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Tuesday, August 31, 2021
A reformed Taliban?
The burden of Imran Khan’s incompetence should not be placed on the people of Pakistan – Chairman PPP Bilawal Bhutto Zardari
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/25409/
Monday, August 30, 2021
Sunday, August 29, 2021
Opinion: Trump & Co. engineered the pullout from Afghanistan. Now they criticize it.
Opinion by Max Boot
The Biden administration, as I’ve argued, deserves plenty of blame for its precipitous and ill-planned exit from Afghanistan. Naturally, a sense of decency and consistency has not prevented former President Donald Trump and his minions from adding their voices to the chorus of criticism, even though they themselves designed this exit strategy and lauded it until the last moment. We are now being treated to the contemptible spectacle of people who sent the airplane into a nosedive complaining about the resulting crash. As recently as April 18, Trump said: “Getting out of Afghanistan is a wonderful and positive thing to do. I planned to withdraw on May 1st, and we should keep as close to that schedule as possible.” On June 26, he bragged: “I started the process. All the troops are coming back home. They couldn’t stop the process. Twenty-one years is enough, don’t we think?” Now he is calling the situation “not acceptable” and saying that the troop withdrawal should have been “conditions based” — which wasn’t part of the deal he struck with the Taliban. He is demanding that Biden “resign in disgrace for what he has allowed to happen to Afghanistan,” i.e., for carrying out Trump’s policy. Bizarrely, Trump is even castigating Biden for failing to “blow up all the forts,” as if U.S. forces were fighting in the Middle Ages. Trump’s partner in hypocrisy, as in misgovernment, is former secretary of state Mike Pompeo. Not only did he oversee the negotiations with the Taliban, Pompeo convinced Pakistan to release from prison Abdul Ghani Baradar, Afghanistan’s new president, to serve as an interlocutor. Pompeo met with Baradar last year and bragged about it on his Twitter feed, thereby legitimating the Taliban and disheartening the Afghan military. As recently as July, Pompeo was eager to “applaud” the withdrawal, saying he wanted “the Afghans to take up the fight for themselves.” On Sunday, by contrast, he was fulminating that “weak American leadership always harms American security.” He went on to ludicrously accuse the Biden administration of being “focused on critical race theory while the embassy is at risk.” Hold my nonalcoholic beer, says former vice president Mike Pence. On Tuesday in the Wall Street Journal, he offered a master class in blame-shifting and buck-passing. “The Biden administration’s disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan is a foreign-policy humiliation,” he thundered, “unlike anything our country has endured since the Iran hostage crisis.” In Pence’s alternative universe, the reason the Taliban won was because Biden extended the Trump deadline for withdrawal by a few months: “Once Mr. Biden broke the deal, the Taliban launched a major offensive against the Afghan government and seized Kabul. They knew there was no credible threat of force under this president.” You would never know from reading this mendacious twaddle that the Taliban never agreed to a lasting cease-fire and never stopped attacking even when Trump and Pence were in office. (More than 3,000 Afghan civilians were killed in 2020.) Let’s get real. When it comes to Afghanistan, Trump and Biden are, as Trump’s former national security adviser John Bolton said on Wednesday, “like Tweedledee and Tweedledum.” “While Biden bears responsibly for bungling the implementation,” Bolton said, “I have no confidence Trump would have executed it any more competently.” Indeed, given how many other policies Trump bungled, from the pandemic to migrant children, there is every reason to expect that he would have found some way to outdo Biden in mismanaging Afghanistan. At least Biden is now trying to airlift U.S. allies out of Afghanistan. Better late than never. It’s hard to imagine Trump doing even that much given the anti-immigrant animus of his base. Charlie Kirk, head of the pro-Trump group Turning Point USA, set the tenor by accusing Biden of wanting Afghanistan to fall because he “wants a couple hundred thousand more Ilhan Omars to come into America to change the body politic permanently.” In a similarly odious vein, Fox “News” host Tucker Carlson warned of millions of Afghan refugees coming to the United States: “So first we invade, and then we are invaded.”Of course, given the opportunistic inconsistency of the Trumpkins, it would not surprise me to see these very same people who now warn of resettling Afghan refugees turn around tomorrow to criticize Biden for abandoning U.S. allies. In fact, Trump already did just that before reverting to his trademark nativism. (“This plane should have been full of Americans,” he complained on Wednesday of an Air Force aircraft carrying Afghan refugees. “America First!”) Logic be damned. The only thing that matters is “owning the libs.” What’s maddening is that the disingenuous Trump media strategy could work. The bungled exit from Afghanistan does serve to discredit Biden and seemingly confirms Trump’s criticisms — hitherto limited to the right-wing bubble — that the president is weak and ineffectual. Biden’s approval rating is dropping — along with support for the withdrawal. The irony that Biden could be punished for implementing Trump’s strategy will be utterly lost on Trump supporters. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/08/19/trump-afghanistan-withdrawal-criticism/Opinion: Who’s to blame for the deaths of 13 service members in Kabul? We all are.
