Dilip Kumar, Film Star Who Brought Realism to Bollywood, Dies at 98

By Baradwaj Rangan
One of India’s earliest Method actors, he was the last survivor of a triumvirate of actors who ruled Hindi cinema in the 1950s and ’60s.
Dilip Kumar, the last of a triumvirate of actors who ruled Hindi cinema in the 1950s and ’60s, died on Wednesday in Mumbai, India. He was 98.
His death, at a hospital, was confirmed by Faisal Farooqui, a family friend, who posted a brief statement on Mr. Kumar’s official Twitter account.
In post-independence India, Mr. Kumar and two other stars set about defining the Hindi film hero. Raj Kapoor reflected the newly minted Indian’s confusion: his signature role was that of the Chaplinesque naïf negotiating a world that was losing its innocence. Dev Anand, known as the Gregory Peck of India, embodied a Western insouciance that still lingered; he became a stylish matinee idol.
Mr. Kumar, though, delved deeply into his characters, breaking free from the semaphoric silent-movie style of acting popularized by megastars like Sohrab Modi and Prithviraj Kapoor.
As one of the country’s earliest Method actors, he was often compared to Marlon Brando, another early adopter of the technique, even though Mr. Kumar claimed he had used it first.
“I learned the importance of studying the script and characters deeply and building upon my own gut observations and sensations about my own and other characters,” Mr. Kumar said in his autobiography, “The Substance and the Shadow” (2014). “The truth is that I am an actor who evolved a method.”
His preparation for roles became the stuff of legend. For his death scene in the 1961 megahit “Gunga Jumna,” he ran around the studio so that he could enter the set at the point of exhaustion. For a song sequence in the 1960 film “Kohinoor” (“Mountain of Light”), he learned to play the sitar. For emotional sequences in the 1982 movie “Shakti” (“Power”) and the 1984 movie “Mashaal” (“Torch”), he drew from memories of when his brother died, recalling the pain that registered on his father’s face.
Mr. Kumar was born Yousuf Khan in Peshawar (then part of British India, now in Pakistan) on Dec. 11, 1922, the fourth of Ayesha and Mohammad Sarwar Khan’s 12 children. His father, a fruit merchant, moved the family to Bombay, now known as Mumbai, and then to Deolali, in west India, where Dilip attended the Barnes School before enrolling in Khalsa College in Bombay.
He wanted to play soccer or cricket professionally, but the family’s economic situation forced him to look for work elsewhere. For a time he was an assistant at an army canteen in Poona (now Pune).
A chance encounter with a former teacher changed his life. When he said he was looking for a job, the teacher introduced him to the pioneering Indian actress Devika Rani, who, along with Himanshu Rai, had established the Bombay Talkies studio. The idea was to get a job, any job, but Ms. Rani asked if he would consider becoming an actor.Mr. Kumar, who had seen only one film in his life — a war documentary — was flummoxed, but the money persuaded him. Ms. Rani said that taking on a Hindu screen name to obscure his Muslim background would help his career. He became Dilip Kumar.His first film, “Jwar Bhata” (“Ebb and Flow”), released in 1944, was a flop; Baburao Patel, the acerbic critic of Film India, called him “anemic.” But three years later his performance in “Jugnu” (“Firefly”), alongside Noor Jehan, received more favorable attention. By the time “Shaheed” (“Martyr”) was released in 1948, Mr. Patel was singing his praises: “Dilip Kumar steals the picture with his deeply felt and yet natural delineation of the main role.”
The hits kept coming, including “Nadiya Ke Paar” (“Across the River”), “Shabnam” (“Dewdrops”) and Mehboob Khan’s “Andaz” (“Style”), in which Mr. Kumar was cast with Mr. Kapoor and the actress Nargis. In 1954, Mr. Kumar won the newly instituted Filmfare Award for best actor for his performance as an alcoholic in the tragic love story “Daag” (“The Stain”). He won seven more Filmfare statuettes for best actor in addition to a lifetime achievement award. Guinness World Records honored him on his 97th birthday for his “matchless contribution” to Indian cinema.

