Opinion: We Disagree on a Lot. But We Both Think Trump Should Be Convicted.

By Steven G. Calabresi and Norman Eisen 


  There’s no real reason for the Senate not to try him immediately. 

 One of us is a Republican who proudly served in the Reagan administration and voted for Donald Trump in 2016; the other is a Democrat who worked for President Barack Obama and served as a special counsel for the House Judiciary Committee during the first Trump impeachment and trial.
We have considerable political differences. But we firmly share a view that should transcend partisan politics: President Trump must be impeached again and tried as soon as possible in the Senate, either before or after Inauguration Day on Jan 20.
Mr. Trump’s most egregious impeachable offenses are inciting a violent insurrection against his own vice president, the Senate and the House of Representatives, and pressuring Georgia’s secretary of state to “find” enough votes for him to overturn the legitimate election result there.
An article of impeachment encompassing those acts has been introduced in the House. Once Mr. Trump is impeached — the equivalent of an indictment — by the House, Republican senators must join their Democratic colleagues and provide the two-thirds majority required to convict and remove him from office.
The Senate must also disqualify him from ever again holding any public office. That vote after conviction only requires a simple majority of 51.
With the House set to impeach the president on Wednesday, there is no real reason that a full-fledged and scrupulously fair trial cannot begin the very next day in the Senate. This is not a complex case factually. Audio of Mr. Trump’s call to Brad Raffensperger, the Georgia secretary of state, is in the public record. So are the president’s videotaped words inciting his supporters to march on the Capitol. The violence that followed was on television for all to see.
Nor is the law hard to understand. High crimes and misdemeanors, impeachable offenses enumerated in the Constitution, are crimes against American democracy. Mr. Trump’s incitement of an insurrection qualifies, without question, as an impeachable offense.
The Senate’s majority leader, Mitch McConnell, has said that he cannot commence an impeachment trial before Jan. 20, unless all members of the Senate agree to allow it sooner. In fact, as Chuck Schumer, the minority leader, has suggested, in emergency situations, the rules allow him and Mr. McConnell to reconvene the Senate immediately. Removing from power at once a president who has incited an attack on his own government certainly qualifies as an emergency situation.
If Senator McConnell disagrees, the House should still impeach Mr. Trump immediately, and he should be tried at any convenient time in the first 100 days of the new administration. There are precedents for such trial proceedings after officials leave office. Impeached officials can also be disqualified in a separate vote from ever holding any public office again.
Mr. Trump may seem too weak to pose a threat to American democracy now, but he has hinted that might run again for the White House in 2024. He raised $495 million during a brief period last fall in political contributions.
But not everyone who wants to occupy the Oval Office is qualified to do so. The Constitution’s framers recognized that in establishing both qualifications and empowering disqualification. It is both appropriate and necessary to bar Mr. Trump from the White House even if, as incredible as it may seem, some voters might wish to vote for him again.
We should not allow that to happen. He tried to steal the election and incited a mob to abet his wrongdoing. He is a danger to the nation and must be removed immediately and disqualified from ever holding public office again.
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/13/opinion/trump-impeachment-bipartisan.html

Despite Russian, Chinese Support, Why Covid-19 Vaccination Will Be An Uphill Task For Pakistan?