By Max BootThe last thing President Biden ever wanted to do was to preside over another ramp ceremony for more flag-draped caskets returning home from Afghanistan. Indeed, the entire rationale of his troop withdrawal was to avoid further casualties. Yet there he was on Sunday at Dover Air Force Base honoring the 13 service members killed in the suicide bombing at the Kabul airport. Fate can be cruel that way. No doubt the president was even more gutted than the rest of us, because he was the one who sent them into harm’s way. In one of her last Instagram posts, Marine Sgt. Nicole Gee had been pictured holding an Afghan baby in her arms. “I love my job,” she said. Now she is gone. Along with Marine Lance Cpl. Rylee McCollum, who was married in February and expecting his first child; Marine Lance Cpl. David Espinoza, who hailed from the tiny border town of Rio Bravo, Tex., and saw military service as his “calling”; Marine Lance Cpl. Dylan R. Merola, who wanted to serve his country just like his two great-grandfathers who fought in the Korean War … and so many others. Their deaths were not in vain. They died so that more than 114,000 people could escape to freedom. Generations as yet unborn will remember these heroes for helping them to find a better life. And yet their sacrifice was also agonizing and unnecessary. Like so many service members throughout U.S. history, they died, in part, because of the blunders of their superiors. If you ask me who is to blame, I would point not only to Biden but to former president Donald Trump — and to all of us, the people of America. By carrying out this pell-mell withdrawal from Afghanistan, our leaders, after all, were only giving us what we wanted. In a sense, the fuse of the bomb that exploded on Thursday was lit 18 months ago. That was when Trump, with bipartisan support, concluded a terrible troop-withdrawal deal that freed 5,000 Taliban terrorists and sapped the morale of our Afghan allies. Trump made scant provision to save Afghans who had fought with our troops. Olivia Troye, an aide to former vice president Mike Pence, has recounted how White House senior policy adviser Stephen Miller hindered every effort to bring the holders of Special Immigrant Visas to the United States. Biden should have done better, but he didn’t. In April, also with bipartisan support, he announced that all U.S. forces would rapidly withdraw, along with the 17,000 contractors who kept the Afghan air force flying and the Afghan army supplied. Denied the ability to support their forces, the Afghan military rapidly collapsed in the face of a Taliban offensive. Yet even as Biden was bowing out, he was ignoring calls from veterans’ groups to evacuate translators and other Afghan allies. Lawmakers, many with military backgrounds, pleaded with the administration to begin a mass evacuation, but their entreaties were ignored. Why? At least three factors were at play. First, Biden was afraid of a xenophobic backlash from bringing so many Afghans to the United States. Second, he was concerned about sending a signal of no confidence in the Afghan government. And, third, he wagered that there was plenty of time to get people out later. But the Afghan government unraveled faster than anyone imagined, and desperate mobs of refugees swarmed the airport. It was only then — with the Taliban already in control of Kabul — that Biden did what he should have done many months earlier: order a massive airlift of Afghans and U.S. citizens out of the country. What once could have been done in an orderly fashion with relatively low risk now became a highly perilous undertaking. The kind of “defense in depth” that was standard at U.S. military bases in Afghanistan — with multiple layers of trusted security personnel — was not possible in this chaotic environment. U.S. troops were forced to rely on their enemies for outer-perimeter security. We do not know exactly how an Islamic State suicide bomber got close enough to carry out his devastating attack, but suffice it to say the Taliban guards were either incompetent or overwhelmed or simply unwilling to risk their own lives to save “infidels” and “traitors” from the wrath of fellow Islamists. There are recriminations aplenty, but the sad fact is that the only way to avoid this particular disaster would have been either to stay in Afghanistan indefinitely or to leave our allies behind. Both options would have come with their own costs and were overwhelmingly rejected by the American people: Seventy percent of Americans wanted to withdraw from Afghanistan, and 81 percent wanted to evacuate translators and other allies. Our leaders were simply giving the American people what they thought we wanted. The truth is that most Americans paid little attention to Afghanistan until recently (the three major television networks devoted a total of five minutes of evening news coverage to the country last year), and they had conflicting desires. They wanted out, but they did not want to bear the consequences of withdrawal. Those clashing impulses produced incoherent policymaking — and resulted in Sunday’s heartbreaking homecoming. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/08/29/whos-blame-deaths-13-service-members-kabul-we-all-are/?utm_campaign=wp_main&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter
Editorial: Kabul airport attack serves as a harbinger of what lies ahead if the ISIS-K threat is ignored
https://www.dawn.com/news/1643073/kabul-massacre
Biden’s Rushed Afghan Exit Adds Strains to U.S.-Pakistan Ties
Deadly Kabul Attack Shakes Biden’s Afghan Exit StrategyPakistani officials have complained over the years that the Americans have simultaneously wanted them to use their influence on the Afghan Taliban to help reach a political settlement while also cracking down on the group. Pakistan also has a large Pashtun population, the dominant ethnic group of Taliban leaders, complicating the politics of meeting U.S. demands. Leaving out Pakistan’s historic support for the Taliban, particularly from the country’s security services, Khan said the militant group’s success in retaking Afghanistan was probably inevitable and urged the world to work with them as a new government gets formed. The 300,000-strong Afghan security forces, equipped with sophisticated American weapons, couldn’t withstand 70,000 Taliban fighters because “no one fights for a corrupt government,” he said. “Let’s help them if the Taliban want to establish peace.” China Ties Despite the tensions, both sides still need each other. For starters, “our intelligence-gathering ability in Afghanistan isn’t what it used to be,” Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said Aug. 20 when asked about the U.S.’s ability to track terrorists in the country as troops withdraw. Pakistan can help fill that gap, better than other neighboring nations.
“No U.S. administration in the last 20 years was able to end the Pakistani sanctuary the Taliban enjoyed,” said Lisa Curtis, former senior director for South and Central Asia on the National Security Council under President Donald Trump. “So long as the Taliban could fall back safely to Pakistan and the Pakistani military allowed them to freely cross back and forth across the border, the Taliban were never going to lose the stamina, will, and resources to fight.”Trump cut back on military assistance to Pakistan in 2018, wary that U.S. taxpayer dollars were being used to fund America’s enemies. Yet for all the problems, neither America nor Pakistan seems capable of extricating itself from their awkward relationship. The U.S. “looks at the region and says we have a potentially festering terrorism sanctuary in Afghanistan we need to deal with,” said Richard Fontaine, chief executive officer of the Center for a New American Security who was an adviser to the late Republican Senator John McCain. “They’re going to need regional partners, and Pakistan is going to be one of those.”
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-08-29/biden-s-rushed-afghan-exit-adds-strains-to-u-s-pakistan-ties
Fire from Afghan border kills two soldiers - Pakistan Army
#Pakistan #PPP - Imran Khan celebrating destruction of three years: Bilawal Bhutto
Chairman PPP while criticizing the incumbent PTI said that incompetent and illegitimate government was imposed on the people terming the current government as ‘selected’. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari said that unemployment and inflation have reached historic levels. He said that people have been made jobless during PTI’s three years of destruction adding that Pakistan Steel Mills was closed and people were made unemployed. He said that the future of the youth of Sindh was being played with. Instead of building houses, people are being made homeless.
https://dunyanews.tv/en/Pakistan/617250-Imran-Khan-celebrating-destruction-of-three-years:-Bilawal-Bhutto-
Saturday, August 28, 2021
#Pakistan #PPP - Inflation, unemployment, poverty real face of change: Bilawal
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari while lambasting Prime Minister Imran Khan over economic policies said that inflation, unemployment and poverty are the real face of change.
Addressing a workers’ convention in Tandu Allah Yar on Saturday, he said that the PPP is the only party that can do opposition and compete the selected in the federation.
Bilawal said that whenever an undemocratic and selected government rules the country, they deprive the masses of their basic rights, he said.
He said that the selected government is now is attacking from all sides and depriving the masses of their human, democratic and economic rights, the way the rights were violated by the previous regimes.
The PPP chairman while urging the party workers to be ready counter the incompetent government said that PPP’s die-hard workers from Tando Allah Yar knew how to protect and snatch their rights.
