border from the US and being used by the drug cartels in a bloody turf war.Mrs Clinton made her candid remarks as she flew to Mexico City for a two-day visit where she will discuss US plans to ramp up border security with President Felipe Calderon. "Our insatiable demand for illegal drugs fuels the drug trade. Our inability to prevent weapons from being illegally smuggled across the border to arm these criminals causes the death of police officers, soldiers and civilians," she said during her flight to Mexico City."I feel very strongly we have a co-responsibility."She said US efforts to ban drugs such as cocaine and heroine had clearly not worked and it was unfair to blame Mexico for its drug cartel problem.Although Barack Obama has pledged to devote an additional 360 federal agents to border security, the US Congress this month trimmed the amount of drug aid money it will set aside this fiscal year to $300 million from $400 million last year.By contrast, President Felipe Calderon has spent more than $6.4 billion, assigning 45,000 troops and federal police, on fighting the cartels he tookd office in December 2006.Mexico has repeatedly said it cannot contain the increasingly brutal cartels, now armed with grenades and rocket launchers, if America does not do more to stop the drugs gangs buying guns in the US, where they are much easier to obtain."It's not only guns. It's night vision goggles. It's body armour," said Mrs Clinton. "These criminals are outgunning the law enforcement officials." More than 8,000 people have been killed in drug-related fighting since January 2008.
US offers cash rewards for Baitullah Mehsud
WASHINGTON: The United States on Wednesday offered $ 5 million each for information leading to Baitullah Mehsud and for Sirajuddin Haqqani and $1 million for Abu Yahya al-Libi.The offer, announced two days before the unveiling of the new US strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, indicates hardening of Washington’s stance against the militants hiding along the Pak-Afghan border.But reports attributed to senior US officials also indicate a willingness to include ‘reconcilable’ militants in the new peace process to be announced by President Barak Obama on Friday.While the United States has previously offered large cash rewards for terrorism suspects in the past as well, until recently they regarded Mehsud mainly as a threat to Pakistan.
Previous US drone attacks had avoided targeting Mehsud’s hideouts but this changed earlier this month when US drones also began to target Mehsud and his men.
The change reflects a US desire to work closely with Pakistan for eradicating all extremists, whether they target Pakistan or the United States.
On Wednesday afternoon, the US Department of State issued three brief statements, saying that it’s offering lucrative cash awards for information about the three suspects under its Rewards for Justice Programme. The programme offers cash rewards for information leading to the arrest, and/or conviction of dangerous criminals.
The State Department identified Baitullah Mehsud as the senior leader of the Taliban Movement of Pakistan. The statement noted that Mehsud is regarded as a key al Qaeda facilitator in South Waziristan. ‘Pakistani authorities believe that the January 2007 suicide attack against the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad was staged by militants loyal to Mehsud,’ the statement said.
‘Press reports also have linked Mehsud to the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and the deaths of other innocent civilians,’ the State Department noted.
The US government pointed out that Mehsud has also stated his intention to attack the United States. He has conducted cross-border attacks against US forces in Afghanistan, and poses a clear threat to American persons and interests in the region.
‘The United States is determined to bring Baitullah Mehsud to justice. We encourage anyone with information on Mehsud’s location to contact the nearest US embassy or consulate, any US military commander, or the Rewards for Justice staff,’ the department said.
Another statement, announced a reward of up to $5 million for information leading to the location, arrest, and/or conviction of Sirajuddin Haqqani. Sirajuddin Haqqani is a senior leader of ‘the Haqqani terrorist network’ founded by his father Jalaladin Haqqani. He maintains close ties to al Qaeda.
During an interview with an American news organisation, Haqqani admitted planning the Jan. 14, 2008 attack against the Serena Hotel in Kabul that killed six people, including American citizen Thor David Hesla.
Haqqani also admitted planning the April 2008 assassination attempt on Afghan President Hamid Karzai. He has coordinated and participated in cross-border attacks against US and Coalition forces in Afghanistan.
‘Sirajuddin Haqqani is believed to be located in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan,’ the State Department said.
The US government also authorised a reward of up to $1 million for information leading to Abu Yahya al-Libi, a prominent member of al Qaeda.
The State Department identified al-Libi as an Islamic scholar and a Libyan citizen who was captured by authorities in 2002 and imprisoned at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan.
Al-Libi escaped in July 2005, and has since appeared in a number of propaganda videos, using his religious training to influence people and legitimise the actions of al Qaeda.
The State Department noted that al-Libi was a key motivator in the global jihadi movement and his messages ‘convey a clear threat to US persons or property worldwide.’ Al-Libi is believed to be in hiding in Afghanistan or Pakistan.
Since its inception in 1984, the Rewards for Justice Programme has paid more than $80 million to more than 50 persons who provided credible information that has resulted in the capture or death of terrorists or prevented acts of international terrorism.
Previous US drone attacks had avoided targeting Mehsud’s hideouts but this changed earlier this month when US drones also began to target Mehsud and his men.
The change reflects a US desire to work closely with Pakistan for eradicating all extremists, whether they target Pakistan or the United States.
On Wednesday afternoon, the US Department of State issued three brief statements, saying that it’s offering lucrative cash awards for information about the three suspects under its Rewards for Justice Programme. The programme offers cash rewards for information leading to the arrest, and/or conviction of dangerous criminals.
The State Department identified Baitullah Mehsud as the senior leader of the Taliban Movement of Pakistan. The statement noted that Mehsud is regarded as a key al Qaeda facilitator in South Waziristan. ‘Pakistani authorities believe that the January 2007 suicide attack against the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad was staged by militants loyal to Mehsud,’ the statement said.
‘Press reports also have linked Mehsud to the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and the deaths of other innocent civilians,’ the State Department noted.
The US government pointed out that Mehsud has also stated his intention to attack the United States. He has conducted cross-border attacks against US forces in Afghanistan, and poses a clear threat to American persons and interests in the region.
‘The United States is determined to bring Baitullah Mehsud to justice. We encourage anyone with information on Mehsud’s location to contact the nearest US embassy or consulate, any US military commander, or the Rewards for Justice staff,’ the department said.
Another statement, announced a reward of up to $5 million for information leading to the location, arrest, and/or conviction of Sirajuddin Haqqani. Sirajuddin Haqqani is a senior leader of ‘the Haqqani terrorist network’ founded by his father Jalaladin Haqqani. He maintains close ties to al Qaeda.
During an interview with an American news organisation, Haqqani admitted planning the Jan. 14, 2008 attack against the Serena Hotel in Kabul that killed six people, including American citizen Thor David Hesla.
Haqqani also admitted planning the April 2008 assassination attempt on Afghan President Hamid Karzai. He has coordinated and participated in cross-border attacks against US and Coalition forces in Afghanistan.
‘Sirajuddin Haqqani is believed to be located in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan,’ the State Department said.
The US government also authorised a reward of up to $1 million for information leading to Abu Yahya al-Libi, a prominent member of al Qaeda.
The State Department identified al-Libi as an Islamic scholar and a Libyan citizen who was captured by authorities in 2002 and imprisoned at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan.