By Aakriti Sharma
The Covid-19 vaccination is likely to be an uphill task for Pakistan. Although the Imran Khan government is hoping to receive the Chinese vaccine by mid-February and talks are on with Russia as well, there are roadblocks ahead.
The country has recorded a total of 511,921 Coronavirus cases so far, with the number of active cases rising to 33,869, news agency ANI reported. On Tuesday, Pakistan concluded all trials of the vaccine made by the Chinese state-owned company Sinopharm, paving the way for its import.
“All three phases of the trial have been successful. It was tested on 18,000 volunteers and we are fully confident of its potential. But to distribute the vaccine across the country and giving it to people is a big challenge,” President of Pakistan Medical Association Qaiser Iqbal told BBC.Earlier this month, Parliamentary Secretary for Ministry of National Health Services Dr. Nausheen Hamid had announced that the country will receive the first coronavirus vaccine shipment by the end of this month.Before that, science minister Fawad Chaudhry had tweeted, “The Cabinet Committee has decided to initially purchase 1.2 million doses of the vaccine from the Chinese company Sinopharm, which will be provided free of cost to frontline workers in the first quarter of 2021.”
As for the Russian vaccine, Qaiser Iqbal said Islamabad is in talks with Moscow.
Meanwhile, Russia is “hoping” Pakistan will purchase Sputnik V. Russian Foreign Ministry’s Second Asian Department Director Zamir Kabulov had said on Tuesday: “We are in regular contact with Pakistani partners who express interest in Russia’s Sputnik V and other foreign vaccines. We hope that Islamabad will eventually opt for purchasing a batch of this vaccine in particular.”
Among the first ones to be vaccinated will be health workers and ‘frontline workers’ besides senior citizens.
While neighboring India has undertaken large-scale production of the Covid-19 vaccine, Pakistan is dependent on other countries for its supply. The Pakistan Medical Association has said that apart from China and Russia, Islamabad has been making efforts to get Pfizer, Moderna, BioNtech.
A former public service officer told BBC that Pakistan has allocated $150 billion to purchase vaccines, which will get only a million doses.
This will only vaccinate 0.2 percent of Pakistan’s population, hence the money set aside for vaccines is not enough to vaccinate the whole country. In order to attain herd immunity, about 21 crore people need to be vaccinated in Pakistan, experts claim.
Another concern that is bothering experts in Pakistan is the availability of the vaccine. Since many countries have placed orders for vaccines, there is a chance that the vaccines might not be available this year, hence Pakistan should be quick in placing orders for such a large population, experts say.
https://eurasiantimes.com/despite-russian-chinese-support-why-covid-19-vaccination-will-be-an-uphill-task-for-pakistan/
https://eurasiantimes.com/despite-russian-chinese-support-why-cvid-19-vaccination-will-be-an-uphill-task-for-pakistan/

