Sunday, August 30, 2020
#Pakistan - Attacks won’t silence us
@AmberRShamsi
What began as the recent experience of a small group of women journalists has expanded across parties, and beyond boundaries. The ball is now in the court of the government and the parliament. They must ensure that women journalists are able to do their job without fear.
When journalist and commentator Mehmal Sarfaraz asked parliamentarian Mohsin Dawar to read a text message she had received on her analysis of Sindh’s Covid-19 response, there was shocked silence in the National Assembly’s spacious committee room.
I and a group of women journalists and digital rights activists had been invited to a hearing of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Human Rights, chaired by Bilawal Bhutto and attended by Human Rights Minister Shireen Mazari among other members.
Mohsin Dawar read a few lines, his voice faltered, and he stopped. “I don’t think I can read any more [of it]. This is too disgusting to read here.” Mehmal’s husband was also sitting in the room.
Mehmal Sarfaraz had already read some of the tweets she receives on a regular basis, all equally disgusting, which were submitted for the standing committee record. Mehmal, myself and others submitted thick binders of the abuse – mostly sexualised, some calling for rape, to leave the country, to die, calling into question our sexuality, in some cases doctored photos and videos, our parenthood, insinuating that we have slept our way to our positions, and direct accusations of taking lifafas from political parties. It is relentless, it is every day and often seems to be coordinated, and many among us have had to face multiple hacking attempts into our Twitter accounts. I was locked out of mine for five days.
The increasing online harassment and abuse in the last few months had compelled me and a group of other women journalists to issue a statement in mid-August explaining that these campaigns impinged on our freedom of expression and our ability to do our jobs. We had called on the human rights committees of the Senate and National Assembly to hold the government accountable and for the human rights minister as well as other government officials to restrain their members.
When we first issued the statement with the hashtag #AttacksWon’tSilenceUS, we were fifteen. By the end of the day, twenty others reached out to us, asking to endorse the statement. Our hashtag was trending at the top on Twitter. The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists and the Karachi Union of Journalists too endorsed our statement, as well as male colleagues and parliamentarians. Within a week, the National Assembly’s standing committee asked us to appear for a hearing.
The hearing lasted for over four hours and testimony after testimony underscored the fact that online and offline abuse has made it increasingly difficult for women journalists to work without fear. There was a powerful rush of solidarity in the committee room that day, of having our voices heard, even though we all had such varied experiences. While many of us identified government spokespersons and Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI)-linked abusive accounts as central to the recent coordinated campaigns, others talked about their experiences preceding 2020, and of other political parties too having been involved in these attacks.
What began as the recent experience of a small group of women journalists had expanded across parties, and beyond boundaries.
Journalists have come to accept trolling as a part of their job on social media where the contest between narratives and truth is fierce, when it should neither be acceptable nor normalized. Political parties, their leaders, and particularly those in government – with regulatory and law-enforcement agencies under them, and material and human resources at their disposal – bear the greatest responsibility.
We went public.
They reacted.
Human Rights Minister Shireen Mazari expressed sympathy for the abuse and promised to look into our documents showing links between the abuse and the ruling party’s official and unofficial social media accounts. But, the PTI has so far gone on the offensive. Instead of reaching out to us, or engaging, or even just listening, we have been subject to a kind of dog-whistling, where coded language in tweets - such as fake news, agenda-driven campaign, unpatriotic, so-called journalists - has triggered a fresh onslaught against some of the original signatories. Among the prominent government representatives are Planning Minister Asad Umar, Prime Minister’s Political Advisor Dr Shehbaz Gill and Water Minister Faisal Vawda.
It is relentless, it is every day and often seems to be coordinated, and many among us have had to face multiple hacking attempts into our Twitter accounts. I was locked out of mine for five days.
Amnesty International defines such coordinated campaigns as online harassment and discrimination, going so far as to say that governments need to protect women from human rights abuses. According to a recent investigation by Reporters Without Borders only 4 percent of journalists in Pakistan are women, making them particularly vulnerable to both offline and online violence, abuse and discrimination.
Beyond borders
A scene from the short TV series Mrs America, set forty years ago, captures how the decades pass and yet women keep being punished for being opinionated and challenging the norm.
