The DRU report has further informed that 350 dengue patients are being treated in different hospitals across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa at the moment.
http://dunyanews.tv/en/Pakistan/408215-Dengue-in-Peshawar-kills-one-more,-death-toll-reaches-42
M WAQAR..... "A man's ethical behavior should be based effectually on sympathy, education, and social ties; no religious basis is necessary.Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death." --Albert Einstein !!! NEWS,ARTICLES,EDITORIALS,MUSIC... Ze chi pe mayeen yum da agha pukhtunistan de.....(Liberal,Progressive,Secular World.)''Secularism is not against religion; it is the message of humanity.'' تل ده وی پثتونستآن
Three days after one of the deadliest mass shooting in modern U.S. history, lawmakers in Congress are calling for a new, narrowly-tailored regulation aimed at helping prevent such a massacre from occurring in the future.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), a long-time advocate of the assault weapons ban, on Wednesday introduced a bill that would ban the sale and possession of bump stock equipment that was used by the shooter in Las Vegas, Nevada, who killed at least 58 people and injured over 500 others at a country music festival on Sunday.
So-called “bump stocks” essentially turn a semiautomatic weapon into an automatic one, allowing one to circumvent the federal laws that strictly regulate automatic firearms. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives said the shooter in Las Vegas had supplemented 12 firearms with bump stocks, allowing him to fire into the crowd of 22,000 people at a faster rate.
“I know what guns can do. This is taking it into war,” Feinstein told reporters on Wednesday.
The California Democrat revealed that her daughter had initially planned on attending the Route 91 country music festival with her friends, but that she had ultimately changed her mind.
“That’s how close it came to me,” Feinstein said at a press conference.
“I know what guns can do. This is taking it into war.”Sen. Dianne Feinstein
Many Senate GOPers on Wednesday said they were unfamiliar with bump stocks and needed more time to research their use and effects. Some senators, however, said they were interested in at least considering legislation seeking to regulate the firearm modifications.
“I’ll look at it for sure,” Sen. David Perdue (R-Ga.) said. “You can’t buy a chain-fed machine gun in the United States today. There’s a reason for that. And I want to make sure that nobody has access to that if that’s the law of the land.”
Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) said the issue of bump stocks is “something we need to take a look at.” He did not, however, say whether he would support Feinstein’s bill.
Even some House Republicans said they’d be willing to talk about banning bump stocks. Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) told The Wall Street Journal, for example, that “anything that would try to make it an automatic weapon would need greater scrutiny.”
Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) went further than most of his GOP colleagues on Wednesday, telling reporters he would be in favor of banning bump stocks.
“I have no problem banning those,” he said.
Still, any effort at regulating guns would face tough odds in a Republican-controlled Congress. Some GOP senators say they oppose any efforts to regulate guns ― even narrowly tailored legislation banning bump stocks. “I’m a Second Amendment man, I’m not for any gun control, OK? None,” Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.) said Wednesday, when asked if he could support legislation regulating bump stocks.
Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) was even more adamant about the effort.
“I don’t think we ought to punish 80 to 90 million gun owners who have a right to own a weapon under the Constitution because of the act of one idiot,” he said. “Just like I don’t think we ought to condemn all Muslims because of the act of one jihadist.” Feinstein said Wednesday at her press conference that she was undaunted by the lack of congressional action after multiple mass shootings over the years.
“Why can’t we stop this?” she asked. “Why can’t we keep a weapon from becoming a military battlefield weapon? I have to stand up. I have to fight.”
The controversial amendment in the election laws may have allowed Nawaz Sharif to retain the leadership of his party, but it has further dented democratic values. The government bulldozed the bill through, with a fractious opposition failing to block it despite its majority in the Senate.
Surely the government seemed to be in a big hurry to accord political legitimacy to the disgraced former prime minister who is facing indictment on a litany of corruption charges. Where the PML-N is concerned, he is back in the saddle running the ruling party in defiance of the Supreme Court ruling.