Diehard terrorists and a docile state in Pakistan

By SALMAN RAFI SHEIKH
Brutal killing of 11 Hazara Shiites by Sunni militant group shows terrorism is alive and well in Imran Khan's Pakistan.
When 11 ethnic Hazara coal miners were brutally murdered on January 3 in the restive Pakistan province of Balochistan, it wasn’t the first time the minority community had come under terrorist attack.
Targeted killings of Hazaras is part of an ongoing ideological war perpetrated by Pakistani Sunni fanatics against Shiite minorities, a brutal campaign that runs the risk of retaliation from neighboring Iran.The desire to impose Sunni over Shiite Islam is the extremist linchpin of such terror networks as Lashkar-e-Jhangavi (LeJ), a Punjab-based Sunni supremacist jihadi group that claimed responsibility for the recent killings.The fact that Sunni jihadist militants continue to wage such campaigns shows that the Pakistani state has, despite repeated counterclaims, largely failed to uproot and eliminate the jihadi networks it created in the 1980s to fight the Soviets in neighboring Afghanistan.
It was clear even in the 1980s that the use of religious ideology to resist the Soviet communists, who were largely portrayed as “heathens”, would inevitably transform into a monster that targets religious minorities, who are likewise seen as “unbelievers” by hardcore Sunni Islamists.
Established as an offshoot of the anti-Shiite Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan party in 1996, LeJ quickly transformed into Pakistan’s most feared sectarian death squad targeting religious and other minorities across the country.A US and Pakistan designated terror organization, LeJ has known ties with the Afghan Taliban and has received training in the past from al Qaeda. That’s lent credence to reports LeJ maintains a sanctuary in southern Afghanistan’s Zabul province, from where it can launch attacks across the border into Pakistan.The list of LeJ-claimed atrocities against the Hazara is long and wide. In 2013, LeJ launched multiple bombings in the Pakistan city of Quetta that killed over 200 Hazaras. They also claimed responsibility for the 2016 bombing of a Quetta-based police training center, killing 61 cadets and army officers, among them ethnic Hazaras.
Hazaras, which number somewhere between 600,000-900,000 in Pakistan, are largely based in Quetta. They are also an oppressed minority in neighboring Afghanistan. Some 500,000 Hazaras live in Iran, where many have fled persecution in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The Hazara-led sit-in protest over the recent coal miner killings, staged in Quetta, was not the first the beleaguered community has mobilized to demand an end to the attacks. In 2018, a Hazara sit-in was staged in response to nine killings of their community members between March and May of that year. The sit-in was called off only after the Army chief met the protestors and guaranteed their security.
While Prime Minister Imran Khan was quick to allege an “Indian hand” in the recent killings, he had a different view in 2013 as a parliamentarian when he called for swift and strict action against LeJ for Hazara attacks. It’s unclear if LeJ’s attempted assassination of then-premier Nawaz Sharif in 1999 may have influenced his view.
Most militant and terror incidents in Pakistan are reflexively blamed on an “Indian conspiracy.” While this is often true, especially in the historically restive province of Balochistan, where an armed separatist movement has been ongoing for decades, the finger-pointing also aims to distract attention from Islamabad’s patent failure to uproot the jihadi infrastructure it established in the 1980s, despite the banning of some 77 different militant outfits.
This is due largely due to the state’s own docile and at times deliberate negligence in protecting religious and sectarian minorities. This is particularly evident in the state’s behavior in Balochistan and its capital of Quetta, where most of the attacks on the Hazara have taken place.
Anti-Shiite jihadist groups active in the city have not confined their attacks to religious and sectarian minorities, but have also targeted progressive and other politically active groups. In 2016, after a suicide bombing that killed over 70 people including dozens of lawyers in Quetta’s Sandeman Hospital, the Supreme Court of Pakistan established an inquiry commission into the attack’s causes. The commission found a combination of factors, including state negligence (rather than foreign involvement) and poor functioning anti-terrorism institutions including the Ministry of Religious Affairs and provincial police forces, contributed to the lethal assault. It also found the powerful Interior Ministry had failed to curb and was even complicit with militant organizations and their leadership.
The report specifically refers to how the then-government of Balochistan had written to the Federal Interior Ministry to “proscribe Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and referred to five specific FIRs that recorded their crimes, which included the murder of policemen and Frontier Corps personnel.
“The Ministry of Interior did not to respond to either letter of the government of Balochistan nor proscribed the said organizations,” the report said, adding that state inaction showed an “abject failure” of both The National Counter Terrorism Act and the National Action Plan.The Pakistan state, instead of working to curb such attacks before they happened, was more focused on co-opting the terror groups that perpetuate them, the report said.According to the findings of the said inquiry report, the then-Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan had on October 21, 2016 met Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, the head of three banned organizations — Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan, Millat-i-Islamia and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat — to listen to his demands and apparently conceded to them.While the report urged the state to re-exert itself in the face of rampant extremism and the targeted killings of minorities, the Imran Khan regime’s limp response to the latest killings shows that the state – instead of guaranteeing security – has receded even further in the face of blatant terrorism.
The inability and unwillingness of state actors to uproot the jihadi infrastructure it had an original hand in creating is not only hurting Pakistan’s efforts to curb militancy and jihad but has also kept the nation on a key international terror-financing blacklist. Meanwhile, the Hazaras and other religious minorities live in constant fear of the next attack.
https://asiatimes.com/2021/01/diehard-terrorists-and-a-docile-state-in-pakistan/