Many of his early films had him chasing unattainable women. The 1950 melodrama “Jogan” (“Nun”) ends with him weeping at his lover’s grave. That same year, he played a Heathcliff-like character in “Arzoo” (“Desire”), one of three variations on “Wuthering Heights” in which he acted.
He earned the nickname Tragedy King after appearing in a series of dramas that a psychiatrist later said took a toll on his health. In the 1951 movie “Deedar” (“Sight”), he played a blind man whose eyesight is restored through surgery but who blinds himself again when he realizes that he and the surgeon are in love with the same woman. (To prepare for the role, Mr. Kumar observed a blind beggar at the Bombay Central railway station.)
One of Mr. Kumar’s best-known tragedies is Bimal Roy’s “Devdas” (1955), about a man who becomes an alcoholic when his childhood sweetheart deserts him.
Mr. Kumar’s love life made news; he had relationships with the actresses Kamini Kaushal, Madhubala (they co-starred in the 1960 blockbuster “Mughal-e-Azam,” about thwarted lovers, long after they broke up) and Saira Banu, whom he married in 1966 when he was 44 and she was 22. In the 1980s, while still married to Ms. Banu, Mr. Kumar married the socialite Asma Rehman in secret. The news quickly came out, and the marriage became a scandal, but Ms. Banu stuck with Mr. Kumar, who ended the second marriage.
He is survived by Ms. Banu.
Professionally, Mr. Kumar’s record was spotless, with films that have not only been successful but have left a lasting impact. Films like “Naya Daur” (“New Era”) in 1957, “Yahudi” (“The Jews”) in 1958, “Madhumati,” also in 1958, and “Ram Aur Shyam” (“Ram and Shyam”) in 1967 are still remembered.
Mr. Kumar found fewer roles in the 1970s, with younger, more agile actors being cast as heroes, and he took a break.
He returned in 1981 with a blockbuster, “Kranti” (“Revolution”), which reshaped his screen persona as an older moral center. He had similar roles in star-heavy mega-productions like “Vidhaata” (“The Creator”) in 1982, “Karma” in 1986, Saudagar (“The Merchant”) in 1991 and especially “Shakti,” in which he was cast for the first time opposite the reigning Bollywood superstar Amitabh Bachchan. Mr. Kumar’s last film was “Qila” (“Fort”), released in 1998. By then, a reviewer wrote in India Today, his style felt “more than just outdated, it’s prehistoric,” adding, “Dilip Kumar’s long-drawn-out dialogue delivery is out of sync with the times.”
Mr. Kumar received the Padma Bhushan, one of India’s highest civilian awards, in 1991; the Dadasaheb Phalke, India’s highest award for cinematic excellence, in 1994; and the Padma Vibhushan in 2015. From 2000 to 2006, he served as a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of Parliament. But these honors from the Indian government consumed far less newsprint than the decision by the Pakistani government, in 1998, to confer on him its highest civilian honor, the Nishan-e-Imtiaz. Amid heightened religious tensions, Mr. Kumar was branded an anti-national by Hindu politicians who asked him to return the award to Pakistan. He did not. He said in his autobiography that returning it “could have only soured relations further and produced bad vibes between India and Pakistan.”
Those words proved that Mr. Kumar was a tactful diplomat off screen.
On the screen, his characters would launch into more rebellious rhetoric. In the 1974 period drama “Sagina,” when labeled a traitor, his character responded, “If you’ve drunk your mother’s milk” — meaning, if you’re man enough — “then come get me.”
Even in this larger-than-life context, there was a dash of the realism that defined him.
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/06/world/asia/dilip-kumar-dead.html