Al-Libi escaped in July 2005, and has since appeared in a number of propaganda videos, using his religious training to influence people and legitimise the actions of al Qaeda.
The State Department noted that al-Libi was a key motivator in the global jihadi movement and his messages ‘convey a clear threat to US persons or property worldwide.’ Al-Libi is believed to be in hiding in Afghanistan or Pakistan.
Since its inception in 1984, the Rewards for Justice Programme has paid more than $80 million to more than 50 persons who provided credible information that has resulted in the capture or death of terrorists or prevented acts of international terrorism.
Our Children Are Dying, Displaced Pakistanis Say
Their food, they say, is inedible. Their medicine has run out. And their children are dying.And so the thousands of Pakistanis living in tents in the Jelozai refugee camp just outside of Peshawar did the only thing they felt they could today, six months after they first started begging the government for help.
One protester was killed and another was injured in clashes that followed, the Northwest Frontier Province police chief, Malik Naveed Khan, told ABC News. His men used tear gas and live ammunition to suppress the crowds."Even animals won't eat what we are being given to eat here," Wali Gul, 35, told an ABC News reporter who visited the camp this evening. His anger was visible. "There is no medicine and we have lost our children because of lack of medical facilities.""They think they are doing us a favor by giving us food like beggars," Saeed Muhammad, 50, said, referring to the government. "They have received [hundreds of thousands] and [millions] of rupees from other countries to look after us. If they fail to deliver, it won't be good for them. May Allah's wrath fall on those who are subjecting us to this treatment."It was about 10 a.m. when thousands of internally displaced people in the Jalozai poured onto the main road leading to Peshawar, northwest Pakistan's largest city. They are a fraction of the half-million residents of Pakistan's tribal areas who have fled their homes in the last year as the Pakistani military launched military campaigns along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border.These internally displaced people were from Bajaur, the northernmost tribal area, where Pakistani army and paramilitary forces have fought their single largest battle against the Taliban since Sept. 11. The battle began last August and was supposed to last four weeks. Hundreds of thousands of residents are still unable to return, even though last month the military announced the Taliban had "lost."Bajaur has been a touchstone for a Pakistani military trying to prove to the U.S. it is willing and able to defeat the Taliban -- just a few miles and across a porous border from thousands of American troops. The U.S. has lavished praise on the commander of the operation, Frontier Corps Inspector General Tariq Khan.But if the fight has been a touchstone for the army, the peace will be a touchstone for the government. The Pakistani military's counterinsurgency tactics are in their infancy, and during three separate trips to Bajaur, we clearly saw the only way they could fight an entrenched Taliban was with scorched-earth tactics. Where they fought, at least 80 percent of the mud homes that once stood have disappeared back into the ground, destroyed by American Cobra helicopters or even F-16s.As the "clear, hold, build" counterinsurgency doctrine suggests, army destruction must be followed by government construction. If it doesn't happen soon enough, the army warns the area could become a Taliban haven once again, militants praying on a population disappointed by a lack of government response.There were a few thousand people today who wanted to tell the government its response has been inadequate. One of them died doing so.
US missile strike kills six in Waziristan: officials
ISLAMABAD--A suspected US missile strike killed six in South Waziristan on Wednesday, security officials said.The missile struck a compound in the Makeen area, the officials said. There were also intelligence reports of an al Qaeda presence in the area."A predator strike was carried out in Makeen area, 12 kilometres (eight miles) northwest of Ladha. As a result, six have been killed," said a security official.
Pakistan govt in crisis after a year in office
ISLAMABAD — Pakistan's government marks one year in office Wednesday still battling to contain the political and security meltdown threatening to engulf the frontline state in the US-led "war on terror."
Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani was sworn in on March 25, 2008 amid hopes democracy would rise from the ashes of military rule and the aftermath of the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
A year on and insurgents are still fighting government forces, the economy has needed an international bailout and the nation's political leaders are at loggerheads.
"Upon coming into power, the government was faced with enormous political, economical and security challenges," Gilani acknowledged Wednesday.
"The high expectations held by the nation, having been through nearly a decade of military rule coupled with difficult times, meant the government was always going to be in for a fair amount of criticism."
Gilani's government, sworn in on March 31, 2008, hopes to secure a record aid package from the United States, which is desperate to stabilise a country whose border with Afghanistan is a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and the Taliban.
Money and military hardware are the only way the weak administration can counter Pakistan's deepening troubles, officials say, in a country where bomb blasts and suicide attacks have killed 645 people over the past 12 months.
"Democratic institutions are functioning in the country but... the leadership gives no indication that they can handle economic, political and law and order issues effectively," said political analyst Hasan Askari.
Dreams of a national unity government vanished when Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League-N walked out in August over the government's refusal to restore chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, sacked under emergency rule in 2007.
Gilani's flagship achievement -- reinstating Chaudhry -- amounted to little more than a dramatic U-turn designed to pull the nation back from the brink of chaos.
Although Gilani announced the decision, army chief of staff Ashfaq Kayani and US pressure were widely credited as the decisive factors.
"There would have been major confrontation on the deposed judge issue had Kayani and leaders of friendly countries not intervened -- which shows the leadership has poor capacity for crisis management," said Askari.
Despite repeated protests, US drone attacks on Taliban and Al-Qaeda safe havens have also continued in the northwest, killing more than 340 people and fanning hostility against the government and the United States.
Military offensives have beaten back extremists in some parts of the rugged tribal areas, but Afghan and US officials say that is not enough.
Only 160 kilometres (100 miles) from Islamabad, the Swat valley has gone from ski resort to a Taliban stronghold where the government in Islamabad has controversially agreed to Islamic law as the only justice system.
In the east, ties with rival India deteriorated in the wake of the November attacks on Mumbai that killed 165 people and which Pakistan admitted were at least partly plotted on its territory.
Hammering the nail in the coffin, a commando-style assault on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore earlier this month sentenced Pakistan to international sporting isolation.
"As far as law and order and the growing insurgency is concerned, the government does not have full freedom to handle it," said A.H. Nayyar from the Sustainable Development Policy Institute, alluding to the army.
In the southwest, a regional Baluch insurgency has gone unchecked and efforts to find American UN official John Solecki, the highest-profile foreign kidnapping in seven years, have come to nothing.
On the economic front, the International Monetary Fund was forced to bail out Pakistan, to stop the country defaulting on its debts, and last November approved a stand-by loan of 7.6 billion dollars.
Inflation stands at 20 percent and gross domestic product is estimated at 2.5 percent this fiscal year, down from 5.8 percent last year, according to official statistics.
"We should be prepared for the impact of global recession on our economy, just round the corner... The government's main achievement was its success in getting the IMF loan," said economist Kaiser Bengali.
Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani was sworn in on March 25, 2008 amid hopes democracy would rise from the ashes of military rule and the aftermath of the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
A year on and insurgents are still fighting government forces, the economy has needed an international bailout and the nation's political leaders are at loggerheads.
"Upon coming into power, the government was faced with enormous political, economical and security challenges," Gilani acknowledged Wednesday.
"The high expectations held by the nation, having been through nearly a decade of military rule coupled with difficult times, meant the government was always going to be in for a fair amount of criticism."