Editorial: Three Flawed Decisions of Balochistan Government

The provincial government in Balochistan led by Chief Minister Jam Kamal ended the year 2020 with a series of questionable decisions. The year-end decisions of fencing Gwadar, cracking down on informal oil trade, and handing over the operational command of the Levies force to police have raised many eyebrows, with many people pointing out these decisions have further exposed the inability of the Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) led government to deliver effectively. In the second week of December, the Balochistan government suddenly began fencing Gwadar city. The plan, as told by government officials, was to fence 24 square kilometer area of Gwadar city and only allow two to three entry points. People with special permits can enter through these points, as per government plans. It was also claimed that the idea of fencing was part of the Gwadar smart city masterplan. A government official even revealed to the media that fencing was being done so that Chinese personnel could go for an outing and cherish a marvelous walk along the beaches of Gwadar.
This decision by the government triggered strong opposition from people across the province. A jirga held in Gwadar rejected the government’s plan to fence off the port city and termed it an attempt to restrict the entry of local people in the area. Political parties, media, and civil society also questioned the rationale behind this decision. Balochistan Bar Council challenged this decision in the high court. However, some businessmen and politicians associated with the ruling party expressed support for this decision. In the face of mounting opposition, a delegation of provincial government ministers visited Gwadar on December 29. After hearing the opposition of locals, the government announced to stop the fencing till the complaints of residents are addressed. Although the opposition of locals prevented the government from moving ahead with the fencing, the government is still adamant about carrying on with it. A fenced city will never be able to get the confidence of foreign investors and this decision, if implemented, will effectively kill all chances of any foreign direct investment in Gwadar.
The second questionable decision of the government was taken on December 28, when the Home Department issued orders to security agencies to crack down on informal trade of Iranian oil in Balochistan. It is an open secret that Iranian oil is smuggled from the border to Balochistan, from where it is transported to the entire province and bordering areas of Sindh, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. This informal oil trade was taking place with the tacit approval of both Pakistan and Iranian governments. This trade helps provide cheap fuel in bordering districts of Balochistan and a source of livelihood to tens of thousands of people who take risks to transport the oil from the Iranian border to its destination. The reason such decisions are made and implemented is that this government does not have a proper debate and discussion mechanism to take input and perspectives from all stakeholders. The government also does not listen to the advice of the opposition.
This oil trade is not strictly legal but successive governments have ignored it because it is the only source of livelihood for people in many districts of Balochistan. Upon the insistence of the PTI government in the center, the BAP government in Balochistan has ordered an ill-thought-out crackdown on this oil trade while completely ignoring the negative repercussions of this decision on the people. The provincial government is in no position to provide an alternative source of livelihood to these people and has embarked on a journey that will snatch their existing sources of livelihood. This insensitive behavior by the Balochistan government is attracting negative attention in the province, but still, the government is going ahead with its decision for now.The third questionable decision of the government is handing over the command of the Levies force to the police in Quetta, Gwadar, and Lasbela. This is part of the wider plan of the government to eventually merge Levies into the police force. Levies is a more than a century-old local policing force, which is unique to Balochistan. Unlike police, all personnel and officers of Levies are local residents of Balochistan. The police force, on the other hand, is infested with the problems of corruption and favoritism, which enables crime in the cities.
On the other hand, the performance of Levies is far better than the police and it manages a far greater geographical area with relatively limited resources. In fact, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC) study on Citizen Perception in Balochistan Rule of Law Road Map Project, the average citizen in Balochistan is more satisfied with the performance of the Levies than other law enforcement agency. This is a testament to the public trust in the Levies but still, the government wants to get rid of this force. In reaction to this decision, Balochistan’s law secretary has written a letter to the Home Department explaining that government cannot hand over the operational command of Levies to the police. This is a violation of the law, which the Balochistan government is committing to implement its flawed governance agenda. This will also result in bad press and negative backlash for the already unpopular government.
The three aforementioned examples of flawed decisions provide a glimpse into the overall governance of the provincial government. The reason such decisions are made and implemented is that this government does not have a proper debate and discussion mechanism to take input and perspectives from all stakeholders. Likewise, the government also does not listen to the advice of the opposition and dismisses all their statements as political rhetoric. If the government does not change its decision-making mechanism then the people of Balochistan will witness more flawed decisions in 2021.
https://balochistanvoices.com/2021/01/editorial-three-flawed-decisions-of-balochistan-government/

Pakistan Continues to Sacrifice Shia Hazaras to Safeguard Jihadist ‘Assets’


 By 

A wide array of causes has led to Pakistan adopting a decades-old policy of appeasement toward anti-Shia militancy. The Hazaras pay the price.

Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan on January 10 claimed that India is backing the Islamic State (IS) and facilitating attacks in the country. Khan’s statement came a week after 11 Shia Hazara coal miners were brutally massacred by IS affiliated militants. In the interim, the Pakistani premier labeled the mourning families as “blackmailers” for refusing to bury their dead until Khan visits them to hear their demands for justice and security. Protesting with unburied coffins has become a means of expressing outrage against the state for the Shia Hazaras, thousands of whom have been targeted and killed since the turn of the century. The Hazaras, rooted in Uzbek-Turkic ancestry with a vast majority adhering to the Twelver Shia sect of Islam, have been victims of ethnic cleansing and pogroms in the region for almost two centuries, since they were recruited in the First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-1842). From being shunned by Mughals to being expelled at the turn of the 20th century by Afghan Emir Shah Abdur Rehman Khan from Hazarajat and the former Kafiristan, many Hazaras found refuge in the Balochistan province along the western front of what eventually became the state of Pakistan.
The Af-Pak border became the multipronged corridor for Afghan jihad in the 1970s and 1980s, giving rise to, among other jihadist groups, anti-Shia outfits like the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). These groups enjoyed Pakistan’s patronage, as the state also allowed itself to become a battleground for the Saudi-Iran proxy wars. That sectarian warfare fast metamorphosed into anti-Shia pogroms being carried out by jihadist groups proudly owned by the military and intelligence as “strategic assets,” an array of non-state actors designed to cause disruption and destruction in the region in line with a Sunni Islamist narrative.
Post 9/11, beginning with the 2001 Poodgali Chowk killings in Quetta, the Hazara population of Balochistan has been regularly targeted by the Taliban, LeJ, and SSP, the latter two having rechristened themselves into political fronts like Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ) or the more recent Pakistan Rah-e-Haq Party (PRHP) after military ruler Pervez Musharraf was globally pressured by international leaders into outlawing numerous jihadist groups.
As Pakistan saw its worst bout of terror in the following decade, so did the Hazara population, with back-to-back Quetta bombings at the start of 2013 killing at least 165. From 2012 to 2017 over 500 Hazaras were killed in terror attacks in the capital of Balochistan alone; over 2,000 Pakistani Hazaras have been killed since 2004.
A spree of terror raids targeting the local Hazaras in April 2018 saw community members launch a hunger strike, which ended after reassurances from Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa. Less than a year after those reassurances, a bomb blast targeted the Hazara community in Quetta’s Hazarganji area, killing at least 20 and wounding 48 in April 2019. Attacks on the Hazara continued in 2020 as well, with the massacre of the coal miners at the start of 2021 pushing the community to once again demand what it has been repeatedly promised in hollow words.
Most of the attacks against the Shia Hazaras, and even other religious minorities like the Christian community, in Balochistan have been perpetuated by the LeJ and IS. The two groups converged in the immediate aftermath of the latter announcing its Khorasan faction in the region in 2015, starting with the Safoora Chowrangi massacre in Karachi, in which 46 Ismaili Shia were killed.
Before announcing its new wilayah (provinces) in India and Pakistan at the end of 2019, and until its eradication from the Middle East, the Islamic State’s operational capacity in South Asia was largely limited to a jihadist umbrella, under which foot soldiers belonging to groups like LeJ carried out operations.
In Pakistan, the goriest attacks claimed by IS — the 2016 Quetta hospital bombing, the 2017 Bethel Memorial Methodist Church attack, and the 2018 Mastung rally blast, the second deadliest attack in the country’s history — were carried out in a similar operational manner. IS, in tandem with fellow ideologues like LeJ, has upheld the anti-Shia jihadist inertia, especially in Balochistan, with the Hazara community being its most vulnerable prey.
While the target killings of the Hazaras continued last year, the state was simultaneously allowing anti-Shia hysteria to be propagated across the country. From the Punjab Assembly passing the blatantly anti-Shia Tahaffuz-e-Bunyad-e-Islam (Protection of Foundation of Islam) Bill in July to permitting anti-Shia rallies in urban centers like Karachi, the state was bystander at best, and accomplice at worst, in gory Sunni supremacism.From Saudi subservience, to political parties forming Islamist electoral alliances, to the military creating Islamist pressure groups against civilian rulers, to the need for Sunni terror outfits to perpetuate jihad in Afghanistan and Kashmir, a wide array of causes has led to Pakistan adopting a decades-old policy of appeasement toward anti-Shia militancy.
The Pakistan Army has also actively deployed groups like LeJ to counter Baloch insurgency. Furthermore, given the jihadism long endorsed by the military, there are many sympathizers of anti-Shia terror outfits within the Army ranks as well. The spectacular failure of the state’s military-led policy in the province can be gauged by echoes of “occupied Balochistan” now reverberating in the National Assembly in Islamabad.
During the army chief’s meeting with Hazara protestors in April 2018, Bajwa even conceded the possibility of military collaborators in attacks on the community, saying “such a mindset has existed in the institution for 40 years.” Imran Khan too in the past has underlined how the military and intelligence fuel anti-Shia radicalism in Pakistan.
Indeed, blaming India for decades of anti-Shia killings in Pakistan is a preposterously duplicitous departure of both the army chief and prime minister from their own stated positions of the past. However, more than individual, or institutional, hypocrisy such a narrative in the aftermath of a targeted community’s massacre reaffirms that the state will continue to throw its Shia Hazaras under the bus.
For, as U.S. talks with Taliban are already encouraging the state into claiming a win in the yet-to-be-settled Afghanistan question, Pakistan is unlikely to abandon its “strategic assets” or the jihadist infrastructure that make it an inalienable stakeholder in the lucrative theater of bloodshed and militancy along the Af-Pak border.
https://thediplomat.com/2021/01/pakistan-continues-to-sacrifice-shia-hazaras-to-safeguard-jihadist-assets/

