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Tuesday, July 2, 2019
Afghanistan-Pakistan: Refugee Woes – Analysis
By Sanchita Bhattacharya
On June 18, 2019, Pakistan, Afghanistan and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) unanimously agreed on a joint 12-point declaration aimed at the “safe and honorable” repatriation of Afghan refugees living in Pakistan for the past four decades. In a declaration issued at the end of the Tripartite Commission meeting in Islamabad, they expressed their commitment to extend the existing Tripartite Agreement governing the voluntary repatriation of Afghan citizens living in Pakistan, pending approval by the Federal Cabinet. The parties also appreciated the progress achieved by the Government of Afghanistan in the development of the Policy Framework and Action Plan, the decision to implement the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework which reaffirms the commitment to include refugee returnees in the National Priority Programmes, particularly the Citizen’s Charter, as well as the enactment of the Presidential Decree on Land Allocation. They called for continued support for the implementation of these initiatives and requested that progress of these initiatives be shared with the Afghan refugees in Pakistan, including through an awareness-raising programme, in order to enable them to make an informed decision to voluntarily return, with the facilitation of and in coordination with the host government.
Also, on June 17, 2019, representatives of Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan and UNHCR, during the 6th Quadripartite Steering Committee Meeting held in Islamabad, reaffirmed their commitment to the Solutions Strategy for Afghan Refugees [SSAR] and agreed to extend the refugee repatriation program to year 2021. According to a May 2019 report, between 2002 and 2019, a total of 4.4 million Afghan refugees have been repatriated from Pakistan.
According to UNHCR, Pakistan hosts more than 1.4 million Afghan refugees who have Proof of Registration (PoR) cards. The card allows Afghan refugees the right to temporary legal stay in Pakistan. The latest Census Report of Pakistan (2017) provides no specific number for Afghan refugees staying in the country though, according to a June, 2019 report, the Minister of State for States and Frontier Region, Shehryar Khan Afridi, stated that 68 per cent of the refugee population has been integrated with the mainstream Pakistani population, while 32 per cent live in camps.
2019 marks the 40th year of Afghan displacement. It all started in 1979, when the world witnessed a great movement of refugees crossing borders into Pakistan to seek shelter due to the ongoing war in Afghanistan. In the same year, the Government of Pakistan established the Commissionerate of Afghan Refugees in the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions (SAFRON) to facilitate their settlement in each provincial capital. A Chief Commissionerate was also set up in Islamabad with a mandate to look after Afghan refugees. Regrettably, the organisation has turned into a white elephant; plagued with corruption, nepotism and favouritism, this institution has added to the miseries of Afghan refugees in Pakistan.
The first wave of the Afghan refugee influx into Pakistan occurred as a result of the internal conflict following the takeover of Afghanistan by the Marxist-Leninist People’s Democratic Party and later due to the Soviet invasion of 1979. The second wave, during the 1990s, occurred as the Taliban gained control and their extreme Islamic policies, discriminatory practices and human rights’ abuses contributed to the flight of refugees into Pakistan. A third wave entered Pakistan after the 9/11 attacks, with the ouster of the Taliban Government in Kabul.
Pakistan is not a party to the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, nor to the 1967 Protocol. It regulates the entry, stay and movement of foreigners through the Foreigners’ Act of 1946, according to which all foreigners without valid documentation, including refugees and asylum-seekers, are subject to detention, arrest, and deportation. Accordingly, electricity is frequently cut off in the villages and camps, houses destroyed, camps are closed down and thousands of refugees are pressured to leave against their will. State policy also gives the Police power to make random arrests without warrants and refugees are often victims of harassment and beatings by the officials. A major chunk of the Afghan population in Pakistan lives in difficult circumstances, and usually falls in the below poverty line category. Substantial needs relating to refugees’ access to education, reproductive health services, and vocational training and livelihood opportunities remain unmet.