Gilani's government, sworn in on March 31, 2008, hopes to secure a record aid package from the United States, which is desperate to stabilise a country whose border with Afghanistan is a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and the Taliban.
Money and military hardware are the only way the weak administration can counter Pakistan's deepening troubles, officials say, in a country where bomb blasts and suicide attacks have killed 645 people over the past 12 months.
"Democratic institutions are functioning in the country but... the leadership gives no indication that they can handle economic, political and law and order issues effectively," said political analyst Hasan Askari.
Dreams of a national unity government vanished when Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League-N walked out in August over the government's refusal to restore chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, sacked under emergency rule in 2007.
Gilani's flagship achievement -- reinstating Chaudhry -- amounted to little more than a dramatic U-turn designed to pull the nation back from the brink of chaos.
Although Gilani announced the decision, army chief of staff Ashfaq Kayani and US pressure were widely credited as the decisive factors.
"There would have been major confrontation on the deposed judge issue had Kayani and leaders of friendly countries not intervened -- which shows the leadership has poor capacity for crisis management," said Askari.
Despite repeated protests, US drone attacks on Taliban and Al-Qaeda safe havens have also continued in the northwest, killing more than 340 people and fanning hostility against the government and the United States.
Military offensives have beaten back extremists in some parts of the rugged tribal areas, but Afghan and US officials say that is not enough.
Only 160 kilometres (100 miles) from Islamabad, the Swat valley has gone from ski resort to a Taliban stronghold where the government in Islamabad has controversially agreed to Islamic law as the only justice system.
In the east, ties with rival India deteriorated in the wake of the November attacks on Mumbai that killed 165 people and which Pakistan admitted were at least partly plotted on its territory.
Hammering the nail in the coffin, a commando-style assault on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore earlier this month sentenced Pakistan to international sporting isolation.
"As far as law and order and the growing insurgency is concerned, the government does not have full freedom to handle it," said A.H. Nayyar from the Sustainable Development Policy Institute, alluding to the army.
In the southwest, a regional Baluch insurgency has gone unchecked and efforts to find American UN official John Solecki, the highest-profile foreign kidnapping in seven years, have come to nothing.
On the economic front, the International Monetary Fund was forced to bail out Pakistan, to stop the country defaulting on its debts, and last November approved a stand-by loan of 7.6 billion dollars.
Inflation stands at 20 percent and gross domestic product is estimated at 2.5 percent this fiscal year, down from 5.8 percent last year, according to official statistics.
"We should be prepared for the impact of global recession on our economy, just round the corner... The government's main achievement was its success in getting the IMF loan," said economist Kaiser Bengali.
Tuesday, March 24, 2009
Obama defends budget as essential to recovery
(CNN) -- President Obama presented a sober assessment of the state of the economy in his prime time news conference Tuesday, but he insisted his administration has a strategy in place to "attack this crisis on all fronts."
"It took many years and many failures to lead us here. And it will take many months and many different solutions to lead us out. There are no quick fixes, and there are no silver bullets," he said.
The president defended his budget, which has come under criticism for its hefty price, saying the plan he proposed is "inseparable" from the overall strategy for economic recovery.
"We've got to make some tough budgetary choices," the president said in his second prime time news conference. "What we can't do, though, is sacrifice long-term growth, investments that are critical to the future, and that's why my budget focuses on health care, energy, education, the kinds of things that can build a foundation for long-term economic growth, as opposed to the fleeting prosperity that we've seen over the last several years." Watch Obama's opening remarks »
The president brushed off criticism of the scope of his investments, saying, "We haven't seen an alternative budget out of them." He also reiterated his pledge to cut the deficit in half over the next five years. Watch Obama promise to halve the deficit »
Asked whether he would sign a budget that doesn't include a middle-class tax cut, Obama said he has "emphasized repeatedly" what his expectations are.
"I haven't seen yet what provisions are in there," Obama said. "The bottom line is that I want to see health care, energy, education and serious efforts to reduce our budget deficit. And there are going to be details that still need to be worked out."
Obama's appearance comes on the heels of the unveiling of the Treasury Department's new bank rescue plan.
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner on Monday announced a plan to remove troubled assets from banks' books by partnering with private investors.
The goal is to buy up at least $500 billion of existing assets and loans, such as subprime mortgages that are now in danger of default.
Following the announcement of the plan, the stock market rallied, posting the biggest gains in months.
Obama said he supports Geithner's push to seize financial institutions whose failure would pose serious risks to the U.S. financial system.
"Keep in mind that it is precisely because of the lack of this authority that the AIG situation has gotten worse," Obama said, referring to the troubled insurance giant.
It was revealed last week that AIG doled out massive bonuses to executives after receiving more than $170 billion in bailout funds.
Pressed about why he waited three days to publicly speak out against AIG paying out the bonuses, Obama told reporters, "It took us a couple of days because I like to think about what I'm talking about before I speak."
Obama's news conference comes after he made the rounds on television this past week, with an appearance on "The Tonight Show with Jay Leno," and an interview on CBS's "60 Minutes."
On the morning of the news conference, Obama reached out to citizens of the world in an op-ed piece that ran in 31 newspapers around the world.
In the op-ed, Obama said there is an urgent need for worldwide economic cooperation and spoke about the upcoming G-20 meeting.
The G-20 meeting, in which leaders of the world's richest nations will discuss the global economic downturn, takes place next week in London, England.
In his first prime time news conference, the president used the national platform to make the case for his economic stimulus plan, which has since been passed by Congress and signed into law.
Obama took questions from 13 different reporters at the February news conference. Eight questions were about the economy, three were about foreign policy and one was about creating a truth and reconciliation committee to investigate the Bush administration.(CNN) -- President Obama presented a sober assessment of the state of the economy in his prime time news conference Tuesday, but he insisted his administration has a strategy in place to "attack this crisis on all fronts."
"It took many years and many failures to lead us here. And it will take many months and many different solutions to lead us out. There are no quick fixes, and there are no silver bullets," he said.
The president defended his budget, which has come under criticism for its hefty price, saying the plan he proposed is "inseparable" from the overall strategy for economic recovery.
"We've got to make some tough budgetary choices," the president said in his second prime time news conference. "What we can't do, though, is sacrifice long-term growth, investments that are critical to the future, and that's why my budget focuses on health care, energy, education, the kinds of things that can build a foundation for long-term economic growth, as opposed to the fleeting prosperity that we've seen over the last several years." Watch Obama's opening remarks »
The president brushed off criticism of the scope of his investments, saying, "We haven't seen an alternative budget out of them." He also reiterated his pledge to cut the deficit in half over the next five years. Watch Obama promise to halve the deficit »
Asked whether he would sign a budget that doesn't include a middle-class tax cut, Obama said he has "emphasized repeatedly" what his expectations are.
"I haven't seen yet what provisions are in there," Obama said. "The bottom line is that I want to see health care, energy, education and serious efforts to reduce our budget deficit. And there are going to be details that still need to be worked out."
Obama's appearance comes on the heels of the unveiling of the Treasury Department's new bank rescue plan.
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner on Monday announced a plan to remove troubled assets from banks' books by partnering with private investors.