#Pakistan - Imran Khan Has Normalized Prejudice in Pakistan

By Farahnaz Ispahani
Pakistan is already known for having little tolerance for its religious minorities. Khan and the PTI have aggravated the problem. Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), has attracted criticism for his recent refusal to condemn China’s atrocities against Uyghur Muslims and for his remarks blaming the rise in sexual violence on women wearing “very few clothes” and the fact that men are not “robots.”
Khan also generated controversy last year by describing Osama bin Laden as a martyr, instead of calling him a terrorist, while speaking in Pakistan’s Parliament. His information minister tried to walk back Khan’s remarks about bin Laden last week, a year later, because of their adverse effect on Khan’s recent attempt to renew ties with the United States.
But describing bin Laden as a martyr, linking rape to “vulgarity” and women’s dress, and pretending that China’s brutalities against Uyghurs is not a problem were not merely slips of the tongue; they reflect the Pakistani prime minister’s worldview. Khan has blamed victims before for inviting rape through their behavior. And he has gone to the extent of claiming that he does not know much about the Uyghur problem.
Khan’s reputation as a Westernized former cricketer and playboy sometimes misleads foreigners into assuming that he might represent a liberal vision for Pakistan. In fact, Khan and his PTI represent Pakistan’s further descent into obscurantism and unabashed bigotry.
Not long ago, remarks by Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi to a CNN interviewer that Jews have “deep pockets” and “control the media” drew attention to the widespread anti-Semitism among the elites of the world’s only Muslim country with nuclear weapons.
After Qureshi’s interview with Bianna Golodryga, an Islamist member of Parliament called for the use of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal against Israel and another minister cited an anti-Semitic forgery to propose that Muslims should plan for world domination like the Jews.Pakistan is already reputed to have deeply polarized politics and little tolerance for its religious minorities. Khan and the PTI have aggravated the problem with their tendency to normalize prejudice and to use abusive language.
In the first two years of Khan’s administration, 31 members of religious minorities were killed, 58 were injured, and 25 targeted by blasphemy cases. Pakistan’s reality under Khan defies claims, made at the time of his election of office, that he represents an opportunity to reshape Pakistan’s image. Any reshaping of Pakistan under Khan has been in the direction of indulging and endorsing various extremist prejudices. Even when the current ruling party was in opposition, one of its politicians created a political storm by using an anti-Christian slur in a provincial legislature. Sixteen months into the government’s term, a senator from Khan’s party declared on a TV show that he and Khan considered the Ahmadiyya Muslim community as worthy of their curse.
The senator also used a pejorative appellation for the Ahmadiyya. Neither the PTI nor the prime minister bothered to disassociate themselves from his statement.
Khan’s supporters are often quick, especially on social media, to try and erase the effect of prejudiced statements. For example, Qureshi insisted after being called out on his comments in his CNN interview that he was only talking about the state of Israel.
Pakistan, it is argued with some justification, has a right to support Palestinians and criticize the conduct of a state and government it does not recognize. But Qureshi’s remarks were clearly a reference to Jews and not the government of Israel.No one says that the tiny state of Israel, with a GDP of $370 billion, has deeper pockets than Turkey (GDP $778 billion), Iran (GDP $454 billion), or various Arab countries. Pakistan’s foreign minister would never say that Saudi Arabia, with its GDP of $793 billion, had “deep pockets.”For almost two centuries, anti-Semites have claimed that Jews have deep pockets and control the media and Qureshi repeated that anti-Semitic trope. His colleague Ali Muhammad Khan, Pakistan’s minister of state for parliamentary affairs, directly quoted from the source of the epithet: “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” an anti-Semitic hoax about a grand Jewish plan for global domination.
Outside Parliament, a leader of the fundamentalist Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), which recently rioted to demand the expulsion of the French ambassador over blasphemy against Islam by his countrymen, declared that “Pakistani Muslims will sacrifice their youth and lives, but they will not accept the filthy feet of Jews in Jerusalem.”
This is a far cry from when Pakistan, after its birth in August 1947 as a homeland for South Asia’s Muslims, was home to a religiously diverse community. Its then-capital, Karachi, boasted mosques of various Muslim denominations, several Catholic and Protestant churches, a Jewish synagogue, Parsi (Zoroastrian) fire temples, as well as Jain and Hindu temples devoted to various deities.
Although Khan claims the mantle of Pakistan’s secular founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, his government has allowed Pakistan’s ranking in global indices of human rights, women’s rights, and religious freedom to continue to slide. The Pakistani prime minister has often expressed admiration for Turkey’s leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who is known for his sexist, anti-democratic, and anti-Semitic remarks. Khan has been trying to substitute U.S. and moderate Arab influence in Pakistan with closer ties to Erdogan’s Turkey.
Khan’s statements, and those of his party colleagues, must not be ignored. They reflect a worldview that, when translated into policy, will only make Pakistan less tolerant for its citizens and more difficult for its international partners. https://thediplomat.com/2021/06/imran-khan-has-normalized-prejudice-in-pakistan/

Will head towards Bani Gala on July 25: Bilawal Bhutto

 Chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) Bilawal Bhutto Zardari on Wednesday said that they will head towards Bani Gala and will throw out the puppets.

Addressing a political rally in Azad Kashmir, PPP Chairman said his party is challenging the puppet government from last three years and stressed on unity for ousting the incumbent government.

Criticizing leadership of Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), Bilawal said that PPP brought former president Asif Ali Zardari from hospital and Khurshid Shah from jail to National Assembly to give tough time to government during budget session but unfortunately leaders of other opposition parties were not present. Fazlur Rehman should issue show cause notice those members who were absent from budget session, he demanded.

Bilawal Bhutto further said that people who were talking of kill or cure are now involved in politics of ‘holding feet’ but PPP which has laid down lives and will never do such politics. We will oust selected prime minister as well as Usman Buzdar, he vowed.