Journalist, feminist and political activist Gloria Steinem is at the office floor of the magazine she co-founded, Ms. Suddenly, the phones start ringing off the hook. Men are calling, asking for explicit sexual acts. It’s a campaign orchestrated by a publisher of a porn magazine Al Goldstein, which began with a graphic and photo-shopped picture of Steinem with the telephone numbers of Ms published in his magazine’s centerfold. It served to humiliate, belittle and intimidate, to teach women their place. Back then, it was landline and telephones, now it’s any troll with a smartphone and anger issues. Now imagine psychoses amplified or tacitly encouraged by men and women in power.
This is not limited to Pakistan. The International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF), an NGO, has brought together a coalition of press foundations, journalist safety groups and feminist organisations to help women journalists combat online attacks. Among them is Gloria Steinam’s Ms. magazine. The IWMF has dedicated free resources such as online trainings for individuals and newsrooms to help deal with coordinated attacks and trolls. Clearly, solutions need to be found that do not include fresh draconian regulation.
Since we went public with our statement, the international network Coalition of Women in Journalism (CWIJ), the International Press Institute, the International Press Institute (IPI) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) have publicly supported our cause.
The CWIJ has been documenting online abuse and harassment against Pakistani women journalists since 2014. The profiles of these journalists range from anchors to reporters to producers and cut across ideological divides. The coalition’s documentation finds that 3.39 per cent of trolls have a PML-N bias, 5.08 per cent have a bias against the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement, and 20.34 per cent have a bias towards Islamist political parties. The majority of attacks – over 70 per cent - are equally shared by two categories: general misogyny or those that have links with the PTI.
As we try to include the stories of more women journalists from Pakistan, who have faced similar campaigns from other political parties, and engage in conversations with international groups to find solutions, the ball is now in the court of parliament and the ruling party. This is not political; it is about human rights, even if the ruling party is a political party.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/707049-attacks-wont-silence-us
A Tale Of Pakistan’s Energy Calamity – Analysis
By Rana Danish NisarPakistan is mired in an acute energy crisis’ one with immense implications for both the nation’s floundering economy and its volatile security situation. According to some estimates, energy shortages have cost the country up to 4% of GDP over the past few years. They have also forced the closure of hundreds of factories including more than five hundred alone in the industrial hub city of Faisalabad, paralyzing production and exacerbating unemployment. Additionally, they imperil much-needed investments in development and infrastructure.
Meanwhile, the nation has been convulsed by energy riots. Protestors, angered by unscheduled outages, have often resorted to violence. People blocked roads and attacked the homes and offices of members of both the ruling Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Muslim League(N), the chief opposition party. Resolving this crisis requires far more than power-generation expansion and other supply-side quick fixes, the de facto policy of the country’s political leadership. Pakistan’s energy problems are deep and complex, and are rooted more in shortages of governance and political will than of pure supply. If the nation is to overcome this crisis, it will need to begin with whole-scale institutional energy sector reform.
The origins of Pakistan’s energy crisis can be traced back to the 1990s. A major energy crisis was actually averted in the 1970s, when the government launched the massive Mangla and Tarbela dams, leading to a short-lived period of robust hydro-driven energy generation. However, after a period of strong economic growth in the 1980s, energy demand soared, and supply and infrastructure could not keep up. As Pakistan’s population has risen, and as urbanization has spawned the rise of new industries and other corporate energy customers, the situation has continued to worsen to the present day.
It is important to emphasize that Pakistan’s current energy quandary is rooted in paucities that go well beyond those of power supply. In fact, Pakistan is blessed with ample indigenous energy resources; it is especially rich in natural gas, hydroelectricity, and coal. However, in the case of the two most utilized sources of energy’ oil and gas’ consumption levels are so high that these domestic resources are being rapidly depleted. OGDCL predicts indigenous oil reserves will be exhausted by 2025, and that Pakistan will run out of domestic sources of natural gas by 2030.
Meanwhile, hydroelectricity supply is imperiled by climate change, with less rainfall reducing river flows. At the same time, governance shortfalls are a key challenge for the power sector. Pakistan’s energy policies come under the purview of several government ministries and agencies, but coordination is lacking, clear lines of authority are absent and inter’ agency turf wars are legion. $4.5 billion. A subset of the energy financing problem is an inability or unwillingness to muster the necessary political will to address the money shortage.