On Friday, addressing a press conference, he said that the people of Pakistan are not satisfied with the three-year-long performance of puppet Prime Minister Imran Khan, adding that the PTI had promised to provide houses and jobs to the people, but instead, jobs and houses were snatched from people. They even tried to take away Chief Justice of Sindh’s employment.
The PPP chairman said that Imran Khan had promised to provide 5 million houses and 10 million jobs. But instead, houses were demolished in the name of encroachment. “Young people from Kashmir to Karachi are walking around with degrees in their hands but are not getting jobs,” he said. “Even those who had jobs have been laid off in the last three years.”
He pointed out that 10,000 employees of Steel Mills had been laid off, and now 16,000 more families were being deprived of jobs.
Bilawal went on to say that the PTIMF deal has benefited the rich and harmed the poor. The people of Pakistan are now looking to the Pakistan People’s Party, which always speaks for the poor and gives them relief. This is why Pakistanis are now looking towards PPP to save them – they want a government that solves the problems of the poor and gives them relief.
https://dunyanews.tv/en/Pakistan/617121-Bilawal-slams-govt-over-inflation-unemployment-poverty-in-country
#Pakistan #PPP - China’s concerns must be removed: Bilawal
“The government should review the security situation of the country,” he said, “The National Security Plan has not been implemented yet even though the nation is in dire need of it.” He added that CPEC’s security also needed to be reviewed since it was an asset to Pakistan’s economy, and the country’s enemies would try to target it. “China’s objections regarding the recent terrorist incidents must be removed,” Bilawal said. To a question, the PPP chairman said that Afghan citizens coming from Afghanistan would stay in the city for a short period and then move to the US. When asked about water scarcity in Sindh, PPP Chairman Bilawal alleged that the role played by IRSA during the incumbent government’s rule has been oppressive. Despite objections of the three provinces, he added the TP link canal was opened, and it remained open. “This government is harming the federation, and IRSA must make its decisions impartially,” he added. To another query, he said that public service commissions were set up all over the country, but the Sindh Public Commission has been kept closed. “In the current economic climate, such decisions raise questions about our federation, democracy, and the judiciary. We will protest in front of parliament and the people,” he said. https://tribune.com.pk/story/2317495/chinas-concerns-must-be-removed-bilawal
Imran Khan has brought the country to the brink of disaster in three years – Chairman PPP Bilawal Bhutto Zardari
Pakistan Peoples Party Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has said that the hallmark of Imran Khan’s three-year performance is skyrocketing inflation, unemployment, and poverty levels. In a statement, the PPP chairman commented on the performance of PTI’s three-year tenure and said that Imran Khan has left Pakistan completely internationally isolated, and his foreign policy seems to be desperately waiting to receive a phone call from the US President. “Imran Khan talks a big game but he constantly fails to perform. He can no longer fool the people with bold statements.” said the PPP Chairman. He further said that everything stated by the Prime Minister begins with him and ends with him. It is time he realized that in reality, everything needs to begin and end with the people of Pakistan. Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari further said that in the last three years, only the PTI mafia has benefited in Pakistan. Flour thieves and sugar thieves are on the rise, whereas the general public is offered basic necessities such as medicines at exorbitant prices. “The people buying their monthly ration understand how well Imran Khan has performed” said Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari. “They are the ones who have to worry about their basic survival every time prices increase.”He added that Imran Khan had brought the country to the brink of disaster in three years, and it may take Pakistan more than a decade to recover. He further said that the measure of a government’s performance not based on the false figures parotted by government officials, but rather by the conditions ordinary people find themselves dealing with. Chairman Bilalwal Bhutto Zardari said that if one were to try to find proof of the country’s positive performance, as claimed by government officials and advisors of Imran Khan, it would be easier to find a needle in a haystack. “The puppet Prime Minister himself knows he has destroyed the administrative institutions of the country, but he is not ready to leave power due to his insatiable lust for power, his stubbornness and his ego,” he said.
