#CapitolRiots - Incitement to Riot? What Trump Told Supporters Before Mob Stormed Capitol

By Charlie Savage
Here is a closer look at what the president said at a rally of his supporters, which is a central focus of the impeachment case being prepared against him.
The speech that President Trump delivered to his supporters just before they attacked the Capitol last week is a central focus as House Democrats prepare an article of impeachment against him for inciting the deadly riot.
Mr. Trump had urged supporters to come to Washington for a “Save America March” on Wednesday, when Congress would ceremonially count President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s win, telling them to “be there, will be wild!” At a rally just before the violence, he repeated many of his falsehoods about how the election was stolen, then dispatched the marchers to the Capitol as those proceedings were about to start.
Here are some notable excerpts from Mr. Trump’s remarks, with analysis.
Trump urged his supporters to ‘fight much harder’ against ‘bad people’ and ‘show strength’ at the Capitol. 

“Republicans are constantly fighting like a boxer with his hands tied behind his back. It’s like a boxer. And we want to be so nice. We want to be so respectful of everybody, including bad people. And we’re going to have to fight much harder. …
“We’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women, and we’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them, because you’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong.”
The president’s speech was riddled with violent imagery and calls to fight harder than before. By contrast, he made only a passing suggestion that the protest should be nonviolent, saying, “I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.”
During Mr. Trump’s impeachment last year, one of his defenses was that the primary accusation against him — that he abused his power by withholding aid to Ukraine in an attempt to get its president to announce a corruption investigation into Mr. Biden — was not an ordinary crime, so it did not matter even if it were true. Most legal specialists said that made no difference for impeachment purposes, but in any case that argument would not be a defense here. Several laws clearly make it a crime to incite a riot or otherwise try to get another person to engage in a violent crime against property or people.
Trump told the crowd that ‘very different rules’ applied.
“When you catch somebody in a fraud, you are allowed to go by very different rules. So I hope Mike has the courage to do what he has to do, and I hope he doesn’t listen to the RINOs and the stupid people that he’s listening to.”
Whipping up anger against Republicans who were not going along with his plan for subverting the election, like Vice President Mike Pence, Mr. Trump told the crowd that “different rules” now applied. At the most obvious level, the president was arguing that what he wanted Mr. Pence to do — reject the state-certified Electoral College results — would be legitimate, but the notion of “very different rules” applying carried broader overtones of extraordinary permission as well. (“RINO” is a term of abuse used by highly partisan Republicans against more moderate colleagues they deem to be “Republicans in Name Only.”)
Trump insinuated that Republican officials, including Pence, would endanger themselves by accepting Biden’s win. “I hope Mike is going to do the right thing. I hope so. I hope so, because if Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election. … And I actually — I just spoke to Mike. I said: ‘Mike, that doesn’t take courage. What takes courage is to do nothing. That takes courage.’”
“I also want to thank our 13 most courageous members of the U.S. Senate, Senator Ted Cruz, Senator Ron Johnson, Senator Josh Hawley. … Senators have stepped up. We want to thank them. I actually think, though, it takes, again, more courage not to step up, and I think a lot of those people are going to find that out. And you better start looking at your leadership, because your leadership has led you down the tubes.”
Mr. Trump twice told the crowd that Republicans who did not go along with his effort to overturn the election — Mr. Pence as well as senators like Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, who did not join in the performative objections led by Mr. Hawley and Mr. Cruz — were actually the ones being courageous. In context, the president’s implication is that they were putting themselves at risk because it would be safer to go along with what he wanted. During the ensuing riot, the mob chanted “Hang Mike Pence.”
Trump suggested that he wanted his supporters to stop the certification of Biden’s electoral win, not just protest it. “We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved. Our country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that is what this is all about. And to use a favorite term that all of you people really came up with, we will stop the steal. …
“You will have an illegitimate president. That is what you will have, and we can’t let that happen. These are the facts that you won’t hear from the fake news media. It’s all part of the suppression effort. They don’t want to talk about it. They don’t want to talk about it. …
“We fight like hell, and if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.”
Two months after he lost the election, Mr. Trump repeatedly told his followers that they could still stop Mr. Biden from becoming president if they “fight like hell,” a formulation that suggested they act and change things, not merely raise their voices in protest. As he dispatched his supporters into what became deadly chaos, Trump falsely told them that he would come, too. Now it is up to Congress to confront this egregious assault on our democracy. 

And after this, we’re going to walk down, and I’ll be there with you. … We are going to the Capitol, and we are going to try and give — the Democrats are hopeless, they are never voting for anything, not even one vote, but we are going to try — give our Republicans, the weak ones, because the strong ones don’t need any of our help, we’re try — going to try and give them the kind of pride and boldness that they need to take back our country.” As he sicced his supporters on Congress, Mr. Trump assured them that he would personally accompany them to the Capitol. In fact, as several of his followers and police officers were being injured or dying in the ensuing chaos, the president was watching the violence play out on television from the safety of the White House.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/10/us/trump-speech-riot.html?action=click&module=Spotlight&pgtype=Homepage


Tyrants gaze with glee at what Trump has done to American democracy

Andrew Rawnsley

 His incitement of the violent assault on the US Capitol was the savage consummation of the four years of vandalism he has unleashed on America’s body politic.