PPP Chairman further said that Imran Khan cannot make a decision about giving airbases to United States as PPP government had already closed US bases in Pakistan. 

https://dunyanews.tv/en/Pakistan/609556-Will-head-towards-Bani-Gala-on-July-25-Bilawal

صرف پیپلزپارٹی ہی ہے جو اس کٹھ پتلی کی حکومت کو ہٹا سکتی ہے، چیئرمین پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری


 چیئرمین پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے آزاد کشمیر کے مقام عباس پور میں ایک عظیم الشان جلسے سے خطاب کر تے ہوئے کہا کہ صرف پیپلزپارٹی ہی ہے جو اس کٹھ پتلی کی حکومت کو ہٹا سکتی ہے اور جیالے آزاد کشمیر کا انتخاب جیتنے کے بعد بنی گالہ جا کرکٹھ پتلی کو نکال باہر کریں گے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ٹی وی پر بیٹھے ہوئے کچھ طوطے بار بار یہ گردان کرتے ہیں کہ پیپلزپارٹی ختم ہو چکی ہے انہیں عباس پور آکر اس عظیم الشان مجمے کو دیکھنا چاہیے جو جیے بھٹو کے نعرے لگا رہے ہیں۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ پیپلزپارٹی کل بھی یہاں تھی، آج بھی میدان میں ہے اور مستقبل میں بھی رہے گی۔

 شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو اور شہید محترمہ بینظیر بھٹو نے کشمیری عوام کے شان بشانہ جدوجہد کی ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ یہ انتخابات انتہائی اہم ہیں اور جیالے سرحد کے اس پار اور اس پار یہ پیغام بھیجیں گے کہ کشمیر کا سودا نامنظور۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ مقبوضہ کشمیر میں جو ظلم ہو رہا ہے اسے آزاد کشمیر کے عوام برداشت نہیں کرتے۔ ہم ان میں سے نہیں ہیں جو مودی کے انتخابات میں فتح کی دعائیں کرتے ہیں اور مودی کو اپنی شادیوں پر بلاتے ہیں۔ اس وقت مقبوضہ کشمیر کے عوام کے خلاف تاریخی ظلم ہو رہا ہے اور یہ کٹھ پتلی بزدل وزیراعظم کہتا ہے کہ میں کیا کروں۔ ہم وہ جیالے جن کے لیڈروں نے کہا تھا کہ ہم کشمیر کے لئے ہزار سال تک جنگ لڑیں گے اور جہاں کشمیری بھائی بہنوں کا پسینہ گرے گا ہم وہاں اپنا خون گرائیں گے۔ ہم عمران خان کے جواب پر خاموش نہیں رہ سکتے کیونکہ اس کا جواب یہ تھا کہ کشمیر ہائی وے کا نام بدل کر سری نگر ہائی وے رکھ دیا جائے اور اپنے ہی نقشے میں تبدیلی کر لی جائے۔ 

ہمیں کشمیری عوام کے لئے ایک واضح موقف اپنانا ہوگا وہ یہ کہ کشمیری عوام اپنے فیصلے خود کریں گے۔ اگر کشمیری امن چاہتے ہیں تو امن ہوگا اور اگر کشمیری جنگ چاہتے ہیں تو جنگ ہوگی۔ اسلام آباد اور دہلی کو کشمیریوں کا فیصلہ تسلیم کرنا پڑے گا۔ شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کا نعرہ تھا ہمارا نعرہ سب پہ بھاری رائے شماری شماری، بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے کہا کہ اس کٹھ پتلی عمران خان نے ملک کو معاشی بحران میں دھکیل دیا ہے۔ عمران خان کی تبدیلی کا اصل چہرہ تاریخی مہنگائی، غربت اور بیروزگاری ہے۔ ہمارے ہاں غربت، مہنگائی اور بیروزگاری بھارت اور بنگلہ دیش کے علاوہ جنگ زدہ افغانستان سے بھی زیادہ ہے۔ اس سلیکٹڈ نے عوام سے وعدہ کیا تھا کہ وہ ایک کروڑ نوکریاں اور 50لاکھ گھر دے گا لیکن اس نے لوگوں کو بیروزگار اور بے گھر کر دیا۔