The Peshawar school attack of December, 2014 was a watershed event vis-à-vis refugee situation in Pakistan, as the Afghans faced a backlash. A campaign to flush out militants from the tribal areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa resulted in raids, arbitrary arrests and harassment of Afghan refugees as well, and drove an estimated 33,000 Afghan refugees out of Pakistan just between January and February 2015, according to the International Organization for Migration.
Though the refugee situation in Pakistan is gloomy, there is still a feeling of risk and social alienation from Afghanistan. As the migration started in the early 1980s, a sizeable chunk of the present generation has been born and brought-up in Pakistan, and find it exceedingly difficult to relate to their country of origin. Some refugees have been living in Pakistan for three generations, have established businesses, and some of them have even married locals, and are deeply integrated into Pakistani society. They do not think of going back to Afghanistan as it would mean starting again from scratch.
The refugees are also unwilling to return to Afghanistan due to the volatile atmosphere of the country. Over the past 10 years, more than 32,000 civilians have been killed and 60,000 have been wounded in Afghanistan. In the first quarter of 2019, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) documented 581 civilian deaths. Children are also abducted by terrorists in Afghanistan to become suicide bombers, plant Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) or carry out other terrorist activities. A May 2018 UN report verified 84 cases of the recruitment and use of boys in the Afghan conflict in 2017. They were used as suicide bombers, for combat, as bodyguards, at checkpoints, to assist in intelligence gathering, and to plant IEDs.
General conditions in Afghanistan are also miserable. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Afghanistan estimates that half of the population in the country would need food assistance over the course of 2019. These 3.3 million people would starve as a result of crop failures and dry irrigation channels, in the absence of such support. Drought in western Afghanistan has sent an additional 275,000 people in search of food, walking across the country, bewildered and desperate. Hunger will intensify malnutrition and illness. Any the refugee repatriation at this stage would only add to the existing misery.
The present state of the ‘peace talks’ give little reason for hope, with divergent negotiations led, respectively, by the US at Doha and Russia at Moscow. At Doha, the Taliban is negotiating with the US Government, while at Moscow the Taliban has been meeting with Afghan opposition leaders — including former President Hamid Karzai. Absent from both meetings is the incumbent President Ashraf Ghani and his Government, who the Taliban dismisses as illegitimate and irrelevant. The dominance of the Taliban in both processes is suggestive of the future course of events in Afghanistan.
Any plans for repatriation of Afghan refugees at this stage are clearly misconceived and, as conditions in Afghanistan deteriorate, both on the security and economic front, the possibility of a new flood of refugees across the Durand Line once again looms large.
Pakistan and the Politics of Polio
By Shah Meer Baloch
The last polio case was reported in the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1997. Since then, the country has been free from polio cases and the virus — until wild poliovirus was transmitted from Karachi, Pakistan to the Iranian province of Sistan-Baluchistan. Karachi, a cosmopolitan Pakistani city, is now being called a centrifuge for the virus.
“On 9 May 2019, the Global Polio Laboratory Network (GPLN) notified WHO of the detection of wild poliovirus type 1 (WPV1) from an environmental sewage sample collected on 20 April 2019 in Konarak district, Sistan-Baluchistan province, Islamic Republic of Iran,” a statement from the World Health Organization (WHO) said. “The virus was detected in an environmental sample only, and to date, no associated cases of paralysis have been detected.”
Afghanistan and Pakistan are the only two countries left with polio cases. All other countries have eradicated the virus.
Back in 2013, when Pakistan went for general elections, the next year witnessed a rise in polio-related cases. This year seems to be repeating the trend.
Whenever there has been a political transition in Pakistan, polio-related cases have spiked immediately after. After general elections in 2013, the number of polio cases rose to 306 in 2014 before dropping to 54 in 2015, 20 in 2016, and only eight in 2017. In 2018, another election year, cases again rose to 12. Within the first six months of 2019, 32 cases of polio have been recorded across the country, which also has left a question mark on the performance of newly formed government. Experts fear the number of cases is going to cross 50, at the very least.
“Pakistan, its political transition, and polio cases go in the same direction, an upward direction. Due to the transition, a chaotic environment develops,” says Dr. Rana Safdar, former National Emergency Operations Coordinator of the Polio Eradication Program in Pakistan. “The entire [polio] program goes upside down.”