Ever since he lost last November’s election, there have been entirely believeable reports that Donald Trump is toying with issuing a presidential pardon to himself. What he will never secure is a reprieve from history’s verdict on his wretched presidency. It will be a defining image and an enduring epitaph: the invasion and ransacking of the US Capitol by a mob he incited to prevent Congress certifying that Joe Biden had won a free and fair election. It is highly moot whether the use of the 25th amendment or a second impeachment will now bring a slightly earlier conclusion to America’s long national nightmare by removing him before the official end of his term on 20 January. However that turns out, posterity will condemn him as the president who conspired to subvert the constitution that he was solemnly sworn to preserve and protect.
Historians will also dwell on some of the other actors in play, including those Republican senators and congressmen who indulged or stoked his plot to overturn the election result by peddling claims of fraud that were themselves fraudulent and have been investigated and rejected at every level of government. None of that, nor questions about the role played by social media and why the security around Congress was so easily breached, should distract us from the fundamental point. Culpability for the violent assault on the heart of American democracy lies squarely with him, as even some who were his most ardent apologists have acknowledged.
An event can be shocking and at the same time not at all surprising. The dark hours when the Capitol was overrun by a pro-Trump horde, some of the invaders emblazoned with Nazi slogans, were the product of the four dark years of vandalism he has unleashed on America’s body politic. The assault on Capitol Hill was the savage consummation of a presidency founded, fuelled and feeding on division; a presidency that has stamped on democratic norms, fomented lunatic conspiracy theories and made lies the chief currency of its public discourse since the very beginning.
It was a grimly appropriate finale that he employed demagoguery powered by falsehoods to invite the assault on lawmakers, inflaming a so-called “Save America” rally by declaring: “You’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength.” His personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, was even more explicitly insurrectionist when he told the crowd: “Let’s have trial by combat.” The horde, some of them armed, then overran the Capitol screaming Mr Trump’s mendacious mantra: “Stop the steal!” The mobster-in-chief, the capo of chaos, then released a pre-recorded video expressing his “love” for the “very special” people who were menacing elected representatives and rampaging in the most hallowed chambers of America’s democracy while regurgitating the lie that he won the election. Liz Cheney, the third highest-ranking Republican in the House of Representatives, offered a quote for the history books when she said: “There is no question that the president formed the mob, the president incited the mob, the president addressed the mob. He lit the flame.” She is right. Mitt Romney, the Utah senator and former presidential candidate, had something to say to those in his party who colluded with the scheme to delegitimise the election result. He yelled in their direction: “This is what you’ve gotten.” He is right.
“This is banana republic crap,” said Mike Gallagher, a Republican congressman, before making this plea to its author. “Mr President, you have got to stop this. Call it off! The election is over. Call it off! This is bigger than you.” He was also right, but hopelessly naive to think that Mr Trump can ever conceive of anything bigger than himself.
Only much later did he seek to distance himself from the mob that he had instigated and ignited. In a robotic statement that some likened to a hostage video, he redefined his “very special” people as the perpetrators of a “heinous act”. This volte face came only after the insurrection had failed, when even some previously diehard loyalists had deserted him in disgust and advisers were warning he had exposed himself to a prosecution for sedition. An enforced climbdown that reeked of insincerity does nothing to alleviate the most damnatory verdict against this president. You can argue that there are slivers of encouragement to be extracted from the day of infamy. Once the rioters had been cleared from the Capitol, Congress reconvened in the early hours to certify Joe Biden as the next president. Shockingly, more than a hundred Republicans in Congress continued to collude with Mr Trump even after the storming of the building, but it should be noted that others have shown a commendable dedication to democracy.
The ugly events on Capitol Hill overshadowed a revelation earlier in the week that the president had unsuccessfully sought to bully Brad Raffensperger, a Republican and the senior election official in Georgia, into “finding” enough votes to flip the result in that state. Judges have thrown out more than 60 Trumpian gambits to discredit the election. The conservative-dominated supreme court, three of whose justices are Trump appointments, rejected his attempts to block ballots in a number of key states that voted for Mr Biden. So you can make a case that the constitution and the republic’s attachment to democratic values have ultimately proved sufficiently robust to meet the severe stress test inflicted by this disgraced president.
There is a terrible cost, though, to America’s experiment with Trumpism and the price will still be being paid after he has been removed. The catastrophic wreckage left by his presidency is not just to be reckoned in the broken glass, trashed offices and fatalities on Capitol Hill. The cost of Trumpism is also to be counted in a poisoning of American politics. He is an electoral failure. Never forget that he lost the popular vote in both the contests he fought, defeated by a thumping margin of more than 7m votes last November. Yet he has been horribly successful in undermining faith in American democracy and corroding respect for it abroad. Once, you would have assumed that the spectacle of rioters desecrating the national legislature would repel Republican voters. They usually like to think they belong to the party of law and order. So it is testimony to the scale of his malignant achievement that polling of Trump voters suggests that two-thirds buy his big lie that the election was stolen and as many approved as deplored the mayhem unleashed at the citadel of their country’s democracy. Mr Trump has done far more damage to trust in America’s system of government than Vladimir Putin’s battalions of cyber-agents have ever managed.
By despoiling his high office so basely, he has also made it that much harder for the values of liberty to prevail in the vital global contest to combat resurgent despotism. The latest audit of pluralism and democracy from Freedom House comes to the baleful conclusion that the world is becoming less free as dictators tighten their grip in some regions, while elsewhere wannabe despots stretch and unravel the fabric of democracy. Mr Trump is not solely responsible for this dismal trend, but he has helped to exaggerate it by demoralising those struggling for civil liberties and fair elections while emboldening their opponents. America’s claim to be a “beacon of liberty” has always been contestable. Under him, the idea became risible.
The violence on Capitol Hill was watched with horror in the capitals of liberal democracies and with glee among the rulers of Russia, China and Iran. Many of the world’s most unsavoury regimes seized on the grisly finale to the Trump presidency to justify their own autocracies. Beijing was gifted another opportunity to depict democracy as a recipe for anarchy. Tehran gloatingly took it as evidence of “how vulnerable and fragile western democracy is”. From Moscow came the snickering contention that “American democracy is obviously limping on both feet”.
We must hope that this is the final service that Mr Trump will render to the world’s autocracies after four years of offering them encouragement. From Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil to Viktor Orbán in Hungary to Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, authoritarians recognised themselves in his behaviour and from that drew strength. The Trump presidency has emboldened autocrats the world over to believe that liberal democracy is in decline and tomorrow belongs to them. It is not just America that has suffered a terrible price for the Trump presidency. The cost is being paid in lost liberty around the planet.
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/jan/10/tyrants-gaze-with-glee-at-what-trump-has-done-to-american-democracy