More broadly, Pakistan has never developed a comprehensive, integrated energy strategy, and Islamabad’s haphazard policies have failed to address the crisis’s deep roots. The problem lies not with civil servants, bureaucrats and technical experts who focus on developing energy policies but rather with the non-expert, high-level political appointees.Pakistan announced a national energy plan in 2010, though it was dominated by much-mocked’ and likely ignored’ conservation measures, such as bans on all-night wedding parties and neon billboards, along with the required early closures of street markets. Other well-intentioned initiatives have likewise not produced results. In addition, political interference undermines NEPRA’s autonomy and effectiveness.
Pakistan’s development philosophy. Pakistan is blessed with ample indigenous energy resources; it is especially rich in natural gas, hydroelectricity, and coal. In the context of energy, the document proposes some far-reaching and comprehensive policy measures’ from full-scale sectoral deregulation to governance reform and the phasing out of many subsidies. Unfortunately, there are several problems.
One is that while the Planning Commission is part of the government, it lacks implementation power, and no government entity has stepped up to embrace the commission’s ideas and take on the mantle of implementation.
Another dilemma is that the Planning Commission insists that such measures are only implementable after the country has established an integrated energy policy, which has still not happened. Moreover, Islamabad likely has little desire to authorize the Planning Commission’s measures anyway, given that some of them are fraught with political risk’ especially with national elections in the offing.
On the subsidy question, these measures are unlikely to change for political reasons. It also bears mentioning that reducing subsidies could have an unintended effect: increasing the number of Pakistanis who do not pay their taxes. Yet here lies a major dilemma, because Pakistan’s government would significantly increase its revenue and hence its ability to pay its energy bills’ if more of the country paid its taxes. Pakistan’s Federal Board of Revenue estimates that 700,000 wealthy Pakistanis are not paying their taxes. However, the government refuses to pressure its most affluent citizens, because many of them are politically connected or politicians themselves.
Given that Pakistan lacks the revenue to finance an energy recovery, future opportunities abound for international donors, including the United States. In fact, the Obama administration identifies energy as a priority area in its civilian assistance program to Pakistan, and Congress released nearly $300 million in new energy aid last summer alone. Given the extent of Pakistan’s energy woes, and especially its circular debt ‘which, at its highest point of nearly $4.5 billion, far exceeded the value of Washington’s $1.5 billion in total annual civil assistance’ it is folly to expect US energy aid to make a major dent in the crisis.
Conversely, if US civilian assistance to Pakistan were to be cut, the reduction of energy-intensive aid would be a significant loss to the country. This is not to say that indigenous solutions should simply be discarded. Consider the vast Thar coalfields, the world’s sixth-largest coal deposit, in Sindh, where 200 billion tonnes of reserves have lay dormant since their discovery more than twenty years ago.
Last year, Islamabad designated Thar as a special economic zone, hoping to lure investors with tax breaks and other incentives. However, what both the government and political opposition fail to articulate is how Pakistan will overcome the formidable challenge of developing the technological and labour capacity to exploit this potential bonanza.
Another problem is purely political. Ever since the Thar coal was discovered, the central government has been locked in a disagreement with the Sindh provincial government about how to divvy up the spoils that has effectively put on hold the exploitation of Thar’s resource treasures.
Encouragingly, Pakistan is also starting to explore other alternative energy sources. Several small-scale wind projects are under construction. The government has also announced that by 2030 it plans to have a minimum of 5.0% of total commercial energy supply provided by wind, solar and biowaste, and that 2.5% of Pakistan’s overall energy generation will come from renewables.
Ultimately, it is the issue of implementation that prolongs Pakistan’s energy crisis, making many experts pessimistic that the crisis can be resolved anytime soon. There is no shortage of research, conferences and proposals offering policy solutions. However, these measures are not executed, because there is no political will to do so. Tellingly, even in the rare cases when the government enacts politically risky measures to strengthen the energy sector and overall economy, it often reverses course.