The goal is to buy up at least $500 billion of existing assets and loans, such as subprime mortgages that are now in danger of default.
Following the announcement of the plan, the stock market rallied, posting the biggest gains in months.
Obama said he supports Geithner's push to seize financial institutions whose failure would pose serious risks to the U.S. financial system.
"Keep in mind that it is precisely because of the lack of this authority that the AIG situation has gotten worse," Obama said, referring to the troubled insurance giant.
It was revealed last week that AIG doled out massive bonuses to executives after receiving more than $170 billion in bailout funds.
Pressed about why he waited three days to publicly speak out against AIG paying out the bonuses, Obama told reporters, "It took us a couple of days because I like to think about what I'm talking about before I speak."
Obama's news conference comes after he made the rounds on television this past week, with an appearance on "The Tonight Show with Jay Leno," and an interview on CBS's "60 Minutes."
On the morning of the news conference, Obama reached out to citizens of the world in an op-ed piece that ran in 31 newspapers around the world.
In the op-ed, Obama said there is an urgent need for worldwide economic cooperation and spoke about the upcoming G-20 meeting.
The G-20 meeting, in which leaders of the world's richest nations will discuss the global economic downturn, takes place next week in London, England.
In his first prime time news conference, the president used the national platform to make the case for his economic stimulus plan, which has since been passed by Congress and signed into law.
Obama took questions from 13 different reporters at the February news conference. Eight questions were about the economy, three were about foreign policy and one was about creating a truth and reconciliation committee to investigate the Bush administration.
President Obama presented a sober assessment of the state of the economy in his prime time news conference Tuesday, but he insisted his administration has a strategy in place to "attack this crisis on all fronts.""It took many years and many failures to lead us here. And it will take many months and many different solutions to lead us out. There are no quick fixes, and there are no silver bullets," he said.The president defended his budget, which has come under criticism for its hefty price, saying the plan he proposed is "inseparable" from the overall strategy for economic recovery."We've got to make some tough budgetary choices," the president said in his second prime time news conference. "What we can't do, though, is sacrifice long-term growth, investments that are critical to the future, and that's why my budget focuses on health care, energy, education, the kinds of things that can build a foundation for long-term economic growth, as opposed to the fleeting prosperity that we've seen over the last several years."The president brushed off criticism of the scope of his investments, saying, "We haven't seen an alternative budget out of them." He also reiterated his pledge to cut the deficit in half over the next five years.Asked whether he would sign a budget that doesn't include a middle-class tax cut, Obama said he has "emphasized repeatedly" what his expectations are."I haven't seen yet what provisions are in there," Obama said. "The bottom line is that I want to see health care, energy, education and serious efforts to reduce our budget deficit. And there are going to be details that still need to be worked out."Obama's appearance comes on the heels of the unveiling of the Treasury Department's new bank rescue plan.
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner on Monday announced a plan to remove troubled assets from banks' books by partnering with private investors.The goal is to buy up at least $500 billion of existing assets and loans, such as subprime mortgages that are now in danger of default.Following the announcement of the plan, the stock market rallied, posting the biggest gains in months.Obama said he supports Geithner's push to seize financial institutions whose failure would pose serious risks to the U.S. financial system."Keep in mind that it is precisely because of the lack of this authority that the AIG situation has gotten worse," Obama said, referring to the troubled insurance giant.It was revealed last week that AIG doled out massive bonuses to executives after receiving more than $170 billion in bailout funds.Pressed about why he waited three days to publicly speak out against AIG paying out the bonuses, Obama told reporters, "It took us a couple of days because I like to think about what I'm talking about before I speak."Obama's news conference comes after he made the rounds on television this past week, with an appearance on "The Tonight Show with Jay Leno," and an interview on CBS's "60 Minutes."On the morning of the news conference, Obama reached out to citizens of the world in an op-ed piece that ran in 31 newspapers around the world.In the op-ed, Obama said there is an urgent need for worldwide economic cooperation and spoke about the upcoming G-20 meeting.The G-20 meeting, in which leaders of the world's richest nations will discuss the global economic downturn, takes place next week in London, England.In his first prime time news conference, the president used the national platform to make the case for his economic stimulus plan, which has since been passed by Congress and signed into law.
Obama took questions from 13 different reporters at the February news conference. Eight questions were about the economy, three were about foreign policy and one was about creating a truth and reconciliation committee to investigate the Bush administration.
8-10 hours loadshedding continues in Peshawar
PESHAWAR: Loadshedding for eight to ten hours continues in Peshawar and the areas around the city while some areas are facing shortage of water.From PESCO WAPDA, loadshedding for six to eight hours on daily basis is being observed and this duration is extending in some parts of the city and its adjacent areas due to which life routine is being affected badly.Students’ Matric exams are also being affected as electricity in the exam centres disappears for one to one-and-a-half hours.
Monday, March 23, 2009
Western officials in plot to dilute powers of President Karzai
Hamid Karzai, installed as President after the 2001 invasion that toppled the Taleban, has disappointed Western governments by failing to halt corruption.The West is considering a plan to undermine President Karzai of Afghanistan by forcing him to install a powerful chief of staff to run the Government, diplomats say.The proposal, being looked at by British and American officials, would leave Mr Karzai in the presidency, but reduce him to a figurehead role as “father of the nation”. Day-to-day control of the Afghan Government would pass to a chief of staff or chief executive with prime ministerial-style powers.Possible candidates include the well-respected interior, agriculture, defence and economy ministers.Mr Karzai, the US-backed candidate installed as President after the 2001 invasion that toppled the Taleban, has disappointed Western governments by failing to root out corruption and incompetence.His half-brother, Ahmad Wali Karzai, has been accused of involvement in the heroin trade — a charge that he strongly denies.Nevertheless, the Obama Administration believes that it cannot dump Mr Karzai, who is seen as likely to win re-election in August.Instead, Western nations, who hold a summit on Afghanistan in The Hague on March 31, are examining ways to transfer some of his powers to a newly appointed chief of staff.The Afghan Constitution follows the US model of a strong presidency. The Western plan would effectively dilute that power by establishing a prime ministerial-style system — long a demand of the Afghan Opposition — but without actually creating the role of prime minister.Diplomats concede that it would be too difficult to rewrite the Constitution to create the post of prime minister as this would require a Loya Jirga, or leaders’ assembly, that would take months of organisation.Islamic groups could also use the occasion to push for removal of constitutional provisions on democracy and women’s rights, favoured by the West. The president must endorse all laws under the country’s Constitution, a power that it seems highly unlikely that Mr Karzai would willingly give up.Instead prime ministerial-style powers would be exercised by a new chief of staff — a change that would not require constitutional reform.The US and Britain have considerable leverage over Mr Karzai because of the enormous amount of aid that they funnel to Afghanistan.
There is a precedent of sorts: Mr Karzai recently designated his Commerce Minister, Hedayat Amin Arsala, as Senior Minister in his Cabinet. But Mr Arsala later stood down to run against Mr Karzai in the August elections.