#hazaragenocide #Pakistan - Lethal blackmail arsenal

Abbas Nasir
IF bodies of slain loved ones can indeed be weaponized by mourning families to blackmail a prime minister, the Hazara Shias of Balochistan must be the most well-armed and lethal community in the country. But is that really the case?
To understand this point, let’s take a cursory look at what the Hazara community has gone through over the past two decades. The community is, or was, approximately 0.7 million strong. Over the past 21 years an estimated 1,500 of its members have been murdered.
The rage and the bloodlust of the murderers has not even spared unarmed women and children, including infants, what to talk of men. If the same proportion of about 220m Pakistanis had been killed as the Hazaras have lost of their own, the toll would be close to half a million. Yes. Half a million! That would be about 10 times the total civilian, military, paramilitary and police losses combined in 20 years of the war on terrorism suffered by the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Who is unaware of the trauma the loss of those approximately 50,000 plus Pakistanis caused each of us, how it touched us?
If the same proportion of about 220m Pakistanis had been killed as the Hazaras have lost of their own, the toll would be close to 0.5m.
Now imagine what pain our own Hazara compatriots live in, in perpetuity. The fear and anguish that must have made a permanent place in their hearts; the despair that must cast a long shadow over their lives and the threat they must have to bear as they go about their everyday chores.
The tragedy visiting them is endless. The number of their dead is tabulated by the Hazara Organisation for Peace and Equality (HOPE), a US-based, registered non-profit human rights organisation documenting war crimes, human rights violations, and systemic discrimination against the Hazaras.
This number does not include Hazara youths who have drowned in the high seas trying to find safer shores in South-East Asia and Australia, but it does include a young man who was murdered in Quetta after his asylum application was rejected and he was deported from Indonesia. Whilst the number of dead is accurately recorded as is that of Hazaras wounded in assassination attempts by automatic weapons or bombs — running into the thousands certainly — there are no details of what bullet or bomb blast injuries have done to those who continue to live. For example, if they are able to work.
A number of young Hazara men, and some families, have sought asylum abroad. The painful reality is that even though a strong bond unites the community, the more educated members have greater mobility and can, and some have, moved out to safer cities within the country too. Some estimates put migration (domestic and foreign) thus far at up to 40 per cent of the community.
For the vast majority life is hellish. The state has failed them.
Of course, things weren’t always like this. The community had a sizeable presence in Quetta’s trade and commerce; owned many businesses. From visits to Quetta up to the 1990s (before mass murder visited them), I have a clear recollection of Hazara-owned shops, restaurants and even rickshaws driven by them.
Apart from trade and commerce, the Hazaras had solid representation in the armed forces, boasting a former C-in-C, Gen Muhammad Musa, a three-star PAF officer Air Marshal Sharbat Ali Changezi and many other decorated officers. My father’s dear friend and comrade-in-arms Col Barkat Ali was among the finest who wore the uniform.
The Hazaras have contributed to Pakistan’s defence, enriched its sports team, most notably football and boxing. They have performed admirably in martial arts, competing in international events and have also excelled academically.
But brutal, systematic violence targeting them has meant an economic meltdown for the community. A large proportion of their businesses outside the two enclaves (ghettos, if we are honest) they have been forced into, have been shut down or sold for a fraction of their real price.
The threat to their life and limb has restricted mobility and this has had a devastating impact on their ability to generate an income. Some among them, such as the miners who had their hands tied behind their backs and throats slit, are forced to leave their ghettos and the little security they are afforded there, in order to find manual labour.
The State has abandoned them. There is no doubt about that. Those close to the ground realities and familiar with the dynamics of Balochistan say the state’s own policies have rendered it helpless in doing anything for the Hazaras. “First there was the need to accommodate the Afghan Taliban who came here in large numbers in the aftermath of 9/11 and brought some of their sectarian prejudices with them,” a Quetta-based journalist said. The journalist reminded me that Afghan Hazara leader Abdul Ali Mazari, who fought against the Soviets, was killed by the Taliban in 1995 when they controlled the Ghazni area, after being invited for talks. He was reportedly taken up in a helicopter and thrown out of it at high altitude. “Then followed years of looking the other way after Nawab Bugti’s killing led to Baloch militancy. Some of the armed extremist Baloch religious groups helping the security forces in ‘tackling’ Baloch militancy, were simultaneously pursuing their sectarian agenda on the side,” he added.
The Hazaras have paid a very heavy price. I know of families now having to live off charity because the main breadwinner(s) was snatched away. Occasionally, they are unable to contain their pain; they do sit-ins not to inconvenience us or to blackmail anyone.
They just want us to acknowledge they are hurting. We may be helpless in protecting them but are we also helpless in displaying a bit of empathy, compassion? If we find ourselves bereft of humanity, let’s not call Hazaras blackmailers. They are not.
https://www.dawn.com/news/1600683/lethal-blackmail-arsenal

#Pakistan - Journalists pay heavy price for press freedom - Journalist Raza Rumi talks about the state of media freedom in Pakistan

By Qaisar Abbas

Freedom of the press is becoming an increasingly deadly commitment for South Asian journalists. Although censorship tactics are not new to the region, Pakistan appears to be at the forefront of taking extreme measures, including violence, against journalists.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), 61 journalists died in Pakistan between 1992 and 2020. During the same period, 51 journalists were killed in India and Afghanistan each, 22 in Bangladesh, 19 in Sri Lanka, eight in Nepal, and two in the Maldives.

The CPJ database indicates that most of these Pakistani journalists were killed while working on ‘dangerous’ assignments. Others were caught in the crossfire. An overwhelming majority of these worked for newspaper and TV channels. Several were also associated with the internet and social media.

Raza Rumi is one of the Pakistani journalists who narrowly survived an assassination attempt that killed his driver. He currently lives in the United States and leads a multi-media online network. He has written three books on Pakistan, including the recent collection of essays: Being Pakistani: Society, Culture and the Arts. He also teaches journalism at Ithaca College in the New York state.

Talking about freedom of the press in Pakistan, he says, “Journalists have been at the receiving end throughout the history of Pakistan, mainly due to the censorship policies that the state has followed. As an inheritor of the Raj, it views information control as a tool of power as well as the means to keep the hegemony of ruling classes intact.”

According to the CPJ database, 56 of the assassinated journalists worked for Urdu and English newspapers and TV channels across the nation.

The print media journalists represented Karak TimesAkhbar-i-JahanDawnOsafMashriqParchamDaily ExpressTakbirThe NewsDaily PakistanIntikhabShumalUmmatThe Nation, K2 TimesDaily NewsNaiBaatAzadi, The Frontier PostAkhbar-i-Khyber and Jang.

The other media workers were representing TV news channels including SamaARYExpress TVKavish Television NetworkGeoWaqtMarkaz and DM Digital TVDunyaAbtakWASH TVRoyal TVKhyber TVAssociated Press TV NewsCity 42 and Aaj TV.

In Rumi‘s opinion, crimes against electronic media and newspaper reporters have been increasing because of the growing militancy in the country. He recalls that the state had been the only source of censorship in the past.

“In recent decades, however, the rise of militias and vigilante groups has made it worse. In addition to the state, non-state actors, sometimes in collusion with their patrons in the state, unleash violence against journalists. Under the current hybrid regime, the need to control the narrative has become even more paramount with more and more voices on social media challenging the official policies,” he elaborates.

Of the journalists who lost their lives, 35 were involved in political reporting, six were crime reporters, six were assigned establishment-related reporting and three government departments. Several others were reporting on human rights, war and corruption.