With no end in sight, the implications of Pakistan’s energy crisis are stark and go well beyond threats to the country’s economic well-being and stability. Pakistan is currently in the midst of two major societal shifts that could worsen the effects of its energy problems in the years ahead. One is urbanization.
While today the majority of Pakistan’s population is rural, estimates suggest that at least 50% could be concentrated in urban areas by the 2020s. With droves of Pakistanis entering cities and becoming dependent on grids, pressures on supply will deepen exponentially. Pakistan’s other notable societal shift is the devolution of governance from the federal level to the provincial and local levels.
Thanks to the 18th constitutional amendment, federal ministerial responsibilities and resources are being passed down to local authorities and agencies. This means that many new energy-related functions and duties are being foisted upon provincial and district governments, which suffer from even more capacity constraints, inefficiencies and financial troubles than their federal counterpart.
How long can Pakistan ride out this storm? Today, many Pakistanis are getting by through their own resourcefulness. This winter, some residents have coped with the nation’s worst gas shortage on record by fashioning homemade pumps from old refrigerators and sucking gas out of distribution systems.
Time is running out, however. Pakistan faces rapidly dwindling foreign reserves and a plunging currency, and double-digit inflation is projected to hit this year. There is the very real fear that Pakistan could soon find itself unable to afford to address its energy crisis. The consequences could be catastrophic for the country’s economy and stability. There are some short-term steps that Pakistan can and should take. One is to formally request a new loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to bring both immediate relief to the economy and badly needed liquidity to finance solutions to the energy crisis.
However, given that the IMF would probably impose politically delicate conditions, Islamabad is unlikely to make such a request until after this year’s election. Above all, Pakistan must bring some urgently needed order and efficiency to its chaotic and dysfunctional energy sector.
A better coordinated and integrated energy sector can best be attained through the consolidation of the country’s many energy-related institutions into a single ministry. A tighter institutional set-up would allow Pakistan’s energy sector to enjoy better coordination of planning, decision-making, and, above all, implementation. This would, in turn, enable it to do away with the reactive, haphazard, and ad-hoc policy environment that has characterized the energy sector for years. Although such a transformation will certainly be difficult to achieve, the seeds have already been planted.
Today, some influential players in the energy scene’ including policymakers ‘have indicated their support for revisiting the idea. After a new institutional arrangement is in place, Pakistan could move on to policy reform. This should include new pricing measures that remove not all, but many, energy subsidies. Tax reform is another imperative’ and should be designed to provide Islamabad with more revenue.
There is just one obstacle to the implementation of these measures, and that is leadership. For years, Pakistani officials have been unwilling or unable to move forward. This spring, if Pakistanis elect leaders with a genuine desire to serve the interests of their country, then the end of its long energy struggles could conceivably be in sight. Yet if the election produces another governing dispensation concerned only about its own interests and political survival, then Pakistan’s energy conundrum could well become an energy catastrophe.
https://www.eurasiareview.com/30082020-a-tale-of-pakistans-energy-calamity-analysis/
Sindhi leader accuses Pakistan for rising incidents of enforced disappearances
It's a common practice for fascist Pakistan spy agencies to abduct a 16-year-old boy Aqib Chandio to 70 years old Sain Bachal Shah. Historic nations in Pakistan are subject to worst subjugation, violence, and Holocaust while political activists are enduring worst state torture and terrorism, said Shafi Burfat, the chairman of Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz (JSMM) on the International Day of the Missing Persons.
"People go missing because of various reasons but most prominent of them is the state inflicted enforced disappearances. In various countries of the world, the enforced disappearances are subject to different government policies but particularly in China and Pakistan thousands of the people mainly political activists belonging to the oppressed historic nations have been abducted and enforced disappeared by the states' spy agencies on dissenting against the oppressive policies of these governments and resisting the imperial occupation of their lands and resources by these rogue imperialist states", said Burfat, who is living in exile in Germany.
The reasons for these disappearances are purely political, he added.
"The terrorist Pakistani state has been using fascist torture and terror to crush the political movements for the freedom of the historic Sindh and Balochistan nations from the yoke of Pakistani imperialist occupation. The Pakistani fascist army is committing the Holocaust of oppressed Sindhi and Baloch people to suppress their voice for the emancipation of their nations from the worst colonization of our national history", said the exiled Sindhi leader.