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/25377/
During his three years in office, he gave neither a house nor employment to the people of Thatta. Imran Khan is a false Prime Minister – Chairman PPP Bilawal Bhutto Zardari
https://www.ppp.org.pk/pr/25381/
Friday, August 27, 2021
The Tragedy of Afghanistan
The war in Afghanistan began in response by the United States and its NATO allies to the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, as an operation to deny Al Qaeda sanctuary in a country run by the Taliban. How it evolved into a two-decade nation-building project in which as many as 140,000 troops under American command were deployed at one time is a story of mission creep and hubris but also of the enduring American faith in the values of freedom and democracy.The Afghanistan papers published in The Washington Post — including a confidential project to identify “Lessons Learned” conducted by the Office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, an agency created by Congress — painted a devastating picture of corruption, incompetence, lack of motivation and other flaws among the Afghan forces that the United States and its allies were trying to mold into a serious military. One Navy official said Afghans viewed their police as “the most hated institution” in Afghanistan. Other officials described systematic looting by soldiers and officers, as well as Afghan casualties so huge — 60,000 killed since 2001, by one estimate — that the government kept them a secret. The corruption was so rampant that many Afghans began to question whether their government or the Taliban were the greater evil. The Pentagon and the U.S. Congress deserve a share of the blame for the debacle, and certainly for the rosy progress reports that so often emerged. But what the United States or its allies could or should have done differently — and whether that hoary cliché about Afghanistan as the graveyard of empires has been validated once again — is a debate that should consume politicians, pundits and historians for years to come. The responsibility lies with both parties. President George W. Bush launched the war, only to shift focus to Iraq before any stability had been achieved. President Barack Obama was seeking to withdraw American troops but surged their levels instead. President Donald Trump signed a peace deal with the Taliban in 2020 for a complete withdrawal by last May.
OP-ED: #Afghanistan: Sanity in Surrender
By Abdul Hadi Mayar
When Afghan National Defense and Security Force (ANDSF) surrendered to Taliban unit after unit, people and media viewed it with contempt; describing it as an act of cowardice. But now when the dust of the Taliban’s rampaging victory is subsiding, the army’s refusal to fight back appears rather saner as it stopped Afghanistan from sliding into a Syria-like situation. As soon as the US resumed the drawdown of its remaining troops from Afghanistan on May 1 this year, a large number of districts in rural areas of the country fell to the Taliban without any resistance. Those initial gains of the Taliban exposed many weaknesses of the Afghan National Army. It came out that ANDSF foot soldiers had been working without salary for many months. Besides, they also faced a scarcity of equipment and fuel. Despite that, journalists and analysts covering Afghanistan, in keeping with the Afghan history, overlooked the Taliban’s gains as far-flung rural districts had never had any significance in Afghan warfare. The government’s authority in Afghanistan has always remained restricted to big cities. Secondly, Afghanistan never had an organised army, which we can expect in any modern state. Traditionally, the loosely organised Afghan military force had consisted of regional warlords, given ranks according to the force under their tribal command. Even the ANDSF, which the US and NATO raised into an army over the last 20 years, was not immune to this drawback. There have been accusations of a large number of ghost soldiers present in the army and non-payment of salaries to many genuine staff members. Such a roughly combined force could not be expected to counter the Taliban in rural areas where logistic support and reinforcement are difficult to reach on time. However, by the time the Taliban reached the thresholds of major cities, ANDSF and its special operation force, equally supported by the popular uprising militias, forcefully resisted their initial attacks in Helmand, Herat, Kandahar and the eastern Nangarhar and Paktya provinces. Any resistance against the violent and jihad-emboldened Taliban would have obliterated whatever Afghanistan was left with. The situation in the non-Pashtoon northern provinces was a bit difficult as the regional and local warlords under the command of Uzbek General, Abdul Rashid Dostum Tajik chieftains, Atta Muhammad Nur and Ahmad Masud, had practically been weakened as their ethnic leaders were sidelined over the recent decades.Emboldened by the victories in the southern, western and eastern provinces just a week before the Taliban’s final march on Kabul, the Afghan Army took to the north as General Dostum and Atta Muhammad Noor were hastily restored to their might in Mazar-e-Sharif. Several major controversial steps, including replacement of the Army, the transfer of General Sami Sadat, a triumphant corps commander in the strategic Lashkargah city in the middle of the war and total shifting of focus to the north, left the southern and western provinces vulnerable. Despite that, compromises and secret deals were seen more at work behind the Taliban’s abrupt victories than any weakness of ANDSF commanders. While General Dostum was