For Raza Rumi, “In many ways, this is an unprecedented moment. There is firm self-censorship in place in the electronic and print media, but the digital spaces are relatively open. That seems to be the major challenge for the state now. They enacted a draconian PECA law in 2017, and have recently enacted rules without consultation and parliamentary input. This will lead to more gagging and violence.”


“In recent decades the rise of militias and vigilante groups has made it worse. In addition to the state, non-state actors sometimes, in collusion with their patrons in the state, unleash violence against journalists. Under the current hybrid regime, the need to control the narrative has become paramount with more and more voices on social media challenging the official policies.

Consequently, several social media activists have been arrested for their ‘anti-state’ posts. As Raza Rumi explains, “The most glaring example is the way four bloggers were picked up in 2017 and kept in detention for months before being sent home. Some of them left Pakistan in the following weeks.”

Several unions and numerous press clubs in the country try to protect journalists and media workers. Besides passing resolutions and organising protest rallies, are these organisations taking some practical steps to protect journalists?

The government has also tried to gag opposition voices on the electronic media. In October last year, the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) banned the broadcast of speeches, interviews and public addresses by absconders and proclaimed offenders. The development came a few hours after former prime minister Nawaz Sharif criticized the government in his second address to the PML-N’s central working committee meeting, which was aired on numerous news channels in Pakistan. Later on, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and 16 journalists, anchorpersons and media analysts filed a petition in the Islamabad High Court (IHC) against the prohibition order. The petitioners include IA Rehman, Mohammad Ziauddin, Saleem Safi, Zahid Hussain, Asma Shirazi, Syed Ejaz Haider, Munizae Jahangir, Ghazi Salahuddin, Zubeida Mustafa, Najam Sethi, Nasim Zehra, Amber Rahim Shamsi, Gharida Farooqi, Mehmal Sarfraz and Mansoor Ali Khan.

Expressing pessimism on disunity among journalists’ organisations, Raza has mixed feelings about the future of media freedoms in Pakistan: “With dozens dead and hundreds fired by media outlets, the journalist bodies are disunited to put up a joint front. In fact, they have been divided and made ineffective. Still, a number of media persons are pushing the envelope and defying the current environment of self-censorship.”

Since independence, Pakistani media has been under pressure during dictatorships and civil governments. However, research indicates that censorship and restrictions on media have been more violent and direct during dictatorships.

Tactics of pressures and modes of censorship have also drastically changed in recent years. Media are usually free to analyse social, cultural, and economic issues and criticise civil governments and political leaders. Criticism on the establishment directly or indirectly is a no-go area.

The state religion and religious leaders’ criticism is also not tolerated by militant groups, religious organizations and clerics. On the other hand, criticism of minority religions and their followers have become an accepted norm.

The nature of censorship also varies by the type of media outlets and their reach to the population at large. As print media and TV channels in Urdu and regional languages have a broader audience, they are severely scrutinized than the English newspapers and magazines.

As a result of economic pressures and violence, journalists and media organisations have created unwritten rules on what to cover. These self-censorship parameters dangerously hamper the free flow of information and healthy debates on significant issues of society.

Against this backdrop, it appears that journalists and media workers are paying a heavy price for their commitment to freedom of the press in the country. With hopes for freedom to write fading, the fourth pillar of democracy appears to be in a bad shape in Pakistan.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/771176-journalists-pay-heavy-price-for-press-freedom


#Pakistan, #PakistanHindusTorture, #pakistanHindus - Protests in #Bangladesh against atrocities against minorities in #Pakistan

 

A large section of people recently protested  in Bangladesh capital Dhaka against the ongoing atrocities on minorities in Pakistan, which had once unleashed horrors in the people of Bangladesh during its independence movement that culminated in the birth of a new nation in 1971.

The protesters included Sumon Kumar Roy, president of Bangladesh Hindu Bar Association; Kapil Krishna Mandal, general secretary of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) Bangladesh Branch and Subir Kanti Saha, convener of Hindu Parishad, reports ANI.

The protest was held in the context of a temple being damaged by a mob in Pakistan's Karak district.

Human rights activities have condemned the incident that took place against the Hindu community of the country.

“Although the Hindus of Pakistan are outraged by this incident, Imran Khan’s administration has not yet taken any action. Hindus in the area could not protest due to fear. Pakistan is now slowly becoming a hell for the people of the Hindu community,” VHP general secretary Kapil Krishna Mandal  told ANI.

Dipankar Sikder Dipu, one of the members of Hindu Parishad, hit out at the Imran Khan-led Pakistan government for playing the role of a mere spectator despite knowing the reality of the situation.

“Hindus living in Sindh province were subjected to severe torture by fundamentalists and women were forcibly taken away and raped. After abduction of minors and young women, they were converted and married off forcibly. Imran Khan’s administration is fully aware of these incidents but continues to play the role of a silent spectator,” Dipu told ANI.

Sumon Kumar Roy, president of Bangladesh Hindu Bar Association, told ANI that Hindus and other minorities in Pakistan have to live as second class citizens and are discriminated against in every step of life to get accommodation, job, government facilities.

“Many members of the Pakistani Hindu community feel that many Hindu families are now being forced to convert to Islam because they cannot tolerate inhumane treatment and torture,” Roy added.

https://www.indiablooms.com/world-details/SA/27553/protests-in-bangladesh-against-atrocities-against-minorities-in-pakistan.html

Air pollution likely led to 29% pregnancy loss in #India, #Pakistan, #Bangladesh — Lancet study


  

Study in Lancet Planetary Health also finds that pregnancy loss associated with air pollution is more common in the northern plains of India and Pakistan.

Poor air quality has been associated with a significant proportion of pregnancy loss in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh from 2000-2016, according to a study published in Lancet Planetary Health.

The epidemiological case-control study — the first to quantify the impact of air pollution on pregnancy loss in South Asia — said that exposure among mothers to ambient particulate matter (PM 2.5) was associated with pregnancy loss, which included stillbirths and miscarriages. 

It also stated that in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, air pollution might have contributed to as much as 29 per cent of pregnancy losses.