He added, "Just like China is brutally subjecting Uyghurs to worst psychological and physical torture in the concentration camps; Punjab (Pakistan) is also repeating the same state terrorism, barbarism, and torture against Sindhi and Baloch youth."Thousands of Sindhi and Baloch political activists have been abducted and enforced disappeared by the Pakistan army and ISI so far, who are enduring worst psychological and physical torture in their secret torture cells. Thousands of mutilated bullet-riddled dead bodies of Sindhi and Baloch political activists have been dumped by ISI in deserted areas of Sindh and Balochistan. The Sindhi and Baloch nations have been coping ith such circumstances for decades now.Burfat told ANI, "Pakistan is an unnatural terrorist and rogue state which has forcibly occupied the historic Sindhi and Baloch nations through its military might and deception of democracy and Islam".
It has been committing heinous atrocities and gross human rights violations against Sindhi and Baloch historic nations. To strengthen its grip over lands, resources, and seas of Sindh and Balochistan, Pakistani fascist state has been constructing illegal settlements in these lands to convert the native people in minority and committing brutal genocide.
To see the success of its multi-billion project i.e CPEC China has also become an accomplice to Pakistan's crimes against humanity. The Pakistani army has tripled its military presence and brutal genocidal operations in Sindh and Balochistan. They abduct enforced disappear, inhumanly torture, extrajudicially kill, mutilate dead bodies of these political activists and throw them on the barren roadsides or the piles of trash in the streets in broad daylight.
These shameless fascists even don't spare elderly women and children and have been abducting and torturing them to pressurize the political activists resisting the foreign occupation of their land by Chinese and Punjabi imperialist nexus. Hundreds of cases of rape and pillage have also surfaced in the past decade.
"The Pakistani army is playing the role of worst savage rogue terrorist mercenaries in the Sindh and Balochistan the same as China is doing in the Uyghur and Tibetan territories.
Pakistan and China weigh equal on the scale of human rights violations and brutal genocides of the historically oppressed nations.", said Burfat.
He added, "The UNO and international community must take a serious note of the Chinese and Pakistani crimes against humanity. This is a tragedy that secular political Sindhi and Baloch national movements for freedom are proscribed by Pakistani fascist state while extremist terrorist Islamist organizations are being sponsored by the Pakistani state."