#Pakistan: Persecuted #Hazara Demand Justice


 By Kamran Chaudhry


When Tahir Khan visited a Quetta highway blocked with the bodies of 11 slain coal miners, he was greeted by women wearing white blindfolds.

“All of them were family members of the victims enduring a freezing temperature of minus nine. They denied being blackmailers and even tied their hands to prove they are harmless. They only appealed for a visit by Prime Minister Imran Khan to share their pain and ensure the future safety of our community,” the leader of Hazara political workers told UCA News.

“Many still carry the Quran on their heads cursing the killers and planners of the tragedy. Our graveyards are full. The visit of the premier is of no significance. We have met many ministers in the past.”

He referred to a Jan. 8 statement by the prime minister, who accused Shia Hazara protesters of blackmailing him as they refused for a sixth day to bury the bodies of miners killed in a brutal attack claimed by the Islamic State. The killings in Balochistan province on Jan. 3 were filmed and later posted online.

“No prime minister should be blackmailed like this, otherwise everyone will start blackmailing the prime minister,” said Imran Khan, adding that he would only visit Quetta once the funerals had taken place.

The 11 miners from the minority community were kidnapped near a coal mine in Mach close to Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan.

More than 3,000 protesters ended their protest at the weekend and buried the bodies after the PM assured them of his visit. But his remarks caused an immediate stir on social media. The hashtag #PMshouldapologize became a top trend.

“HRCP is appalled at PM Imran Khan’s statement on being ‘blackmailed’ by the Hazara mourners. The Hazara have long been relegated to the margins and persecuted to the point of genocide; to dismiss them as ‘blackmailers’ is disgraceful,” stated the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan in a Jan. 8 tweet.

“The PM has a duty of care to the community and must respect them. The state should take immediate steps to secure their lives and liberty.”

Lahore protest

More than 50 activists, including children, gathered on Jan. 8 at Lahore Press Club to protest against the massacre. They held placards demanding rights and security for the Hazara community. One placard read: “We stand with Balochistan.”

Some moved the crowd of protesters with their heartfelt poems. These included Muzammil Khan, whose relative, a Hazara revenue officer in Balochistan, disappeared in 2018. 

“Our province is destroyed. There is no education, business or peace. We have become psychotic. The education budget is being spent to pay the salaries of paramilitary Frontier Corps,” he said.

Dominican Father James Channan, regional coordinator of United Religions Initiative Pakistan, joined another protest on Jan. 9 in Lahore.

“I condemn the tyranny against the Hazara community. We share your grief. I salute the martyrs who were killed for their faith. I demand the government provide justice to the community. Shia Hazara remained peaceful despite the ongoing violence. All local religious minorities are Pakistanis. They should be treated equally,” he said.   

The genocide

The impoverished southern province of Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest and poorest region. It has been wracked by violence perpetuated by Islamist militants and separatists. Attacks have increased on Christians, Shia Hazara and security forces. Many Sunni Muslims regard the Hazara as infidels.

The Hazara in Balochistan find themselves particularly vulnerable to attack because of their distinctive facial features and Shia religious affiliation.

Despite 10 check posts and 19 Frontier Corps platoons in the two main Shia Hazara settlements — Marriabad and Hazara Town — according to the home department, more than 500 Hazara have been killed and 627 injured between 2014 and 2019. According to the Hazara Democratic Party, 75,000 to 100,000 Hazaras have fled violence and left for elsewhere in the country or abroad.

“Security measures for Hazara areas have led to the extreme ghettoization of the community. Community traders that leave their settlements are forced to take Frontier Corps protection with them, and Hazara students have been forced to drop out of university for fear of attacks. This has led to a separation of the community from the rest of the city and the country, and an inability of the community to live a regular and normal life,” stated the latest annual report of HRCP.