Leading candidates for the new post include Hanif Atmar, the Interior Minister; Mohammad Asif Rahimi, the Agriculture Minister; Abdul Rahim Wardak, the Defence Minister, and Mohammad Jalil Shams, the Economics Minister.Mr Atmar and Mr Rahimi in particular are considered highly capable, with Mr Atmar seen as one of the few Afghan political heavyweights who is immune to the temptations of rampant corruption in the political system.However, there was concern in the Kabul diplomatic community last night that the new post would be seen by a sceptical Afghan public as having been dictated by the West to what is in theory a sovereign nation.Richard Holbrooke, the US special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan, in Brussels for talks with EU ambassadors, denied yesterday that the United States and its Nato allies wanted to sideline Mr Karzai.“It doesn’t reflect any views that I am aware of in the Government I work for and it’s certainly not a universal Nato plan or anything,” he said.
In Kabul, President Karzai’s spokesman Humayun Hamidzadeh called the proposal nonsense.The United States is also pushing to install a new deputy to the United Nations representative in Afghanistan.Kai Eide, a Norwegian who is the top UN official in the country, has been battling behind the scenes to block the appointment of Peter Galbraith, the son of the economist J. K. Galbraith. But UN sources say that Mr Galbraith, a trusted Holbrooke ally, will be named as the No 2 UN official in Afghanistan this week.
U.N. warns India against anti-Muslim prejudice
NEW DELHI (Reuters) - The U.N. human rights chief urged India Monday to counter suspicion against its Muslim minority following the Mumbai attacks and warned the country's strict anti-terror measures threatened human rights.
India is still on edge after gunmen killed 166 people in a three-day rampage on the financial hub last November.
Hundreds of Muslims were detained and questioned over the attacks, angering rights activists who said innocent people were caught up in the backlash.
"The horrific terrorist attack in Mumbai has also polarized society and risks stoking suspicions against the Muslim community," said U.N Human Rights chief Navanethem Pillay.
"Both internal and external terrorist threats have led to counter-terrorist measures that put human rights at risk," Pillay said in New Delhi during her India visit.
Religious and caste-based prejudices remain entrenched in Indian society, she said.
Secular India has a long history of tensions between its majority Hindus and minority Muslims that have exploded in deadly violence. More than 2,000 people, mainly Muslims, were killed in communal riots in Gujarat state in 2002.
After the Mumbai attacks, the government rushed through new laws in December to allow police to hold suspects for up to 180 days without charge and created a new FBI-style national police force, in what was seen as an attempt to soothe public anger.
But human rights experts at the time said India's main political parties ignored concerns the new legislation could be misused in the absence of an independent supervisory body to monitor its implementation.
Pillay also questioned India's human rights record in the troubled state of Jammu and Kashmir, where security forces have been battling a 20-year separatist insurgency that has killed more than 47,000 people.
Pillay said security forces have excessive emergency powers under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, a law which lets them fire at civilians breaking laws in "disturbed" areas and make arrests without a warrant.
"In the past two decades, hundreds of cases of disappearances have been reported in Kashmir," Pillay said. "These cases must be properly investigated in order to bring a sense of closure to the families who for far too long have been awaiting news, any news."
Analysis: Democracy within parties
—Rasul Bakhsh Rais
Hybridism is an important feature of Pakistani politics, and largely explains the ability of military and civilian rulers to stay in power and justify their rule. They combine elements of democracy and authoritarianism, and present that hybrid as ‘genuine’ democracy
Family-based politics is one of main features of the political system of Pakistan, and also one of the factors adding to its political crises. It is this aspect of Pakistani politics that makes it dysfunctional and causes imbalance between the various institutions of the state. It is also a major source of political confrontations, the likes of which we are witnessing today, as it is the personal interests of the party boss or his vision for his party and the country that determine the party line and its policy orientations. Above all, this affects how politicians understand democracy and rule of law.
All political parties have a dynastic character. This includes the mainstream national parties as well as the ethnic-regional parties. Other, smaller parties that may appear free of the domination of a single family were, and are being, run by individuals in a dictatorial manner.
Pakistan cannot make the transition to democracy without a competitive party system, which fortunately started to develop in the colonial days. Parties are indispensable to how we translate the idea of popular sovereignty into representative governance. It is also true that the political parties of Pakistan, whatever their ideological and policy leanings, have a certain support base without which they could not have survived repeated attempts by the military to fragment and destroy them.
Each Pakistani party has a unique political identity as well as a recognisable ideological orientation, regardless of the degree to which it has faded. The country can be rightly proud of the multiparty structure of its politics, which is also a reflection of the multicultural character of Pakistani society.
However, these parties have not been able to meet the public’s expectations. Students and analysts of Pakistan’s politics generally refer to feudal culture, and family- and caste-based politics to explain political instability, confrontation and the failure of democracy in the country. The main weakness, thus, is the absence of democratic culture within the political parties of Pakistan. Regular military interventions for various reasons are another reason for the country’s enduring political crises, as they disrupted civilian rule and also caused decay of institutions and the political process.
Developing a party system with a good degree of internal democracy could repair the damage caused by military interventions. It is unfortunate that periods of civilian rule in the country under the main political parties have not been very different in attitude and behaviour from the military rulers. Both demonstrated two common traits: personalised rule and hybridism. First, party leaders in power have acted within the party like dictators, taking arbitrary decisions based on their own whims rather than the collective wisdom and opinion of the party rank and file.
Hybridism is an important feature of Pakistani politics, and largely explains the ability of military and civilian rulers to stay in power and justify their rule. They combine elements of democracy and authoritarianism, and present that hybrid as ‘genuine’ democracy. One the one hand, there is freedom of expression, open politics and protection of fundamental rights; and on the other, these freedoms have a marginal influence on decision making, policy formulation and administration. Party leaders of the PPP, the PMLN and the PMLQ have formed governments in the past without embracing democratic principles in running their parties or their governments, and the experience of the ethnic/religious parties is no different.
Parties in Pakistan are thus like family businesses, with the dominant families protecting their interests. This dynastic party system could transform itself like the Congress party in India; this could only happen if leaders felt secure enough to share power at different levels within the party structure and in the different tiers of their governments.
Beyond the party, personal/family domination damages governance, rule of law and democratic culture by reducing the country’s politics to a clash between egos and party interests. If any coalitions do get formed, they are based on political convenience rather than any ideological or policy compatibility. This leads to further destabilisation of the political system.
There are two other important dimensions of the undemocratic political party culture of Pakistan that foment political crisis: regular reneging on political commitments; and betraying pledges made to the electorate. Party leaders behave this way thinking that they can get away with it, since neither state institutions nor the electorate hold them accountable for their failures or misdemeanours.
The present crisis, too, is due to this traditional mindset of the supreme political bosses of the parties, especially those in power at the centre today. The harbour the delusion that they can keep the judiciary subordinate, pack the courts with party loyalists, then use these courts as instruments of political manoeuvring, and attack rival parties’ interests with impunity. This is what has resulted in the ongoing clash between the PMLN and the PPP in Punjab, in particular.
Traditional leaders like the PPP’s Asif Ali Zardari and his non-political advisors fail to recognise that Pakistani society has changed. There is, in fact, a generational change reflected in the vision and aspirations of the younger generation and the vastly expanded professional and middle classes; they now see themselves as real stakeholders in the affairs of state and society in Pakistan.