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/pakistan/sindhi-leader-accuses-pakistan-for-rising-incidents-of-enforced-disappearances/articleshow/77837191.cms
اندازہ تھا کہ اس رپورٹ پر شدید ردِ عمل آئے گا: احمد نورانی
ظفر سید
@Zaffsyed
جنرل عاصم باجوہ کے خاندان کے اثاثوں کے بارے میں رپورٹ جاری کرنے والے صحافی احمد نورانی نے کہا ہے کہ انہیں اندازہ تھا کہ ان کی خبر پر شدید ردِ عمل آئے گا۔
صحافی احمد نورانی نے کہا کہ انہوں نے اسی وقت جنرل باجوہ کے اثاثوں کے بارے میں رپورٹ شائع کرنے کا فیصلہ کیا جب اس کے بارے میں ٹھوس شواہد اکٹھے کر لیے جنہیں کسی بھی عدالت میں پیش کیا جا سکتا ہے۔
احمد نورانی کی لیفٹننٹ جنرل (ر) عاصم سلیم باجوہ کے خاندان کے کاروبار کے بارے میں رپورٹ آنے کے بعد سے میڈیا پر اس بارے میں تند و تیز بحث کا سلسلہ شروع ہو گیا ہے۔
’فیکٹ فوکس‘ نامی ایک ویب سائٹ پر جاری کردہ تفصیلی رپورٹ میں دعویٰ کیا گیا ہے کہ وزیرِ اعظم کے خصوصی مشیر برائے اطلاعات و نشریات اور سی پیک اتھارٹی کے چیئرمین جنرل (ر) عاصم باجوہ کی اہلیہ اور بھائیوں کے بیرونِ ملک کروڑوں ڈالر کے اثاثے ہیں۔
جنرل باجوہ نے ایک ٹویٹ کے ذریعے اس رپورٹ کی تردید کی ہے۔
احمد نورانی اس وقت امریکہ کی ریاست مزوری میں مقیم ہیں۔ انہوں نے وٹس ایپ پر بات کرتے ہوئے انڈپینڈنٹ اردو کو بتایا کہ ’بطور صحافی مجھے علم تھا کہ اس رپورٹ پر شدید ردِ عمل آ سکتا ہے۔ لیکن رپورٹ مکمل کرنے سے پہلے ہم نے فیصلہ کیا تھا کہ صرف وہی چیز لینی ہے جس کا ہمارے پاس سرکاری شواہد موجود ہوں اور جنہیں کسی بھی عدالت میں پیش کیا جا سکتا ہو۔ تو ہم نے صرف ان شواہد کو مرتب کیا۔‘
ہم نے ان سے پوچھا کہ سوشل میڈیا پر طرح طرح کی باتیں ہو رہی ہیں، تو کیا آپ سمجھتے ہیں کہ اس خبر کے چھپنے کے بعد آپ کا واپس آنا مشکل ہو جائے گا؟
اس پر انہوں نے کہا کہ ’میں نہیں سمجھتا کہ میرا پاکستان آنا مشکل ہو جائے گا۔ کچھ دوست ہیں جو ایسی باتیں کرتے ہیں۔ پاکستان میرا ملک ہے، میں پاکستان کو ’اون‘ کرتا ہوں، یہ میرا ملک ہے، کسی کے باپ کا ملک نہیں ہے۔ جو شخص کسی پاکستانی کے لیے اس طرح کا ماحول پیدا کرنے کی کوشش کرے ہم تو اسے بھگانے کی بات کرتے ہیں۔ خود تو ہم سوچ بھی نہیں سکتے کہ کوئی ہمیں ہمارے وطن میں آنے یا رہنے سے روکے گا۔
ایک اور سوال کے جواب میں انہوں نے کہا کہ ’آپ کو سسٹم کو بدلنے کے لیے اس کے اندر رہنا پڑتا ہے۔ میری بھی کچھ حدیں ضرور ہیں۔ لیکن جب غلط بات ہو تو اس کے خلاف بولنا پڑتا ہے، اس کے لیے چاہے کچھ بھی ہو جائے، سچ بولنے سے باز نہیں آنا، لیکن ساتھ ہی ساتھ کوئی ایسا طریقہ بھی اختیار کرنا ہے کہ آپ کی اور آپ کے خاندان کی سلامتی کو بھی یقینی بنایا جا سکے۔‘
احمد نورانی کون ہیں؟
42 سالہ احمد نورانی نے اپنے کیریئر کا آغاز 2007 میں کیا تھا۔ عمومی طور پر صحافی پسِ پردہ ہی رہتے ہیں لیکن دو سال کے اندر اندر نورانی لوگوں کی نظروں میں آ گئے۔ پاکستان میں سوشل میڈیا گھٹنوں گھٹنوں چل رہا تھا لیکن نورانی کی سینیئر صحافی نذیر ناجی سے ایک کال کی آڈیو وائرل ہونے میں دیر نہیں لگی۔ اس کال میں وہ نذیر ناجی کو ملنے والے ایک پلاٹ کے بارے میں سوال کرتے سنائی دیتے ہیں جس کا جواب ناجی نے ننگی گالیوں کی صورت میں دیتے۔ ناجی کی موسلادھار مغلظات کے سامنے نورانی کا تحمل دیدنی تھا۔