The way the government railroaded the bill through parliament does not augur well for democracy.
Most worrying is that this person-specific amendment in the law and the manner in which it was railroaded has further eroded democratic norms. Now anyone condemned by a court of law can form and lead a political party. Ironically, a person barred from holding public office can still be kingmaker and continue to run the government through proxies.
Apparently, the reason behind this hasty passage of the amendment was to bring the courts under pressure. But the move may not work. Instead, it may trigger yet another round of legal battle as the amendment has already been challenged in the courts. Undoubtedly, the military-led government of Pervez Musharraf used the law for its own ulterior motive of preventing Benazir Bhutto from leading the PPP. But, in this case, the objective of striking it down was certainly not to correct an unfair move; it was to benefit a disqualified leader. It also exposes the absence of a democratic culture within our political parties that have increasingly become family fiefdoms and a tool for the protection of the interests of a few. Democracy draws its strength from the rule of law and not from defying it. Democracy can work effectively only if political parties are able to censure their leaders for their wrongdoings and not wait for the court to decide their fate. But it is completely opposite in the case of Pakistan where those facing corruption charges continue to hold high office and are eulogised by their supporters. For instance, how can a man indicted for money laundering remain in charge of the country’s economy and finances? One can argue that Ishaq Dar has still not been convicted; one can even question the fairness of the trial. But would it not be better for him to step aside until he is cleared of the charges?
For sure, a tainted finance minister cannot fulfil his responsibilities effectively in running an economy that seems to be in free fall. Foreign exchange reserves are depleting at an alarming rate with falling remittances and declining exports. The record balance-of-payment deficit has made it almost inevitable that the government will return to the IMF. The debt burden is becoming untenable. It will be a serious problem for a finance minister under trial to negotiate with multilateral agencies. For months now, the finance ministry has been in a state of paralysis. The government, which is preoccupied with the political rehabilitation of the former prime minister, is fast losing its governing space. The clash among institutions has made the situation extremely chaotic. The bizarre incident outside the accountability court on Monday during the appearance of the former prime minister is quite ominous. The controversy over the deployment of the Rangers reflects an anarchic situation.
It is, indeed, a serious issue that the interior minister did not know who called the Rangers. The situation turned weirder still when Ahsan Iqbal was stopped from entering the court premises. Surely the Rangers did not come there without orders from somewhere. His public outburst and remarks about a state within a state demonstrated his helplessness.
It is certainly not a good omen for the government. The incident reinforces the perception about the government’s shrinking governing space while it is focused more on defending the ousted prime minister and his family. It is not enough to shout from the rooftop about the ‘invisible hand’. It is the governance, stupid. We have already seen the establishment gaining greater space.
Nawaz Sharif has called for a grand national dialogue among political parties. One cannot disagree with the proposal. There is, indeed, a serious need for the main political parties to come to an agreement on some kind of framework to strengthen the democratic process. But Sharif’s call may have come too late and at a time when he has been disqualified for not being honest and is facing trial. That makes the other political parties suspicious of his intent. There is scepticism that it is all about him being bailed out of his plight.
Sharif had a great opportunity to strengthen the institutionalised democratic process over the last four years. Instead, he rendered parliament ineffective and weakened other civilian institutions thus allowing nonelected elements to expand their space. He established his personalised rule with the help of close family members. Even the cabinet seldom met and was virtually turned into a rubber stamp. His current confrontational approach towards the judiciary will not inspire other political parties to gather.
Surely there is a need for a charter of democracy or grand national dialogue to establish civilian supremacy and remove the existing imbalance of power that has allowed non-elected institutions to undermine elected civilian governments. But personalised power is not an alternative for civilian supremacy. Democracy is not limited to winning the electoral mandate, it also means implementing the rule of law and democratic accountability. One wishes that Nawaz Sharif understood this.
More importantly, there is a need for an economic charter among political parties to guarantee the continuity of economic policies irrespective of whichever party is in power. Perhaps, this will become possible after the elections.