In 2018, the minority Muslim group held a four-day hunger strike over targeted killings of eights Hazara after meeting army chief Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa, who flew to Quetta and met representatives of the Hazara community on May 1.

In 2016, nine worshippers were killed in a suicide bombing at Bethel Memorial Methodist Church in Quetta.

In 2013, the Hazara community refused to bury 96 people who died in a suicide bombing, sparking countrywide demonstrations in solidarity. Three days after the attack, Pakistan’s government suspended the provincial government and imposed federal rule in response to the demands of the Hazara community.

https://www.eurasiareview.com/14012021-pakistan-persecuted-hazara-demand-justice/

#Pakistan virginity test: How rape victims go through a 'second trauma'


Rights activists in Pakistan have hailed a Lahore court's decision to outlaw intrusive rape tests in sexual assault cases. They demand that other anti-women laws also be scrapped.

On Monday, a court in Lahore outlawed invasive examination of rape victims — a long-standing practice in the Islamic country that is used to assess a woman's so-called honor.

The test involves a medical examiner inserting two fingers into a woman's vagina to determine her virginity. According to the World Health Organization, the procedure holds no scientific merit.

The Lahore High Court judges ruled the practice "offends the personal dignity of the female victim and therefore is against the right to life and right to dignity."

In March, rights activists filed a case against the practice and demanded that it be outlawed. A similar case is being heard in the Sindh High Court and women's rights activists hope the Lahore court ruling will set a precedent for a nationwide ban.

Neighboring India banned the "two-finger" test in 2013, and Bangladesh followed suit in 2018.

Psychological torture and trauma

Rape victims describe the test as a "second trauma" after the sexual assault, which leaves psychological scars.

Mukhtaran Mai, a rights activist who survived a gang rape in 2002, told DW that the test discouraged women from reporting sexual assaults. "It is used to humiliate women in courts," Mai said. "I also went through it, and I cannot describe the humiliation."

"It feels like a second trauma," Mai said. "From the police station to hospital, everyone stares at you."

Even after a rape victim goes through the test, Mai said, police could still manipulate its result, which creates more problems for victims.

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@dwnews - Pakistani rape survivor campaigns for women's rights

Setting a precedent

Sexual crimes against women are widespread in the South Asian country, with recent rape cases in public places causing huge uproar in society.

Rape victims often face social stigma, and sexual assaults are vastly underreported in the country. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan says that weak laws and complicated procedures for prosecution make it difficult to punish the culprits.

Sahar Bandial, one of the lawyers who filed the petition against intrusive rape tests, told DW that the practice is a violation of a woman's body. "It is character assassination. The victim's testimony is discredited in the court of law. The test is a violation of human dignity, the right to life, the right to medical care. In short, it is discriminatory," Bandial said.

Activists and lawyers took the case to the Lahore High Court because the Parliament would not abolish the practice, Bandial said. "It is not a law," she added. "It is a decadeslong practice."

Although the court's decision applies only to Punjab, Bandial said, it is likely to set a precedent for other provinces.

The rights activist Farzana Bari hailed the court's decision and told DW that other anti-women laws need to be abolished, as well. "For instance, the woman's age is discredited in adultery cases, and a woman's testimony is not considered equal to that of a man's in rape and gang rapes cases," she said. "These laws must be scrapped."

Bushra Gohar, a former parliamentarian, says she hopes that the government will implement the court's decision at all levels.

Rising rape cases

Pakistan ranks sixth on the list of the world's most dangerous countries for women. Since 2015, more than 22,037 rape cases have been reported in the country, according to government data. Activists say it is just the tip of an iceberg as a large number of rape cases are not reported in the country.

The conviction rate in rape cases is also very low. Out of the 22,037 rape cases, 4,060 are pending in courts, while only 77 offenders have been convicted.

On September 9, two men dragged a woman and her children out of their car on a highway, raped her in front of her kids and robbed her. The incident took place near the eastern city of Lahore.

A call for help to police did not receive a response, a family member said. Lahore's former police chief, Umer Sheikh, sparked an uproar after he said that the crime was the woman's fault as she left the house at night and drove on an empty road.