جب پاناما لیکس کا معاملہ اٹھا تو نورانی خاصے سرگرم ہو گئے اور انہوں نے اس بارے میں پےدرپے کئی رپورٹیں شائع کیں۔ خاص طور پر ان کی ایک رپورٹ بہت زیرِ بحث آئی تھی جس میں انہوں نے دعویٰ کیا تھا پاکستانی فوج کا خفیہ ادارہ آئی ایس آئی سپریم کورٹ کے ہدایت پر جے آئی ٹی کے لیے انتظامی خدمات سرانجام دے رہا ہے۔
اس پر سپریم کورٹ نے احمد نورانی اور جنگ گروپ کے ایڈیٹر ان چیف میر شکیل الرحمٰن کو توہینِ عدالت کے نوٹس جاری کیے تھے۔ نورانی سے کہا گیا تھا کہ وہ معافی مانگ لیں تو معاملہ رفع دفع کیا جا سکتا ہے لیکن انہوں نے معافی مانگنے سے صاف انکار کر دیا۔ البتہ بعد میں عدالتِ عظمیٰ نے خود ہی یہ کیس خارج کر دیا۔
تاہم زیادہ عرصہ نہیں گزرا تھا کہ نورانی کو معافی مانگنا پڑ ہی گئی۔ ہوا یوں کہ انہوں نے نواز شریف کے خلاف کی رپورٹ آنے سے پہلے ہی دعویٰ کر دیا تھا کہ جے آئی ٹی نے نواز شریف کو بےگناہ قرار دیا ہے اور صرف ان کے بیٹوں کو قصوروار ٹھہرایا ہے۔
ظاہر ہے کہ جے آئی ٹی کا فیصلہ کچھ اور آیا، جس پر احمد نورانی نے اپنے اخبار ’دا نیوز‘ میں معافی نامہ شائع کروایا جس میں انہوں نے تسلیم کیا کہ اس خبر سے ان کی اور ان کے اخبار کی ساکھ کو نقصان پہنچا ہے۔
اکتوبر 2017 میں احمد نورانی کو اسلام آباد میں نامعلوم موٹر سائیکل سواروں نے حملہ کر کے شدید زخمی کر دیا۔ نورانی خاصا عرصہ ہسپتال میں رہے، اور انہیں مکمل طور پر صحت یاب ہونے میں کئی ماہ لگ گئے۔ عمران خان، شہباز شریف، بلاول بھٹو، اسد عمر، ڈاکٹر عارف علوی اور کئی دوسری نمایاں شخصیات نے اس حملے کی مذمت کی تھی۔
احمد نورانی کے ایک قریبی دوست اور سابق رفیقِ کار نے اس معاملے کی حساس نوعیت کے پیشِ نظر نام ظاہر نہ کرنے پر انڈپینڈنٹ کو بتایا کہ اس دوران خود انہوں نے اور دوسرے دوستوں نے نورانی کو بہت منع کیا کہ وہ باز آ جائیں مگر نورانی نہ مانے۔ انہوں نے بتایا کہ ’حملے کے دوران نورانی کو سر پر چوٹیں لگی تھیں اور انہیں کئی ہفتے تک ذہن پر زور دینے یا کوئی واقعہ یاد کرنے میں مشکل پیش آتی تھی۔ اس کی وجہ سے خدشہ پیدا ہو گیا تھا کہ کہیں ان کی یادداشت نہ چلی جائے، مگر نورانی نے اپنی مضبوط قوتِ ارادی نے اس مسئلے پر قابو پا لیا اور پھر سے سرگرم ہو گئے۔‘
2018 میں نورانی نے ایک اور تہلکہ خیز خبر بریک کی، جس کے تحت تحریکِ انصاف کے سربراہ عمران خان کے بھی ’بےنامی‘ آف شور اکاؤنٹ کا انکشاف کیا گیا تھا۔ اس سے قبل عمران خان بارہا کہہ چکے تھے کہ آف شور بےنامی اکاؤنٹ وہی بناتا ہے جو چور ہو۔
دوست نے بتایا کہ ’نورانی بہت دبنگ اور بےخطر شخصیت کے مالک ہیں، کھری اور سیدھی بات کرتے ہیں اور ان کے قریبی دوست انہیں ’خطروں کا کھلاڑی‘ کہہ کر پکارتے ہیں۔
تاہم دوست کے مطابق پھر 2019 میں وہ وقت آ گیا کہ نورانی کے لیے پاکستان میں رہنا مشکل ہو گیا اور انہوں نے امریکہ کا رخ کر لیا۔
اس وقت وہ امریکی ریاست مزوری میں ’سکالرز ایٹ رسک نیٹ ورک‘ نامی ایک نان پرافٹ ادارے کی ایک فیلو شپ کے تحت مزوری کالج آف جرنلزم سے ایک کورس کر رہے ہیں۔
https://www.independenturdu.com/node/45761