There is now a big gap in the cultural orientation and worldviews of the new Pakistani classes and the old-fashioned political leaders. Rooted in new social realities, there is an emerging democratic coalition that cuts across ethnic, regional and party lines. This movement simply wants a government subservient to the law; whosoever is in power should be constrained by and held accountable under the Constitution.
Victory of this non-partisan social movement may resolve the long-running crises of Pakistani politics, as party leaders may be forced to respect the law and accept constitutional restraints on the exercise of political power, and may realise that running parties like despots and manipulating the political system will only perpetuate confrontations.
Pakistan has entered a decisive phase in its politics, with a struggle between democracy and authoritarianism. There is hope, however, that counter-authoritarian forces are stronger than ever before and have gained enough momentum to overcome the old order and the authoritarian party bosses.
Dr Rasul Bakhsh Rais is author of Recovering the Frontier State: War, Ethnicity and State in Afghanistan (Oxford University Press, 2008) and a professor of Political Science at the Lahore University of Management Sciences. He can be reached at rasul@lums.edu.pk
Suicide Bomber Hits Police Station in Pakistan Capital
A suicide bomber targeted a police station in Pakistan's capital, Islamabad, Monday evening, killing himself and one officer.Officials say police tried to stop the bomber at a point before he detonated his explosives. It is not clear how many people were wounded in the attack.Militants have staged a wave of attacks over the past few years in Pakistan, including several in the capital. The government has recently signed two separate peace deals with Islamist groups in the tribal regions near the border with Afghanistan.The country marked its national holiday, Pakistan Day, on Monday. The holiday commemorates the 69th anniversary of the movement by Muslims on the Indian sub-continent to create a separate country.
US wants Afghanistan "exit strategy", meets NATO
BRUSSELS, March 23 - The United States said on Monday it had found an encouraging symmetry of views with its NATO and EU allies after outlining a strategy review meant to end a stalemate in Afghanistan.
U.S. Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke discussed the review with Washington's NATO and EU allies after President Barack Obama said it would contain an exit strategy and greater emphasis on economic development.
Holbrooke stressed the need for a regional approach to the Afghan problem, including Pakistan, and of stepping up both civilian and military efforts, a NATO spokesman said.
He also underlined the importance of plans for a significant boost in size of the Afghan police force.
"I found a very encouraging symmetry of views between our NATO allies and other troop-contributing countries and the United States," Holbrooke told reporters after the meeting in Brussels.
"They put a heavy emphasis on increasing the police, the size of the police in Afghanistan," he said.
With violence rising ahead of elections in August, Obama has already committed an extra 17,000 troops to Afghanistan, but on Sunday he said military force alone would not end the war.
"What we can't do is think that just a military approach in Afghanistan is going to be able to solve our problems," he said in an interview with CBS TV's "60 minutes".
"So what we're looking for is a comprehensive strategy. And there's got to be an exit strategy ... There's got to be a sense that this is not perpetual drift."
Holbrooke, who met NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer on Monday before briefing the 26 alliance ambassadors, said the review would be completed "soon".
He told the BBC in an interview that the priority would be dealing with the situation in tribal regions along the border with Pakistan, which have been a haven for militants.
"That is the main message we want to get across. You cannot separate Afghanistan and Pakistan," he said.
MORE TROOPS, MORE RESOURCES, MORE ATTENTION
He also criticised the previous Bush administration for neglecting Afghanistan and vowed "more troops, more resources, more high-level attention".
"I can't promise you a timetable or guaranteed success in an area this difficult," he said. "But I can guarantee you that this administration is going to do everything it can to succeed in one of the most difficult situations in the world."
Some analysts say Washington is going to have to engage in dialogue with some Taliban elements, a point Obama and Vice President Joe Biden have conceded this month. However, in Afghanistan, other experts have dismissed that idea.
And Taliban-led insurgents such as the Haqqani network, which has admitted carrying out some of the most deadly attacks on civilians and foreign troops in Afghanistan, dismiss the dialogue proposals as a trick to weaken and divide militants.
In an interview with Reuters on Monday Sirajuddin Haqqani said no Taliban would engage with Washington or Kabul.
The deployment of 17,000 additional U.S. troops, on top of the 38,000 already serving there, is meant to help subdue a resurgent Taliban and stabilise the country.
Other countries have about 30,000 soldiers helping the Kabul government under NATO and U.S. command, but have mostly been reluctant to commit more forces.
NATO-led forces deployed in southern and eastern Afghan provinces bordering Pakistan are overstretched and many of the new U.S. troops will be sent to these areas to reinforce efforts to stem insurgent activity on the porous Afghan-Pakistan border.
On Monday, eight policemen were killed by Taliban insurgents while they were on patrol in southern Kandahar province in a district just inside the Afghan border with Pakistan, the Interior Ministry said.
BIG CHALLENGE
Obama said the "destabilising border" between Afghanistan and Pakistan was a big military challenge. Al Qaeda and Taliban leaders are believed to be hiding out there using the remote region as a staging ground for attacks in Afghanistan.
"This is going to be a tough nut to crack. But it is not acceptable for us to simply sit back and let safe havens of terrorists plan and plot," he said.
U.S. air strikes on militants on the Pakistan side of the border have raised tensions with Islamabad, and the deaths of hundreds of Afghan civilians caught in the conflict have turned ordinary people against foreign forces and the government of President Hamid Karzai in Kabul.
The issue has flared again, with Afghan officials launching an investigation into a new U.S. military operation in Kunduz which killed five Afghans that police officials said were civilians, but U.S. forces insisted were militants.
Peshawar police helpless against gangsters
PESHAWAR: By falling victims to criminals operating in the provincial metropolis, policemen have been giving a clear message to the public that the force has failed miserably to ensure security of life and property to Peshawarites.
There had been gestures from the top to low ranking officers on various occasions in the past that the force was struggling against the criminal gangs and militant groups that have been playing havoc with the peace of the city.
A recent incident, in which an official vehicle was snatched from a deputy superintendent of police (DSP-CIA) accompanied by his gunmen, has sent a negative message to the public and alarmed bells in the corridors of power.
Surprisingly, the officials supposed to protect public did not offer any resistance and preferred to surrender without firing a single shot.
Suchlike incidents might have happened in southern districts of NWFP and Swat, but in Peshawar - which houses the 11th Corps of Pakistan Army, besides the headquarters of Frontier Corps, Frontier Constabulary and Frontier Police - it proved that “criminals have gained utmost strength.”
Just two days before the shameful incident of snatching of car from a DSP and his armed guards on Ring Road, armed tribesmen traveling in around a dozen double-cabin pickups were seen patrolling the area. Most of them were armed with rocket launchers while a few were carrying AK-47 rifles. Many witnessed them walking near Ring Road-Bara Road intersection with rocket launchers on their shoulders. There was no uniformed man to challenge the heavily armed people, suspected to be militants.
This was the same area where an encounter took place almost three months back and police had gunned down a fleeing tribesman. The poor stands of IGP, CCPO and others forced the head of that police party, ASP Hayatabad, to transfer himself out to Punjab in the wake of frequent threats. A sub-inspector of the same party had to involve his elders to settle the issue with that tribal group after senior police officers did not extend any help to the cop.