The annual PM 2.5 standard of India is 40 mg/m3. Worldwide, 10 of the top 20 cities with the highest PM 2.5, are in India.
The Lancet study, published this month, stated that South Asia was one of the polluted regions in the world and had the highest burden of pregnancy loss globally.
Lead author of the study, Dr Tao Xue, from Peking University in China, said, “South Asia has the highest burden of pregnancy loss globally and is one of the most PM 2.5 polluted regions in the world.”“Our findings suggest that poor air quality could be responsible for a considerable burden of pregnancy loss in the region, providing further justification for urgent action to tackle dangerous levels of pollution,” he added.
Findings of the study
The data for the study was collected from the Demographic Health Surveys from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh during 1998–2016, for women who reported at least one pregnancy loss and one or more live births.
The researchers estimated exposure to PM 2.5 air quality during a woman’s pregnancy by studying various modelling outputs.
They created a model to examine how exposure to air quality of PM 2.5 increased women’s risk of pregnancy loss. They did this by calculating the risk for each increase in 10 micrograms per cubic metre (10 mg/m3) in PM 2.5 after taking into account maternal age, humidity, seasonal variation, and temperature.
The team then calculated the number of pregnancy losses, which might have been caused in the region from 2000-2016 due to exposure to PM 2.5. It found that a 7 per cent annual pregnancy loss was due to exposure to PM 2.5 when India’s air quality exceeded the acceptable limits for that time period.
The study also found that a woman’s risk of pregnancy loss increased by 3 per cent with each increase in 10 mg/m3, and that air pollution could have contributed to 29 per cent of the pregnancy losses.
The study included 34,197 women in the region, who had lost a pregnancy, which included 27,480 miscarriage and 6,717 stillbirths. Out of these, 77 per cent of the pregnancy losses were from India, 12 per cent from Pakistan and 11 per cent from Bangladesh. The study also stated: “During 2010-15, 178 million (25.5 per cent) of 698 million babies born globally were born in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh combined, but 9,17,800 (35.0 per cent) of 26,20,000 stillbirths occurred in these countries.”
Limitations
The study also revealed that pregnancy loss associated with air pollution was more common in the northern plains of India and Pakistan.
The researchers, however, pointed out some limitations in their study.
They said gaps such as the under-reporting of pregnancy losses — either due to stigma or ignoring pregnancy losses that occurred during the early gestational stage — could result in an underestimation of the link between poor air quality and pregnancy loss. https://theprint.in/health/air-pollution-likely-led-to-29-pregnancy-loss-in-india-pakistan-bangladesh-lancet-study/581519/

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فرنود عالم  

درد کے قبیلے سے بلاوے آ رہے ہیں اور اقتدار کی پالکی میں پڑے بھاری پاؤں اٹھنے میں نہیں آ رہے۔




شیخ سعدی کی گلستانِ سعدی میں ایک حکایت پڑھی تھی۔ شہری نے ایک جابر بادشاہ کو سوتے دیکھا تو دعا کی، خدایا تو اسے دیر تک سلائے رکھ۔ جتنی دیر یہ سوتا ہے، اتنی دیر سکون رہتا ہے۔

 کوئٹہ میں نقطہ انجماد کو چھونے والی سردی میں ہزارہ ہم وطنوں کی سر بریدہ لاشیں رکھی ہیں۔ ایک وزیر جاتا ہے، دکھ میں اضافہ کرتا ہے اور آجاتا ہے۔ دوسرا جاتا ہے، فائدہ دینے کی بجائے فائدہ مانگ کر آجاتا ہے۔ پھر باری آتی وزیر اعظم کی۔ ٹویٹ کرتے ہیں تو زخموں پر نمک چھڑک دیتے ہیں۔ اشارہ دیتے ہیں تو جلتی پر تیل کی دھار مار دیتے ہیں۔ گفتگو کے لیے ایوان سے باہر آئے تو لگا کہ تین دن کی سیاسی بد اخلاقیوں کا ازالہ کریں گے۔ وہ آئے، درد کا مذاق اڑا کر چلے گئے۔

وہ تو اپوزیشن کی تحریک اور ہزارہ ہم وطنوں کے ماتم میں فرق ہی نہ کر سکے۔ تعزیت اور احتجاج کو ایک ہی مصرعے میں باندھ کر ایسے چلے گئے جیسے کہ کچھ کہا ہی نہ ہو۔ وہ نہ سمجھتے ہوں گے، کیا اس کابینہ میں ایک شخص بھی ایسا نہیں ہے جو زمین سے جڑت رکھتا ہو؟ ہزارہ اب دعا کرتے ہوں گے، اے خدائے بزرگ وبرتر! تونے آنے کی توفیق تو نہیں دی، تو ہمارے بادشاہ کو خاموش رہنے کی توفیق ہی دے دے۔ جتنی دیر یہ خاموش رہتا ہے، زخم سلے رہتے ہیں۔

انسان اگر یہ جان لے کہ کبھی کبھی خاموش رہنا کتنا ضروری ہوتا ہے، تو وہ گفتگو کا ہنر جان لے۔ جب مُردے کلام کرنے لگ جائیں تب تو خاموشی اور بھی ضروری ہوجاتی ہے۔ ایسے موقع پر تو ہمدردی کے بول بھی تذلیل کی جسارت دکھائی دینے لگتی ہے۔ جس کے بچے کا گلا کاٹا جا چکا ہو، اسے تو یہ تک کہنا بھی مشکل ہو جاتا ہے کہ میں تمہارے درد کو سمجھ سکتا ہوں۔ اسے تو یہ بھی نہیں کہا جا سکتا کہ میں تمہارے دکھ میں برابر کا شریک ہوں۔ ایسی ہر بات رسمی لگتی ہے اور مذاق لگتا ہے۔

 ایسے میں صرف خاموش ہوا جا سکتا ہے۔ ساتھ کھڑے رہو مگر خاموش رہو۔ سر پہ ہاتھ رکھو یا پھر ہاتھ پکڑ لو۔ خاموشی میں گہرائی ہوئی اور لمس کی گرمی ہوئی تو زخم صاف ہونا شروع ہو جائیں گے۔ گفتگو کی گنجائش نکلنا شروع ہو جائے گی۔ آج سے کوئی دس برس قبل ایک بڑے دھماکے کے بعد حسن معراج نے ہزارہ ٹاون کے پاس ایک بچے کو دیکھا تھا، جو خستہ و شکستہ سی موٹر سائیکل سے کچھ کھرچ کھرچ کر تھیلی میں ڈال رہا تھا۔ حسن نے پوچھا، یہ کیا ڈال رہے ہو؟ بچے نے کہا، یہ میرا بھائی ہے۔ حسن چپ ہو گیا۔ اس چُپ سے بڑھ کر اس موقعے پر آپ کیا دے سکتے ہیں؟

میں پہلی بار ہزارہ ٹاؤن کے قبرستان میں داخل ہوا تو ایک ہزارہ لڑکی میرے ساتھ تھی۔ قبرستان کے داخلی راستے پر کچھ بھکاری بیٹھے تھے۔ لڑکی نے کہا، کبھی یہ تصور بھی نہیں کیا جا سکتا تھا کہ ہزارہ بزرگ اور خواتین اس طرح بھیک مانگنے پر مجبور ہوں گے۔ ہم تو درد سے یہ بھی نہ کہہ سکے، اچھا۔ بس چُپ!!!