 انہوں نے کہا کہ پیپلزپارٹی ہمیشہ معاشی خوشحالی لائی ہے۔ شہید ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے بے زمین کسانوں کو زمینیں دیں اور شہید محترمہ بینظیر بھٹو نے ملازمتیں دیں۔ انہوں نے لیڈی ہیلتھ ورکرز پروگرام متعارف کروایا، صدر زرداری نے بینظیر انکم اسپورٹ پروگرام متعارف کروایا۔ صدر زرداری نے تنخواہوں میں 120فیصد اضافہ پنشنوں میں 100فیصد اضافہ اور دہشتگردی میں لڑنے والے فوجیوں کی تنخواہوں میں 175فیصد اضافہ کیا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ 25جولائی کو آزاد کشمیر کاجیالا منتخب ہو گاتو وہ سب سے پہلے تنخواہوں اورپنشنوں میں اضافہ کرے گا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی گذشتہ تین سالوں میں ہر محاذ پر عمران خان کا مقابلہ کیا ہے۔ پہلے ہی روز ہم نے ان کو بے نقاب کرکے ہم نے اس کے اصلی نام سلیکٹڈ سے پکارا جس پر وزیراعظم نے خود ڈیسک بجائے۔ اس کے بعد یہ کٹھ پتلی کبھی بھی پارلیمنٹ میں ان کی تقریر سننے نہیں آیا کیونکہ انہیں ڈر تھا کہ وہ پھر کہیں ڈیسک نہ بجا دے۔

 چیئرمین بلاول نے کہا کہ ہم نے اپنے سیاسی مخالفین کو اپنا ماضی بھلا کر عمران خان کے خلاف اتحاد بنایا ہم ان لوگوں سے ملنے جیل بھی گئے تاکہ عمران خان کو ہٹا سکیں لیکن جیالے انہیں پہچانتے تھے اور ہمیں جیالوں کی بات ماننی چاہیے تھی کیونکہ یہ لوگ نہ تو عمران خان کو ہٹانا چاہتے تھے اور نہ عمران خان کو۔ یہ لوگ آر پار کا کہتے تھے لیکن اب وہ حکومت میں آنے کے لئے قدم بوسی کے لئے تیار ہو گئے ہیں۔ پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی جیالوں کے ساتھ مل کر عمران اور بزدار کو بھگائے گی حالانکہ غیرجمہوری قوتیں عمران اور بزدار کا ساتھ دے رہی ہیں۔ یہ لوگ عمران کے خلاف میدان کھلا چھوڑنا چاہتے تھے لیکن ہم نے انہیں اس بات پر راضی کیا کہ ضمنی انتخابات میں حصہ لیں اور خیبرپختونخواہ سے لے کر کراچی تک ہم نے انہیں ضمنی انتخابات میں شکست دی۔ کراچی میں ہم نے عمران خان کی پارٹی کو پہلے نمبر سے چھٹے نمبر پر پہنچا دیا لیکن یہ حزب مخالف کے لوگ ہم سے ہی لڑنے لگے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ہم عمران خان کو ایک انچ کی جگہ بھی نہیں دیں گے۔ ہم نے عمران خان کو ان کے حلقہ انتخاب یعنی قومی اسمبلی میں شکست دی اور ہم چاہتے تھے کہ بجٹ سیشن میں بھی ہم عمران خان کو ٹف ٹائم دیں لیکن ہمارے حزب مخالف کے دوست غیرحاضر ہوگئے۔

 انہوں نے امید ظاہر کی کہ شہباز شریف اور مولانا فضل الرحمن اپنے اراکین کو غیرحاضر ہونے پر شوکاز نوٹس دیں گے۔ چیئرمین بلاول نے کہا کہ وہ آزاد کشمیر کی خواتین ونگ، پی ایس ایف اور کشمیر کی پارٹی تنظیم پر اعتماد رکھتے ہیں کہ وہ اگر محنت کریں تو مستقبل ان کا ہوگا۔ عوام ان کی حمایت کریں گے جنہوں نے عمران خان کا مقابلہ کیا اور ان لوگوں کی حمایت نہیں کریں گے جنہوں نے عوام کو عمران خان کی معاشی ناقص پالیسی کے رحم و کرم پر چھوڑ دیا۔ حزب مخالف کی دیگر پارٹیوں کو ہمارے موقف پر آنا چاہیے کیونکہ صرف پیپلزپارٹی ہی عمران خان کو بھگا سکتی ہے اور کشمیر کے سودے کو روک سکتی ہے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ عمران خان جھوٹ بول رہا ہے کہ اس نے امریکہ ہوائی اڈے دینے سے انکار کر دیا ہے کیونکہ اڈے نہ دینے کا فیصلہ پارلیمان نے پیپلزپارٹی کی حکومت کے دور میں کیا تھا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ عمران خان کو کوئی پوچھتا تک نہیں اور نہ کوئی انہیں ٹیلیفون کرتا ہے۔ انشااللہ 25جولائی کو پیپلزپارٹی آزاد کشمیر کے انتخابات میں فتح مند ہوگی۔

https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/25235/