Amid public outrage, the government last month approved chemical castration and death penalty as part of a new anti-rape law. Rights groups have criticized the legislation as regressive, saying it would not solve Pakistan's rape problem.

https://www.dw.com/en/pakistan-virginity-test-how-rape-victims-go-through-a-second-trauma/a-56144918

Aphrodisiac, meat & sport — why Arab royals hunt bustard in Pakistan & why India banned it


 SANDHYA RAMESH

Hunting of Asian houbara bustard, a vulnerable species, is banned in Pakistan, but is used as something of a foreign policy instrument since Arab royals are allowed to do so.
Over the past weekend, 11 members of the UAE royal family reportedly arrived in Pakistan — with hunting gear and falcons — to hunt down the houbara bustard.The Asian houbara bustard, also known as MacQueen’s bustard (Chlamydotis macqueenii), is a vulnerable species and its hunting is banned in Pakistan, but an exception is made for Arab royals who are allowed to do so via special permits.
The Asian houbara bustard is a bird native to Central Asia that migrates to the Indian subcontinent, including Pakistan, during winter months. It is one of multiple bustard species and similar to the Great Indian Bustard, which is native to India.
The Arab royals hunt the bird as a sport and also because its meat is believed to be an aphrodisiac.
The controversial practice of Arab royals being allowed to indulge in falconry was also followed in India until the 1970s, the target being the Great Indian Bustard.
However, it was brought to an end amid a massive public outcry. Even so, the Great Indian Bustard remains critically endangered and faces imminent extinction risk if urgent intervention is not made.
At great risk
The Great Indian Bustard (GIB) or the Ardeotis nigriceps is one of the heaviest flying birds in the world, with an average adult male weighing 15 kg. The birds have long white necks and brown bodies with black and grey colouring. Males have a larger black crown and a black band across the breast. They are ostrich-like in appearance but smaller. The birds breed during the monsoon and have an omnivorous diet comprising seeds, insects, and even rats. They are native to grasslands and scrublands. Known locally as godawan, the GIB is found in Kutch (Gujarat), Solapur and Chandrapur (Maharashtra), Kurnool (Andhra Pradesh), Bellary (Karnataka), and in pockets of Rajasthan, primarily concentrated near the Desert National Park (DNP).
It is now classified as critically endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and has suffered a drastic drop in their numbers from hunting and loss of habitat. High-tension electricity wires that run along its flying route constitute one of the biggest threats to the Great Indian Bustard.
Their numbers are believed to have dropped to 150 in 2018 from 1,260 in 1969.
The Ministry of Environment and Forests and Climate Change, along with the Rajasthan government, the Wildlife Institute of India (WII), and Abu Dhabi’s International Fund for Houbara Conservation is currently undertaking a captive breeding project to save the GIB species. There are about 30 birds for now in their care, with the researchers looking to capture and incubate the eggs to ensure the health and safety of chicks.
Conservationists have also called for power cables to be shifted underground or be covered with deflectors to prevent loss of life in this species.
Conservation
Over the past decades, many conservation projects have been launched for the GIB, the largest of which is the Desert National Park (DNP) in Jaisalmer. The DNP is spread over 3,000 square km in Jaisalmer and Barmer, and was established in 1980 to protect the desert ecosystem.
Monitoring for bird safety is stringent in DNP. GIB eggs are at a risk of destruction from not just larger animals but also crows, so nests are intensely patrolled and water facilities provided for the birds. Poaching still persists in many countries.While the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 made it illegal to hunt bustard, poaching continues to be a threat amid a demand for the bird’s meat. However, increased awareness among local residents has reportedly helped tackle poaching to some extent in the DNP area. The 75-odd villages surrounding the DNP area are actively involved in monitoring GIB individuals and population, while working with authorities to ensure their safety.
‘Policy’ on houbara bustard
Hunting bustards is illegal in most countries. It was also banned completely in Pakistan by the country’s Supreme Court in 2015, but the decision was withdrawn in 2016 because the practice has become something of a foreign policy instrument for Pakistan. While official figures are not available, a 2016 BBC report quoted a Pakistan senator as saying that the “dignitaries who come to hunt the bird have not only established certain welfare projects but are also paying 10m Pakistani rupees [$95,000; £66,500] for hunting 50 birds in season”.