قبرستان میں ایک پوری دیوار شہدا کی تصاویر اور ناموں سے بھری ہوئی ہے۔ ہزارہ لڑکی نے کہا، شاید ہی اس ٹاؤن میں ایسا کوئی گھر ہو جس کی نمائندگی اس دیوار پر موجود نہ ہو۔ ہم چپ رہے۔ ہم نے چلنا شروع کیا اور اُس نے بتانا شروع کیا، یہ دیکھو یہ میرا کزن ہے۔ یہ والی میرے ایک اور کزن کی منگیتر تھی۔ وہ کزن بھی ایک دھماکے میں زخمی ہو چکا ہے۔ جس سال اس کی منگیتر ماری گئی، اسی سال اس کا گریجویشن ہونی تھی اور پھر شادی کی تیاریاں ہونی تھیں۔ یہ جو بزرگ سے ہیں یہ میرے ددھیال کی طرف سے میرے عزیز تھے۔ ہم انہیں چچا ہی کہتے تھے۔ بہت اچھے انسان تھے۔ یار یہ دیکھو، اس کے تنور سے ہم روٹیاں خریدتے تھے۔

یہ جو لڑکا سا ہے جینز ٹی شرٹ میں، یہ بھی ہماری امی کے رشتے داروں میں سے تھا۔ اداکاری کا اسے بہت شوق تھا۔ اس کی امی نے اس کے شوق کی خاطر بہت پیسے لگائے، مگر سارے خواب ادھورے رہ گئے۔ یہ جو سامنے والے تین ہیں، یہ ایک ہی گھر کے افراد ہیں۔ یہ بھی یوں سمجھو کہ ہمارے رشتے دار ہی تھے۔ جس دن مارے گئے اس کے دوسرے دن ان کی بیٹی پیدا ہوئی تھی۔ ابھی تو کافی بڑی ہو گئی ہے۔ کتنا عجیب سا دکھ ہے اس بچی کا بھی۔

یہ دیکھو، یہ بچہ اپنے والد کے ساتھ مارا گیا تھا۔ ان کی تصویریں نہیں ہیں، مگر نام لکھے ہوئے ہیں۔ چلتے چلتے لڑکی نے ایک تصویر کی طرف اشارہ کیا اور بے دھڑک کہہ دیا، اور یہ میرا محبوب تھا۔ زندہ ہوتا تو ابھی یہاں ہمارے ساتھ چل رہا ہوتا، آپ سے ملاقات کراتی۔ مگر ابھی یہ سامنے والی قبر میں ہے۔ اس پورے تعارفی ماتم کے جواب میں ہمارے پاس ایک ہی چیز تھی۔ وہ تھی خاموشی۔   

جس کے بچے کا گلا کاٹا جا چکا ہو، اسے تو یہ تک بھی نہیں کہا جا سکتا کہ میں تمہارے درد کو سمجھتا ہوں۔ اسے تو یہ بھی نہیں کہا جا سکتا کہ میں تمہارے دکھ میں برابر کا شریک ہوں۔ یہاں مملکت کا سربراہ لواحقین سے نو سو کلومیٹر کا فاصلہ رکھتے ہوئے کہہ رہا ہے کہ کسی وزیر اعظم کو بلیک میل نہیں کیا جا سکتا؟ اللہ!!!!

ہزارہ لوگ بہت نفیس، پڑھے لکھے، نرم خو، مستعد اور خود دار ہوتے ہیں۔ ایسی پاکیزہ طبعیتیں رکھنے والے لوگ اپنے زخم دکھاکر بلاوے نہیں دیتے۔ غم گساروں کو خود جانا پڑتا ہے۔ یہاں تو مگر قیامت ہی کچھ اور طرح کی آن پڑی ہے۔ درد کے قبیلے سے بلاوے آ رہے ہیں اور اقتدار کی پالکی میں پڑے بھاری پاؤں اٹھنے میں نہیں آ رہے۔

پاس جا کر پرسہ نہیں دے سکتے، کیا آپ خاموش بھی نہیں رہ سکتے؟ کچھ مہربانی کیجیے۔ دل دکھتا ہے!

https://www.independenturdu.com/node/56891 

وزیر اعظم عمران خان سے ہزارہ برادری کے صرف ایک متاثرہ خاندان نے ملاقات کی، باقی کا بائیکاٹ: رہنما ہزارہ دھرنا

سانحہ مچھ میں ایک طویل لے دے کے بعد آخر کار وزیر اعظم عمران خان کوئٹہ جا پہنچے لیکن اس سے پہلے اس بات کو یقینی بنایا گیا کہ لواحقین اپنے پیاروں کی میتوں کی تدفین کردیں۔ اس کے بعد وزیر اعظم کی لواحقین سے ملاقات کو لائیو نشر کیا گیا جس میں وزیر اعظم کو ان سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے دکھایا گیا۔ وزیر اعظم نے اس موقع پر متاثرین کے لواحقین کو کہا کہ سمجھیں کہ اب وہ وزیر اعظم ہیں عام آدمی کی اور بات ہوتی ہے۔

پہلے وہ عام آدمی تھے تو ان کے پاس آئے تھے۔ اب معاملہ مختلف ہے اگر ایک بار وزیر اعظم کسی کے کہنے پر کہیں چلا گیا تو پھر یہ سلسلہ شروع ہوجائے گا۔

تاہم اب اس بات کا انکشاف ہوا ہے کہ وزیر اعظم عمران خان سے ہزارہ برادری کے ان شہدا کے تمام لواحقین نے ملاقات نہیں کی۔ بلکہ 11 فیملیز میں سے ایک یا دو فیملیز نے ملاقات کی جبکہ تمام دیگر خاندانوں نے ان سے ملاقات کا بائیکاٹ کیا۔ اینکر منصور علی خان کے یوٹیوب چینل پر ہزارہ دھرنا رہنما علامہ ڈاکٹر موسیٰ  حسینی نے دعویٰ کیا ہے کل دوپہر کو اچانک ڈی سی صاحب آئے اور شہدا کے لواحقین میں سے ایک خاندان کو اپنے ساتھ لے گئے۔