preparing to launch a counteroffensive against the Taliban in the northwestern Jawzjan province, Dawood Laghmani, the governor of the southern Ghazni province, surrendered to the Taliban without a fire-shot. Earlier, Zaranj city of Nimroz province on the Iranian border has fallen to the Taliban in the same manner. Yet, it did not have as much impact as it was a far off desert province. Simultaneously, Ismail Khan, the governor of the western Herat province, who had pushed back a Taliban attack with massive public support just days back, capitulated to the Taliban without any visible justification. At the very moment, Zabihullah Mohmand, the corps commander of Mazar-e-Sharif, surrendered to the Taliban while General Dostum and Atta Muhammad Nur had to flee to Uzbekistan; accusing the former of handing over all ANDSF ammunition to the Taliban. These unexpected defeats greatly demoralised the remaining units. Thus, commanders of the Afghan army, President Ashraf Ghani and other government leaders were left with no option but either to surrender or be perished. While fleeing the country, Ghani said the siege of Kabul at the hands of Taliban left him with only two options: to fight back and confront hundreds of thousands of Kabul residents to bloodshed or to defect. He said he had chosen the second option to avoid bloodshed. This act of the president not only left his government virtually dissolved but also melted away the army. Many Afghan and international journalists and analysts, including Americans, equally blamed the debacle of Afghanistan on the hasty and unplanned decision of the Biden administration to withdraw the remaining US forces by September 11 this year.The withdrawal of the remaining US-NATO troops from Afghanistan was very much on the cards and no one had disputed its need. President Biden was correct when he announced on April 29 this year to end this “forever war” as it “was never meant to be a multi-generational undertaking of nation-building.”However, it also remains a fact that it was not a war wished by the Afghan people themselves, nor had any Afghan invited the US forces to their country. If Al Qaeda had attacked the US and the Taliban had hosted it in Afghanistan, Washington could return as soon as it had accomplished its objective of bombing both Taliban and Al Qaeda into “stone-age.” But if Americans remained in Afghanistan and took upon themselves the task of national-building, which, according to President Biden, Washington had never meant at all, then the war-weary Afghans, and of course their government and civil and military officials who had served Americans during all these long years, deserved to be taken care of while planning to withdraw the US forces from the country. There were even conspiracy theories aired on social media that this was all part of the deal between the US and Taliban though sanity would not give any credence to such accusations. Whatever might be the reasons for the disgraceful capitulation of the Afghan army, the fact remains that any resistance against the violent and jihad-emboldened Taliban would have not only obliterated whatever Afghanistan was left with, but also unleashed such a destructive civil war, which might have faced Afghanistan with the same fate as that of Syria.https://dailytimes.com.pk/808283/afghanistan-sanity-in-surrender/
Pakistan’s Support for the Taliban: What to Know
Pakistan’s government and military generally favored a Taliban victory in Afghanistan. But maintaining support for the Taliban is risky.
Why did Pakistani officials cheer the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan?
It is important to note Pakistan’s government and military are not monolithic institutions but rather groups with competing interests. With that in mind, it is true that these groups were generally in favor of a Taliban victory. After the Taliban took over Kabul, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan declared that the Taliban were “breaking the chains of slavery.”
There are three long-standing and overlapping reasons for Khan’s public show of support. First, Pakistan has vested ideological interests in the Taliban. Pakistan was created in 1947 as a Muslim nation and Islam was the glue that was supposed to hold together many otherwise disparate communities with diverse linguistic and ethnic identities. But this was a struggle. In 1971, after a bitter civil war, a large portion of Pakistani territory in the east dominated by the Bengali-speaking community broke away to become Bangladesh. That loss made the Pakistani government particularly paranoid about the western territories of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which have large Pashtun or Pashto-speaking populations. Pakistan established madrassas in these territories to emphasize and teach a particularly strict brand of Islam in the hopes that Islamic nationalism would suppress Pashtun nationalism. Taliban leaders, who also espouse Islamic nationalism, were trained in those madrassas.
TURKMENISTAN
CHINA
Pashtun areas
Kabul
Peshawar
AFGHANISTAN
Islamabad
IRAN
Quetta
Durand Line
PAKISTAN
INDIA
0
500 km
ARABIAN SEA
0
200 mi
Note: Data as of June 2021.
Second, Pakistani officials worry about the border with Afghanistan and believe that a Taliban government could ease their concerns. Since 1947, Afghan governments have rejected the Durand Line, which separates Pakistani Pashtun-dominated territories from Afghanistan. Afghanistan, home to a Pashtun majority, claims these territories as a part of a “Pashtunistan” or traditional Pashtun homeland. Pakistan’s government believes that the Taliban’s ideology emphasizes Islam over Pashtun identity.
