Made of words and slogans
The Jamaat, it seems, went through a lot of trouble just to present confused, and sometimes contradictory, visions of a welfare state that has never existed save in words of political leaders, especially when they try to engineer a reversal of fortunes. While some ideals were puzzling, especially Munawwar Hasan’s, most were the typical welfare state variety – unemployment allowances, equal health facilities, food subsidies, etc. But the ameer didn’t explain, just like politicians making tall promises during election campaigns, just how the state will manage the monies, especially when balancing the budget continues to be more difficult than even facing a full throttle insurgency.
Then there was the disturbing, and extraordinary, call for superimposing jihad on the body-politic by the previous ameer. Munawwar, never short of controversy, claims no democratic struggle can bring about a revolution unless it is accompanied by jihad. That the Jamaat would allow such a senior member to advocate such views, especially when the concept of jihad has been misused by enemies of state and religion to harm the country, speaks volumes about its sense of responsibility. Munawwar, of course, also offered valuable insight regarding Zarb-e-Azb. But when he denounces the operation – fighting can never end insurgencies, he said – and has openly sided defended militants (against the army) before, does he not put a question mark on the Jamaat’s position as a political entity on arguably the country’s most serious issue?
Over the years JI’s biggest strength has been its influence among the working middle class; the backbone of the country. It lost some appeal during Munawwar Hasan’s short but erratic leadership, but Siraj ul Haq has definitely brought a degree of respect back to the party. Therefore, a more suitable route would have been identifying more closely with the real needs of middle and lower classes, instead of indulging in needless political imagery, and letting the previous boss present a few more of his controversial viewpoints. The political atmosphere is already troubled. The Jamaat should be a calming influence, not a disturbing one. And, considering its huge following, its policies should be more realistic than seems the case.
The Jamaat, it seems, went through a lot of trouble just to present confused, and sometimes contradictory, visions of a welfare state that has never existed save in words of political leaders, especially when they try to engineer a reversal of fortunes. While some ideals were puzzling, especially Munawwar Hasan’s, most were the typical welfare state variety – unemployment allowances, equal health facilities, food subsidies, etc. But the ameer didn’t explain, just like politicians making tall promises during election campaigns, just how the state will manage the monies, especially when balancing the budget continues to be more difficult than even facing a full throttle insurgency.
Then there was the disturbing, and extraordinary, call for superimposing jihad on the body-politic by the previous ameer. Munawwar, never short of controversy, claims no democratic struggle can bring about a revolution unless it is accompanied by jihad. That the Jamaat would allow such a senior member to advocate such views, especially when the concept of jihad has been misused by enemies of state and religion to harm the country, speaks volumes about its sense of responsibility. Munawwar, of course, also offered valuable insight regarding Zarb-e-Azb. But when he denounces the operation – fighting can never end insurgencies, he said – and has openly sided defended militants (against the army) before, does he not put a question mark on the Jamaat’s position as a political entity on arguably the country’s most serious issue?
Over the years JI’s biggest strength has been its influence among the working middle class; the backbone of the country. It lost some appeal during Munawwar Hasan’s short but erratic leadership, but Siraj ul Haq has definitely brought a degree of respect back to the party. Therefore, a more suitable route would have been identifying more closely with the real needs of middle and lower classes, instead of indulging in needless political imagery, and letting the previous boss present a few more of his controversial viewpoints. The political atmosphere is already troubled. The Jamaat should be a calming influence, not a disturbing one. And, considering its huge following, its policies should be more realistic than seems the case.
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