اور انہوں نے ہی ان سے ملاقات کی۔ انہوں نے مزید انکشاف کیا کہ وزیر اعظم کی لواحقین سے ملاقات کے لیے امام بارگاہ میں انتظامات کیئے گئے تھے لیکن انہوں نے اپنے متعین کردہ مقام پر ملاقات کے لیے متاثرہ خاندانوں کو بلایا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ اس سے پہلے تو انہیں کہا گیا تھا کہ متاثرین اسلام آباد میں آکر وزیر اعظم سے مل لیں۔

https://urdu.nayadaur.tv/53288/

پاکستانی بلیک میلر ،صرف وزیراعظم صادق و امین

تحریر: خرم اعوان

خدا خدا کر کے بلیک میلرز کا دھرنا ختم ہوا، میں ہزارہ برادری کے اپنے بھائی بہنوں سے پوچھتا ہوں کہ آپ جن کے ماننے والے ہیں ان کے ساتھ کیا کیا نہیں ہوا؟ آپ نے اس طرح کے حکمرانوں کے سامنے دست فریاد کیوں پھیلایا؟ جو آپکو اپنا حق مانگنےپر بلیک میلر قرار دے۔ کیا آپ یہ بھول گئے کہ روز محشر خاتون جنت خود سب سے پہلا استغاثہ پیش کریں گی اور وہ بھی جناب علی اصغر کے خون آلود کرتے کے ساتھ۔ آپ نے ضرور یہ شرائط رکھنی تھیں ۔ ہمیں تو سمجھ نہیں آتی حقیقت میں تو وزیراعظم نے شہدا اور ان کے لواحقین کو بلیک میل کیا کہ نہیں دفناتے تو نہ دفناؤجب تک تدفین نہیں کرو گے میں نہیں آؤں گا ۔

پندرہ سال سے زائد کا عرصہ ہو گیا حالات حاضرہ اور صحافت کے ساتھ منسلک ہوئے۔ باقی لوگوں کے لیے حالات حاضرہ ایک خشک موضوع ہوتا ہے مگر مجھ سمیت میرے جتنے دوست ہیں وہ اسے بوجھ کی طرح نہیں ڈھو رہے بلکہ ذاتی دلچسپی سے یہ کام کر رہے ہیں۔ مگرپاکستان کے وزیرِ اعظم کا یہ موقف سن کر ہمیں شرم آ رہی تھی ۔ ہم اپنے آپ سے آنکھ نہیں ملا پارہے تھے، کہ ہم ان لوگوں کو اپنے پروگرامز اپنی تحریروں کا موضوع بناتے ہیں، جنھیں سفاک قتلوں میں مقتولوں کے لواحقین کا رونا احتجاج بلیک میلنگ نظر آتا ہے۔ آپ نے نہیں جانا نہ جائیں، اس موضوع پر بات مت کریں ۔ آپ تقریب میں کسی اور موضوع پر بات کرنے گئے مگر آپ شروع ہو گئے مچھ میں ہزارہ لوگوں کے سفاکانہ اور لرزہ خیز قتل کی واردات پر ،جہاں اس طرح کی بات کرنے سے بہتر تھا کہ آپ صرف افسوس کر کے گزر جاتے،باقی کام شیخ رشید جاں فشانی سے کر تو رہے ہیں۔ مگر آپ کو تو ہر بات پر بولنا ہے، آپ کو ایک خبط ہے کہ آپ کو ہر بات کا ادراک ہے۔ آپ کہتے ہیں آپ کی جدوجہد بائیس سال کی ہے مگر افسوس آپ کی تربیت بائیس منٹ کی بھی معلوم نہیں ہوتی۔

آپ نے اس پرامن قوم کو اس دوراہے پر لاکھڑا کیا تھاجہاں یا تو وہ اپنی ریاست سے مایوس واپس لوٹ جائیں یا پھر وہ ہتھیار کی زبان میں بات کرنا شروع کر دیں اگر ہمارےمقتدر ادارے بیچ میں نہ پڑتے اوراس معاملے کو نہ سنبھالتے تو حالات ویسے ہوتے جیسے کراچی میں پچھلے تیس سال رہے۔ وہاں بھی تو نسل کی بنیاد پر سب شروع ہوا۔ انھوں نے خاموش رہنے کی بجائے اسلحہ اٹھایا اور پھر حالات تیس سال قابو سے باہر رہے۔

سوشل میڈیا پر یہ شور بھی مچایا گیا کہ جنرل موسیٰ خان نے ان سات سو لوگوں کے قتل میں مطلوب قاتلوں کو ملک سےباہر بھجوایا۔ پہلی بات جنرل موسیٰ خان 1983 میں جنرل (ر) موسیٰ خان تھے،اور کراچی میں ریٹائرڈ زندگی گزار رہے تھے۔ دوسری بات اس وقت افغان جنگ شروع ہو چکی تھی۔ تیسری بات ریاست کی پالیسی کے تحت جنگی مہاجرین کو یہاں آباد کیا گیا۔ جنرل (ر) موسیٰ خان نے ان (ہزارہ) کو بلوچستان سے ایران بھاگنے میں کردار ادا نہیں کیا بلکہ ان کو ریاست کی پالیسی کے تحت مہاجرین کو آباد کرنے میں کردار ادا کیا وہ بھی 1984 میں جب وہ بلوچستان کےگورنر بنے۔ ریاست کی پالیسی تھی کہ افغان جنگ کے متاثرین جب کوئٹہ آتے تو دو ماہ کے اندر اندر ان کو پاکستان کی شہریت اور دوسرے کاغذات مل جاتے او رانہیں یہاں کے لوکل باشندوں کے برابر حقوق حاصل ہوتے۔چوتھی بات جنرل (ر) موسیٰ خان کا انتقال بحیثیت گورنربلوچستان کام کرتے ہوئے گورنر ہاؤس میں ہوا تھا، اُنہوں نے وصیت کی تھی کہ ان کے جسدِ خاکی کو مشہد میں دفن کیا جاۓ۔ پانچوں بات اس وقت کوئٹہ کی آبادی ٹوٹل دس لاکھ سے بارہ لاکھ کے درمیان تھی۔ اگر اس وقت سات سو لوگوں کو فرقہ واریت کی بھینٹ چڑھایا گیا ہوتا تو کہرام مچ جاتا اور یہ بات رپورٹ ہوئے بغیر نہ رہتی ایسی کوئی رپورٹ سامنے نہ آئی۔ اس لیے خدا کا واسطہ ہے کہ کسی پر ہونے والے ظلم اور اس ظلم پر اس کے احتجاج کو اس طرح کی نفرت کی بھینٹ نہ چڑھائیں۔ میرا سب سے بڑا سوال آپ سے یہ ہے کہ بحثیت ہزارہ برادری انہوں نے ریاست کے خلاف کب اسلحہ اُٹھا یا۔ اب اگر ان شہید ہونے والے لوگوں کے لواحقین میں سے کوئی نو جوان بدلہ لینے کی سوچ سے اسلحہ اٹھا لے تو اسے انفرادی عمل کہیں گےیا ہزارہ برادری کا جبکہ وہ اس عمل کا دفاع بھی نہ کر رہے ہوں۔ دوسرا میرا سوال ہے کہ اگر کوئی گروپ ہے تو اس کے سربراہ کانا م بتا دیں تاکہ میری معلومات میں اضافہ ہو سکے۔