After the ouster of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif – the Leader of the House in the National Assembly – the office of the Leader of the Opposition seems to be the next target of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf. Last month, the party had reached out to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) which was once labelled by PTI chief Imran Khan as a terrorist organisation as well as a tool being used by India’s Research and Analysis Wing to disintegrate Pakistan. Thus, Khan has once again proved to be the master of U-turns by considering an alliance with the MQM.
Khan has also shown that he’s desperate to leave his mark in the National Assembly, one way or the other. Commenting on PTI-MQM talks over the office of the Leader of the Opposition in the NA, Pervez Rashid, the former Information Minister, said that until recently Khan seemed desperate for the office of the Prime Minister and now he seemed to have settled for the office of the Opposition Leader. He went on and said that after the 2018 election Khan would likely go for the chairmanship of the Pakistan Cricket Board.
The opposition leader will be involved in deliberations leading to the formation of the interim government before next year’s elections. Zardari will never allow Khan to gain an upper hand in parliamentary politics by taking away this office from the PPP
The credit for the ouster of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif should still go to the PTI. There’s no doubt that the PTI, through the Panama Papers case, had enabled the Supreme Court to set a precedent in Pakistan’s history and disqualify Sharif for life. It was only after Imran Khan’s threats of another dharna that Nawaz Sharif presented himself for accountability. In hindsight, that decision may come across as a bad and a miscalculated move from Sharif’s perspective. After Sharif’s disqualification, Khan proudly proclaimed that he would next go after Asif Ali Zardari. Hence, he is challenging Zardari by trying to snatch the office of the Leader of Opposition from the PPP. But the PTI chief fails to recognise that Zardari is an expert at maneuvering and cooperation.
The battle for the Leader of the Opposition’s slot is important because the office will play a key role in many decisions to be taken ahead of next year’s general elections. The office is involved in deliberations leading to the formation of the interim government. The crucial appointments of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) chairman and Chief Election Commissioner also require input from the Opposition Leader. Zardari will never allow Khan to gain an upper hand in parliamentary politics by taking away this office from the PPP.
Imran Khan has proved to be far weaker and inexperienced in parliamentary politics compared to Zardari. Protests and media campaigns alone won’t help Khan in taking over the Opposition Leader’s office. He will need votes in the House. It is a game of numbers and the odds are stacked against Imran Khan. The PPP has 47 MNAs and is likely to take the tally up to 50 with the support of the Awami National Party (ANP) and Aftab Sherpao. Though, MNAs from the PTI and the MQM will add up to 56 but it’s possible that some members of these parties may refrain from voting. PTI’s Aisha Gulalai has recently dissented and may not cast her vote for a PTI candidate. Similarly, several MQM members may also abstain from voting. The PTI will also need to rely on other opposition parties. Jamaat-i-Islami, Pakistan Muslim League-Q and Qaumi Watan Party have already refused to vote for PTI.
It seems fairly obvious that Nawaz Sharif would rather have a PPP-led opposition in the House than that led by the PTI. Thus, he may count on allies like Maulana Fazlur Rehman, PML-F or Jatoi’s NPP to neutralise Imran Khan’s quest.
Imran Khan has certainly scored a major political victory by having Nawaz Sharif removed from the PM’s Office. But, that has not converted into any electoral advantage in the NA-120 by-poll. Now, he has taken a major risk by joining hands with the MQM in his bid to challenge Zardari. And by doing he seems to have let down his party workers in Karachi who’re opposed to the move to ally with the MQM. The only way he can justify this move is by clinching the seat of the Leader of the Opposition. However, that remains quite unlikely.
A nation born from the womb of ethnic discord was liable to suffer from its inflictions left over in the wake of partition. A time had come in the history of Balochistan when the Punjabis were driven out of the province just as there had come a time when the Shias from Hazara community were targeted by Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a radical Sunni organization. At another time a segment of native Baloch stepped up their drive to part ways with Pakistan. Five military operations had been carried out since to quell this separatism. Pakistan army is heavily deployed in the province and arguably has a say in the political decision-making process. Though things have been brought under control and with CPEC promising a better future to the region, in particular with the development of Gwadar, a general antagonism is still evident in the people of Balochistan owing to persistent poverty.