A number of such measures have brought the morale of the low-ranking policemen down.
Since the law and order has taken an ugly turn in the late 2006, police and other security forces have taken several measures to secure their establishments. One can see barricades erected, walls constructed and new iron gates installed at the entrances to police and army headquarters owing to security concerns.
Many routes leading towards the Peshawar cantonment have been permanently blocked, while security cameras have been installed to observe suspicious movement in the vicinity.
No doubt these steps were aimed at protecting valuable assets. These defensive measures were enough to discourage the junior police officials and bother the public in one way or the other.
One would admit that militancy is not the problem of police and the military and paramilitary forces should handle it. But it is a fact that kidnappings for ransom, robberies, dacoities, car lifting and snatching is directly to be dealt by the police force.
People are surprised as to why police have completely failed to put an end or at least minimize the unprecedented incidents of kidnapping for ransom from the city and surrounding towns.
Criminals have not even spared women who are being picked by unidentified groups to receive ransom against their release or sell them at brothels.
The statistics collected by independent sources revealed that around 100 people, from the well-off citizens to poor cabdrivers, have been kidnapped from Peshawar and nearby towns during the first two and a half months of the year 2009. They could return after payment of ransom, ranging from Rs0.2 million to 30 million.
Like scores of kidnapped people, the snatched vehicle of the DSP is yet to be recovered. The force must be more careful after the incident as criminals can use the official van for terrorist attack on any key installation. Several official vehicles, after being stolen, were used in bombings by terrorists on a number of occasions in the city.
There had been gestures from the top to low ranking officers on various occasions in the past that the force was struggling against the criminal gangs and militant groups that have been playing havoc with the peace of the city.
A recent incident, in which an official vehicle was snatched from a deputy superintendent of police (DSP-CIA) accompanied by his gunmen, has sent a negative message to the public and alarmed bells in the corridors of power.
Surprisingly, the officials supposed to protect public did not offer any resistance and preferred to surrender without firing a single shot.
Suchlike incidents might have happened in southern districts of NWFP and Swat, but in Peshawar - which houses the 11th Corps of Pakistan Army, besides the headquarters of Frontier Corps, Frontier Constabulary and Frontier Police - it proved that “criminals have gained utmost strength.”
Just two days before the shameful incident of snatching of car from a DSP and his armed guards on Ring Road, armed tribesmen traveling in around a dozen double-cabin pickups were seen patrolling the area. Most of them were armed with rocket launchers while a few were carrying AK-47 rifles. Many witnessed them walking near Ring Road-Bara Road intersection with rocket launchers on their shoulders. There was no uniformed man to challenge the heavily armed people, suspected to be militants.
This was the same area where an encounter took place almost three months back and police had gunned down a fleeing tribesman. The poor stands of IGP, CCPO and others forced the head of that police party, ASP Hayatabad, to transfer himself out to Punjab in the wake of frequent threats. A sub-inspector of the same party had to involve his elders to settle the issue with that tribal group after senior police officers did not extend any help to the cop.
A number of such measures have brought the morale of the low-ranking policemen down.
Since the law and order has taken an ugly turn in the late 2006, police and other security forces have taken several measures to secure their establishments. One can see barricades erected, walls constructed and new iron gates installed at the entrances to police and army headquarters owing to security concerns.
Many routes leading towards the Peshawar cantonment have been permanently blocked, while security cameras have been installed to observe suspicious movement in the vicinity.
No doubt these steps were aimed at protecting valuable assets. These defensive measures were enough to discourage the junior police officials and bother the public in one way or the other.
One would admit that militancy is not the problem of police and the military and paramilitary forces should handle it. But it is a fact that kidnappings for ransom, robberies, dacoities, car lifting and snatching is directly to be dealt by the police force.
People are surprised as to why police have completely failed to put an end or at least minimize the unprecedented incidents of kidnapping for ransom from the city and surrounding towns.
Criminals have not even spared women who are being picked by unidentified groups to receive ransom against their release or sell them at brothels.
The statistics collected by independent sources revealed that around 100 people, from the well-off citizens to poor cabdrivers, have been kidnapped from Peshawar and nearby towns during the first two and a half months of the year 2009. They could return after payment of ransom, ranging from Rs0.2 million to 30 million.
Like scores of kidnapped people, the snatched vehicle of the DSP is yet to be recovered. The force must be more careful after the incident as criminals can use the official van for terrorist attack on any key installation. Several official vehicles, after being stolen, were used in bombings by terrorists on a number of occasions in the city.
Sunday, March 22, 2009
Nawaz Sharif's Revolution
Nawaz Sharif, take a chill pill
M Waqar
Well I have been talking about revolution in Pakistan since high school, but its really funny to hear this great word, "revolution'' from Mr Nawaz Sharif . His revolution is for himself not for Pakistan people, he wants a revolution so he can become Prime Minister and let's not forget that Nawaz was PM not once but twice, so what happen then, he had all the power and he could change Pakistan, he could get rid of what he is talking about now. It is obvious that Nawaz Sharif is playing a dangerous game using Punjabi ethnicity for his political gains in Pakistan and he is not alone, Imran Khan even wants to use Taliban for revolution. Nawaz Sharif in Jhelum, asked people to rise and "get ready to make sacrifices for a revolution" and "come out on the streets to change your destiny". Then he says, "PPP has been perfidious in getting me disqualified, and because I cannot wait until the next elections to trounce the PPP, you, the people, should help me do it.'' Nawaz is once again trying to revive Punjabi chauvinism in Pakistan. Obviously what Nawaz promises the nation, is not a revolution but merely a regime-change to his liking. Nawaz talks about NRO but he forgets about his agreement with dictator Musharraf, he talks about judiciary but forgets his attack on Supreme Court, he talks about media but forgets what he did to Rehmat Shah Afridi of Frontier Post, Jang Group and others, he forgets what he did to Junejo. He talks about democracy but he forgot it while making forward bloc. Where was his revolution when Nawaz spent his time at Surror Palace in Jeddah and then in England and poor Pakistanis were selling kids and kidneys? Sharif was indicted for criminal charges, and was allowed to go without facing the them. Now he is back, but he did not face his criminal indictments. Mr Shahbaz Sharif and Mian Nawaz Sharif both are convicted criminals, in a unconstitutional deal with the military dictator General Pervez Musharaf, both went into exile with a promise to stop participating in politics. Pakistani politicians have no moral values and principles, when Nawaz was PM, JI Amir Qazi Hussain Ahmad told his supporters that Nawaz and Pakistan could not co-exist, but for creating disturbance Qazi joined his hands recently. Democracy cannot work in Pakistan unless and until the country rid itself of the culture of dynastic rulers, feudal lords, capricious, greedy rich politicians and military generals who have monopolized and manipulated Pakistan for the last 61 years for their personal interests. These corrupt politicians have now the last chance to save Pakistan from collapsing if their intentions are honest and patriotic but if as always in the past, they are only interested in the thickness of their wallets; the country is doomed as it is surrounded by enemies within and around its borders.