میری ان دوستوں سے دست بستہ عرض ہے جناب ان کے ساتھ 1996 سے یہ سب ہو رہا ہے۔ ان کے تو ایک وقت میں سو سے زیادہ لوگ شہید ہوئے ہیں۔ مگر ان لوگوں نے (جواب دے سکنے کی طاقت آپ کے بقول جو یہ رکھتے ہیں کے باوجود) پر امن راستہ اختیار کیا کیوں۔ یہ خاموشی سے اپنے پیاروں کے جسد خاکی کے ساتھ آ کر کھلے آسمان کے نیچے سڑک پر بیٹھ جاتے ہیں اور ریاست کو دہائیاں دیتے ہیں ، ریاست سےخاموش پر امن احتجاج کرتے ہیں، جس نے انھیں یہاں آباد کیا تھا ۔ اپنوں کے ذبح ہونے پر صبر و استقامت سے بیٹھ کر خاموش احتجاج کرتے ہیں۔ یہ ایسا کیوں کرتے ہیں؟ آپ کو یہ کیوں گوارہ نہیں؟ آپ کیوں یہ چاہتے ہیں کہ یہ لوگ اپنے خون کا بدلہ ریاستی قانون کی بجائے خود لینا شروع کر دیں ؟ آپ کیوں انھیں اپنا مسلمان بھائی جان کر قبول نہیں کرتے؟ کیوں ایک جسد واحد کے مختلف حصوں کی مانند اکٹھے نہیں رہ سکتے؟ہم کیا کم نقصان اٹھا چکے ہیں ۔ کیا ہمارا دل ابھی بھی نہیں بھرا۔

تو پھر یہ ریاست ان کے دکھوں کا مداوا کرنے میں تاخیر کا شکار کیوں ہوئی تو جناب کچھ ڈیمانڈز بھی ایسی تھیں جو نہیں کرنی چاہیے تھیں، ان میں سے ایک پچھلے سال بلال نورزئی والے واقعہ میں پکڑے گئے لوگوں کی رہائی کا مطالبہ کرنا تھا جبکہ یہ لوگ آپ کے ہی جرگہ اور عمائدین نے پکڑوائے تھے ، ٹھیک ہے بلال نورزئی کوآپ کی برادری کی ایک لڑکی سے محبت ہو گئی تھی اور وہ اس سلسلہ میں آپ کے علاقے میں آتا جاتاتھا ، آپ اُسے منع کرتے اُس کے بڑوں سے بات کرتے، آپ کے کچھ نو جوانوں نے اُسے ایک سیلون میں بند کر دیا اور اُسے قینچی، چھری اور بلیڈ سے زخمی کر کر کے مار دیا ، جب بات بڑھی تو آپ کے بڑے جرگہ کی صورت میں ان کے بڑوں سے ملے ، معافی مانگی ، ان ملزمان کی گرفتاریاں کروائیں تو اب ان کی رہائی اس مطالبے میں کیسے آگئی۔

پھرآپ کی جانب سے جو زیادتی کی گئی وہ تھی آئی جی ایف سی بلوچستان کو ہٹانے کی بات وہ ایک پروفیشنل اور بھلے مانس انسان ہیں۔ ان کے کریڈٹ پر بہت سی کامیابیاں ہیں یہ آپ کی جانب سے دوسری زیادتی تھی۔ پھر آپ نے جو افغان باشندے اس حادثے میں شہید ہوئے ان کے حوالے سے ڈیمانڈ رکھی تھی ۔ یہ آپ کے لیڈران کی جانب سے پھر سے زیادتی کی گئی تھی، جس کی وجہ سے یہ بات مقتدرہ کی سمجھ سے باہر ہو رہی تھی۔ اور اُنہوں نے وزیرِ اعظم کو مچھ جانے سے روکے رکھا،کیونکہ یہ ڈیمانڈز قومی سلامتی سے براہ راست متصادم تھیں۔ مگر بات اُس وقت غلط ہو گیٔ جب پریشر برداشت نہ کرتے ہوے نہ صرف وزیرِ اعظم اس کا حل نکالنے سے قاصر رہے بلکہ دباؤ میں اُن دکھیاری ماؤں ، بہنوں اور بچوں کو بلیک میلر کہہ گئے ۔ اب خدشہ پورے ملک میں آگ لگنے کا تھا ، اسے کنٹرول کرنے کے لیے مقتدرہ کو اپنا نادیدہ کردار ادا کرنا پڑا۔ اسی لیے تو متحدہ اپوزیشن اُن سے بات کرنا چاہتی ہے کیونکہ اِن سے تو ہوتا کچھ نہیں ، بلکہ جو اِن کے کرنے کا کام ہوتا ہے وہ بھی وہی کر کے دیتے ہیں۔ ہمارے ساتھ تو 2018 کے انتخابات میں اتنی شعوری دھاندلی ہو چکی ہے کہ ہم سب پاکستانی بلیک میلر بن گئے ہیں سوائے ایک کے کیونکہ انہیں تو صادق اور امین کا سرٹیفکیٹ مل چکا ہے۔ 

https://samachar.pk/

سابق صدر آصف زرداری کی طبعیت ناساز ہو گئی

سابق صدر آصف زرداری کی طبعیت ناساز ہو گئی ہے۔ ان کے چیک اپ کیلئے فوری


طور پر ڈاکٹروں کی ایک ٹیم کو بلاول ہاؤس میں طلب کر لیا گیا ہے۔

ذرائع کے مطابق سابق صدر آصف زرداری کو بلڈ پریشر اور سینے میں تکلیف کی شکایات ہے۔ گزشتہ سال اکتوبر میں ان کی اچانک طبعیت خراب ہو گئی تھی جس کے 

بعد انھیں ڈاکٹروں کی ہدایت پر ہسپتال داخل کرایا گیا تھا۔ 


https://samachar.pk/