Presently the malnutrition rate is increasingly high in Balochistan. This was revealed by the World Food Program in its press release issued on the occasion of the signing a new programme with the provincial government’s Planning and Development to prevent stunting among children in Pishin district of Balochistan. The aim of the programme is to break the inter-generational cycle of stunting and malnutrition across Pishin.
According to the figures shared by WFP, half of all children under five are stunted, and 16 per cent of Balochistan’s population is malnourished. Adding on to this stressful situation is the fact that 70 per cent of children and three-quarter pregnant and breastfeeding women are anaemic. “Four out of five households in Balochistan cannot afford a minimally nutritious diet,” said WFP Representative and Country Director in Pakistan, Finbarr Curran.
A more stunning and self-revealing statement came from Mr Baseer Khan Achakzai, Director Nutrition, Ministry of National Health Services, Regulation and Coordination, who said: “One of the reasons for stunting and wasting among our children is that their parents are sometimes not able to provide them with a nutritious, balanced diet,” When parents are not able to provide a nutritious and balanced diet to their children, it means the parents themselves are not getting enough food. This persistent and pervasive poverty is alarming, and Pishin like many districts of Balochistan is fighting his calamity since as many years.
Balochistan is mired in poverty, and its economy depends entirely on agriculture still the government allocated only Rs 8 billion for agriculture, in the 2017-18 annual budgets but allocated a hefty Rs 35 billion on law and order. For health, Rs 16 billion was stashed aside. With such spending priorities, neither poverty nor health issues can be adequately addressed. Have we forgotten the story of the people of Sui in Balochistan who had been kept deprived of gas while it was transported across the country? The situation has not changed much, though. Balochistan fulfil 40 per cent of Pakistan’s energy needs and 36 per cent of its gas production along with minerals. Yet 46.6 per cent of households in Balochistan have no electricity and only 25 per cent of villages have rural electrification. Pakistan is fast becoming an urbanized country with 40 per cent urbanization but 75 per cent of Balochistan population remains rural.
Maybe it is in the DNA of self-styled democratic government to keep its population busy in making their ends meet. Instead of putting governance as its top political agenda, to frustrate the designs of the international establishment, and the separatists seeking independence, the political structure developed for the province has been kept hostage to the greed and avarice of the landlords, Nawabs and a non-performing government. Last year the National Accountability Bureau recovered Rs 730 million from the home of the Finance Secretary Balochistan, Mushtaq Ahmed Raisani. This is just one example.
Why is it that Pakistan does not do to make itself sustainable? Pakistan is perhaps averse to invest in governance, the reason why institutions have been deliberately kept weak. When the parliamentarians claim to achieve power through the strength of the vote, it becomes their moral responsibility to deliver. The Panama papers have revealed many dark sides of this moral responsibility, taken as a liberty by the elected representatives to increase their fortune. Either the leaders can multiply their assets, or they can improve the quality of life of their voters. Ours went for the former, and we have the worst example of poverty, malnutrition, and underdevelopment in the name of Balochistan that comprises 40 per cent of Pakistan’s area and a 900-kilomtere coastline.
In his recent address to the youths of Balochistan, General Bajwa, the Chief of the Army Staff, said that Pakistan was incomplete without Balochistan. Absolutely true, but the stability of Balochistan depends on the rights given to its people rather than the state resorting to silencing the dissenting voices through policy of suppression.
Though Pakistan is still moving in the circle of identifying and getting rid of its corrupt leadership, time would arrive when this jinx will break and real issues, concerning people will be acted upon. Even if it is the China Pakistan Economic Corridor that has brought Balochistan into the mainstream, the fact, that the meaning of life will change for the Baloch is fast becoming a reality.