Pakistan: A lost opportunity for the PML-N

Syed Kamran Hashmi

A country whose frustrated middle class sought a broad based reform agenda and prayed for the arrival of its messiah in the shape of the PML-N, did not even get a dedicated federal cabinet.

After failing in its initial attempt to occupy Islamabad, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) plans to re-launch another assault on the capital by the end of November, all of course in the name of democracy and freedom of expression. Would the response of the federal government be any different this time? In response to the first attack, it froze in fear, failing to perform even its basic administrative functions, putting every development project on hold and letting the economy crumble. At one point, it seemed as if it had accepted defeat way before the battle in Islamabad had even begun. Maybe it did, but the battleground it chose for that was not Islamabad, it was Lahore where the Punjab police raided the Minhajul Quran Trust to show its muscle and killed 14 workers. For me, that action alone holds more grounds for protest and even warrants the resignation of Shahbaz Sharif than the dubious claims of massive rigging by the PTI in the general elections. I hope they do not let Shahbaz Sharif show his administrative skills again.

The panic in the PML-N camp indeed rose way out of proportion but they had some legitimate concerns too that could not be dismissed altogether. For instance, the risk of an impending military intervention had gripped the whole nation, let alone the federal government. The negative campaign in the media to turn people against the democratic setup was an ongoing reality, we all agree. And the legal ramifications of the Lahore massacre could not be shrugged off; after Bhutto’s trial everyone understood what it could lead up to.

Did Prime Minister (PM) Mian Nawaz Sharif realise the gravity of the situation? Of course he did. Through his address to the nation, he offered a truce package to the opposition, hoping to calm the political temperature. It was, however, too little too late. The blustering protesters ignored his plan. Why? First, the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) rode on a high moral pedestal after the killing of its workers, anticipating a big show in favour of its revolutionary agenda. And second, the PTI could not accept any agreement if it did not lead Mr Khan to the Prime Minister’s House. The truce, therefore, had to be packaged with the resignation of Mian Nawaz Sharif, a condition that the PM would never submit to, not this time. After waiting for five years and avoiding any conspiracy to topple the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP)-led coalition government, his determination to stick to his mandate could not be deterred, not in 2014. That was how a deadlock was brought forth.

Then, three things happened that sucked the moral strength out of the protesters and handed it over to the government. First, Qadri and Khan attempted to take over parliament and the state-run television station through the power of the mob, a mistake they should still regret. Second, the PPP, under the leadership of Asif Ali Zardari, recommended a joint session of parliament in which the largest party of the opposition supported the treasury benches, showing everyone that parliament, for the first time, stood united and committed to defending itself against any attack regardless of its colour, civilian or khaki. And last, Javed Hashmi spoke against his own party leader, essentially calling him a conspirator trying to take over the government at the behest of non-democratic forces. Since his press conferences and a series of television interviews, the PTI has lost credibility even more. Although it has pulled large crowds in other cities, as expected, its dream to convert Islamabad into Cairo has not translated into reality, nor does it seem that it will. The number of protestors too has shrunk to a few hundred in D Chowk, compelling the party to regroup and re-launch the attack.

After the crisis, the PM had to repair the damage caused by changing the style of his governance. The first step would have been to remove some of his family members from key official posts, thwarting the perception that he runs his administration as a family-owned business empire instead of a genuine democratic government. Image building was as important as nation building, he had to understand that. However, a country whose frustrated middle class sought a broad based reform agenda and prayed for the arrival of its messiah in the shape of the PML-N, did not even get a dedicated federal cabinet. Even today, the PML-N team misses a foreign minister, a crucial appointment that determines the international status of the country. Then, as humorous as it sounds, Pervez Rashid handles the law ministry besides managing the departments of information, mass broadcasting and national heritage. To further mock the situation, Khwaja Asif heads the department of defence while working as a full time minister of water and power.

The chief election commissioner was another important constitutional posting that awaited immediate attention. After the resignation of Fakhruddin G Ibrahim in July 2013, the government had to focus on finding his replacement urgently, keeping in mind that many people were challenging the transparency of the electoral process and disputing the validity of the election results. Yet, even after the instructions of the Supreme Court (SC), the PML-N has tried to put it off, a sign of its lack of sincerity in investigating the rigging allegations. I remember people exuded confidence and gave off optimism when they voted last year. They did not look forward to being amused by political stunts like the Nandipur Power Project nor did they yearn for their rulers to squander tax earned rupees on personal ads printed on the front page of every newspaper with a picture of the Sharif brothers teasing the country on the wastage of its resources. They demanded change. They had voted for a reformer, an experienced leader who understood the dynamics of power from all angles: treasury, opposition, jail and exile. Nonetheless, what they got was the same old stubborn Mian Nawaz Sharif who never thinks twice before he puts vengeance before national interest to settle personal scores.