Third, it is imperative for Pakistan to have a Pakistan-friendly government established in Afghanistan. Pakistan accuses India of seeking to exploit its ethnic and linguistic divisions to destabilize and break up the country. India’s good relationship with former Afghan President Ashraf Ghani’s government did nothing to assuage this concern. A Taliban government could help Pakistan counter India, including by providing a haven for anti-India jihadi groups.
How has Pakistan’s relationship with the Taliban changed since 9/11?
Pakistan continues to be a major source of financial and logistical support for the Taliban. The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency has supported the Taliban from their inception with money, training, and weaponry. The ISI also maintains strong ties with the Pakistan-based Haqqani network, a militant group that works closely with the Taliban. (Sirajuddin Haqqani, the leader of the Haqqani network, has also been a deputy leader of the Taliban since 2015.) The Taliban own real estate in Pakistan and receive large donations from private individuals in the country.
At the same time, under pressure from the United States, Pakistan has over the years detained—and allegedly tortured—Taliban commanders, including Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, a Taliban founder who is now back as one of the group’s chief leaders. Moreover, the current Pakistan Army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, is reportedly more wary of the Taliban’s potential to destabilize Pakistan.
Going forward, Pakistan’s influence with the Taliban could decrease. The Taliban have been politically savvy in attempting to build ties with China, Iran, and Russia. If China, a close Pakistani ally, chooses to recognize the Taliban-led government, it will do so without enthusiasm for the virulent religious nationalism espoused by both the Taliban and Pakistan. This is because it could spill over into China’s Xinjiang region, where the Chinese government has used claims of separatism to crack down on Uyghur Muslims.
What consequences could the Taliban takeover have for Pakistan?
Pakistan is playing a risky game in supporting the Taliban. Its goal to contain Pashtun nationalism and counter India by having a Pakistan-friendly government in Afghanistan does not account for either the quirks of the Taliban or the warring religious fundamentalist forces within Pakistan.
Showing its sensitivity to the Durand Line, Pakistan has spent millions of dollars over the past few years to reinforce and demarcate the border. Yet, the Taliban, in conformity with other Afghan governments, have neither accepted the Durand Line nor Pakistan’s attempts to physically demarcate it. Nor have the Taliban ever renounced or condemned the Afghan goal of a Pashtunistan.
To complicate matters further, the Taliban maintain close ties with the Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP), sometimes referred to as the Pakistani Taliban. The TTP comprises small Pashtun militant groups that are sympathetic to the Taliban, operate along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, and vow to war with Pakistan until it secures an independent Pashtunistan. The TTP is responsible for the deaths of many thousands of Pakistani civilians. Recognizing the link between the Afghan Taliban and the TTP, General Bajwa reportedly warned Pakistani lawmakers that the groups are “two faces of the same coin.”
Moreover, if Afghanistan once again descends into civil war, Pakistan will have to cope with another huge flow of refugees. Last year, an estimated 1.4 million Afghan refugees were living in the country.
Finally, Pakistan could jeopardize its relationship with China if Afghanistan (as well as Pakistan) becomes a haven for Muslim separatists, including disaffected Uyghurs from Xinjiang.
How could the United States and its allies work with Pakistan on the situation in Afghanistan?
The United States faces a complex situation in South Asia, and in its bilateral relationship with Pakistan. The U.S. government has a long-standing record of investment in Pakistan in return for cooperation on terrorism, but this has yielded limited dividends given Pakistan’s own regional security interests.
Now, Washington has two additional elements to consider. The first is its deepening strategic partnership with India. Over the past few years, India has become more receptive to U.S. overtures for closer security ties. Given these gains in the U.S.-India relationship, the United States should be extremely careful in its relationship with Pakistan; any sense that Washington is not using what clout it has to rein in Pakistan’s backing of cross-border terrorism will jeopardize its relationship with New Delhi.
The second element is China’s growing interest in the region. Although the Chinese government is unlikely to stir up religious terrorism in the region, it will seek to work with the Taliban and possibly even incorporate Afghanistan into its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Any U.S. strategy should seek to offset Chinese investments. And China also has clout with Pakistan. One option for the United States is to utilize China’s fears about religious nationalism and militancy spilling over from Afghanistan to initiate space for a U.S.-China-Pakistan cooperative strategy to pressure the Taliban.
https://www.cfr.org/article/pakistans-support-taliban-what-know