Saved from: http://www.thefrontierpost.com/News.aspx?ncat=le&nid=1221&ad=22-03-200
Dated: Sunday,March 22, 2009, Rabi-ul-Awwal 24, 1430 A.H.
Water Day goes unnoticed in Frontier(PUKHTUNKHWA)
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PESHAWAR: The 17th World Water Day (WWD) passed Sunday almost unnoticed as no function was held in the provincial capital to mark the day that is celebrated across the globe on March 22.
‘Sharing Water, Sharing Opportunities’ was the theme of the day this year. The importance of water could be gauged from the fact that the United Nations Conference on Environment Development, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, declared March 22 as the World Water Day. However, very few people, especially those at the helm of affairs, have realised the importance of water and thought seriously to preserve water reservoirs and protect this basic commodity from being wasted.
According to experts the third world war would be fought for water. Over the last 60 years, there have been more than 200 international water agreements and only 37 cases of reported violence between states over water. But still little efforts have been made to nurture the opportunities for cooperation that trans-boundary water management can provide or share the responsibility for managing the world’s trans-boundary waters for current and future generations.
In a country like Pakistan, water shortage has already started and its effects are visible not only on domestic consumers but also on agriculture yield and energy. The current wave of electricity loadshedding in the country is because of water shortage as the country’s largest dam — Tarbela Dam — has come to a dead level causing drastic reduction in power generation.
The country has been faced with water crisis right from 1948 when India started diverting water from the eastern rivers, which left rivers and canals in Pakistan high and dry. It took 12 years of hard work and the good offices of the World Bank to arrive at the Indus Water Treaty, and another two decades to complete all engineering works, including Tarbela.
However, the rulers are yet to come out of slumber and take serious steps for overcoming the water and power crisis in the country. More than three decades were wasted on politics played over building of big water reservoirs.
After the signing of a water accord in 1991, there arose internal disputes over water distribution, especially during the shortage period. According to the water accord, the distribution of water among the provinces included a considerable volume of water from storages, which were never built for want of consensus. Demand of water per capita is on the rise and the present situation is that water availability per capita is just on the borderline, which will soon fall below the base level, opines an expert.
On the other hand, the availability of good quality freshwater has been reduced due to pollution from human waste, industry and agriculture.
Though the figures are disturbing worldwide as everyday two million tons of human waste is being dumped in watercourses, situation in Pakistan, particularly NWFP, is more alarming.
Water pollution in the NWFP has gone to the extent that according to experts the water of River Kabul is even not suitable for agriculture, let alone human consumption like drinking and domestic use.
In Peshawar, sewerage water is being disposed of in canals passing through the city besides dumping of solid waste. Same is the situation of Swat River where all hotel waste is disposed of in the river polluting the water beyond consumption.
Untreated waste of Hayatabad industrial units is being dumped into nullahs that ultimately reach Kabul River.
But unfortunately the successive governments and concerned authorities are yet to realise their responsibility of saving water from pollution and waste.
Naming institutions after great party leaders
PESHAWAR: With little focus on genuine problems of the electorates, partners in the NWFP coalition government are preoccupied with renaming old or naming new institutions after their party leaders, built purely at the expense of taxpayers’ hard-earned money.Although the culture of naming buildings, playgrounds, hospitals, educational institutions, roads, etc, after leaders of political parties or national heroes traces back to the early days of the country’s birth: the names-giving spree of political parties gathered considerable momentum over the past few years.Each ruling party, both in the Centre or provinces, tries to outdo its predecessor in naming and renaming more and more public properties after its leaders in an apparent move to win a popular image among the masses although majority of people despise the practice.In some cases in the recent past, construction projects named after party leaders and founders were prematurely inaugurated due to fear of attempts by rival parties to claim it to the names of their leaders. One such recently-taken step by the incumbent provincial government is the construction of a new block at the Civil Secretariat in the name of late Khan Abdul Wali Khan, the seasoned Awami National Party (ANP) leader known for his straightforwardness and belief in practical work instead of running after reputation through nameplates.Besides the construction of the new block at the Civil Secretariat, the ANP government is also going to establish a university in Mardan, the hometown of Chief Minister Ameer Haidar Hoti. The university is named after the veteran Pakhtun leader Khan Abdul Wali Khan. The ANP cannot be singled out for the names-giving spree as its ally in the provincial government, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), is also going all-out to stretch the list of institutions and public buildings being named and renamed after the former two-time prime minister Shaheed Benazir Bhutto.A hospital planned to be constructed in Peshawar city is named as Benazir Bhutto Hospital. A hostel housing the internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Bajaur in Risalpur area of Nowshera district is also named after the late PPP chairperson, while the campus of Malakand University in Upper Dir district has recently been approved as Benazir Bhutto Shaheed University for Science and Technology.The trend was the same when the government of religious parties in the name of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) was in place in the province.
The Mufti Mahmood Hospital operational in the NWFP’s southern district of Dera Ismail Khan, the hometown of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, was established when the JUI-F was in the driving seat of the provincial government from the year 2002 till late 2007. Mufti Mahmood was the former chief minister of NWFP and father of JUI-F leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman.The MMA government had also planned a flyover project in the city to be named as Mufti Mahmood Flyover. However, the project was shelved owing to security concerns just before the completion of the five-year term of MMA government. Durrani Media Colony for journalists on the outskirts of Peshawar and Akram Durrani Model School in Bannu district are two other public projects named after former chief minister Akram Khan Durrani.Hailing from NWFP’s southern district of Bannu, a hospital, named after father of ex-CM Durrani, is also operational there, while a school in Swabi district has been named as Fazle Ali Public School. Maulana Fazle Ali of the JUI-F was elected to the NWFP Assembly from Swabi and served as education minister in the previous provincial set-up. An education institution was named after Jamaat-e-Islami chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad in Nowshera district, the hometown of JI ameer.In addition, Fazle Haq College Mardan, Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute for Science and Technology in Topi (Swabi) and Hayat Shaheed Teaching Hospital Peshawar are also named after political leaders, no doubt all the three institutions are rendering great services for the people of NWFP.
The Frontier Assembly had also passed a resolution for renaming the Peshawar International Airport as Baacha Khan Airport Peshawar.Remembering leaders like Abdul Wali Khan, Benazir Bhutto or Mufti Mahmood is no doubt a noble task as all the three figures rendered great sacrifices for the country and democracy, but the people want their successors to stick to their political philosophies and truly serve the masses instead of cashing names of their leaders for political gains.
Bajaur IDPs refuse to return
NOWSHERA: Internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Jalozai Camp Sunday refused to go back to their homes in Bajaur though peace had been restored in the agency.
Reacting to the government decision of sending back the IDPs to Bajaur, the IDPs took out a protest rally.
The IDPs threatened to take to road if their demands were not met by March 25, adding that their protest would continue till the acceptance of their demands including enforcement of Nizam-e-Adl Regulation in Bajaur; grant of Rs0.5 million to each family for rehabilitation and guarantee of peace. They said their houses were destroyed in the operation, besides most of their relatives were killed and injured.
Official sources said that almost 6,000 families, comprising 32,000 individuals, had been accommodated in the camp.
Earlier, an official of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees said the situations were peaceful in the agency and the affectees could return to their homes.
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