Before general elections, a caretaker government is formed to conduct the elections and transfer power to the new government. This process takes more than four months. Amid the chaos, bureaucrats and health officials are often transferred to new postings. As a result, the polio program suffers.
“This is what happened in 2018,” Safdar explains. “The shuffle in civil bureaucracy took place. A deputy commissioner [DC], who is in charge of a district and responsible for the polio program, can’t focus on tasks except those that are political in nature. [Everyone] from DCs to secretaries [bureaucrats] gets transferred, this results in mismanagement.”
People are worried about the rise in polio cases. Globally Pakistan has been criticized for its uncommitted attitude toward eradicating the polio virus once and for all. The International Health Regulations Emergency Committee of the WHO recently warned that Pakistan’s polio eradication program is no longer on track.
But Babar Bin Atta, who is the current Prime Minister’s Focal Person on Polio Eradication (PMFP), says that the rise in polio cases is not very serious and that he is devoted to wiping out the disease.
“I will not rest until I clean Pakistan from wild poliovirus,” Babar Bin Atta told The Diplomat.
However, Safdar says that circumstances are very bleak. The issue has to be taken very seriously and tackled immediately.
The Independent Monitoring Board of the WHO’s Global Polio Eradication Initiative is among those with grave concerns. In a confidential report sent to the Pakistani government and seen by The Diplomat, the IMB has damning words for Pakistan’s polio program:
Despite Pakistan’s considerable progress since 2014, when the IMB declared its Polio Program as a “disaster”, it is now clear that there is something seriously wrong with the Program in Pakistan. The virology data show continuing transmission in key reservoirs, including Karachi, Quetta Block, and Peshawar. This has not been fixed. This cannot be dismissed as some sort of glitch. Some would say that the Pakistan Polio Program is fooling itself into thinking that it has made any progress at all since 2017.
Like the experts interviewed for this article, the IMB believes that the recent political transition is having a negative impact. “The Polio Program in Pakistan has been seriously disrupted by recent national elections,” the report says. “The pre-election reassurances given to the IMB that there was political all-party agreement on retaining the national leadership arrangements for polio proved completely unsound.
“The highly effective Prime Minister’s Focal Point for polio eradication has gone. There is currently a leadership vacuum. The new Prime Minister has previously shown great commitment to the Polio Program. He needs to act quickly given the precarious epidemiological situation in Pakistan.”
Many believe that the increase in polio cases is not only due to the political transition. There are more factors at play. Former Director General of Health Services Dr. Munir Ahmed argues that under the new Imran Khan government, the “polio program not only became very slow but also inexperienced people took charge of it. Massive changes occurred at the national and provincial levels in the polio program. This literally has damaged the program.”
Safdar seconds Ahmed and adds, “As the new government took power they came up with new people who have less experience in the field of polio or preventive health.”
As a concrete example of the program’s flagging effectiveness, Safdar cites falling vaccine rates. “Each year we vaccinated around 40 million kids. Some 40,000 used to refuse polio vaccinations.” The number of vaccine refusals, according to Safdar, is now up to 120,000.
Every day some 20,000 newborns open their eyes in Pakistan. The current population of the country is some 210 million. Many term Pakistan a ticking population bomb.
“In this case, routine immunization is very important and for that we have to convince parents to take their newborn babies to basic health units in their respective towns, even without waiting for a door-to-door campaign,” explains Safdar. “But unfortunately, due to propaganda against the polio program many parents are refusing.”
Indeed, false propaganda against the polio vaccine campaign has hit a new level. Many conservative and ultra-religious groups have asked the public not to vaccinate their infants and shared misconceptions about the polio program.
Religious fanatics and so-called scholars have shared materials advocating against the vaccine program. Orya Maqbool, a former bureaucrat who is followed by some conservatives, is one of many who wrote and shared anti-vaccine thoughts. Many Pakistanis are conservative; they follow and revere such scholars and these postings can have an enormous impact.
Atta, the government’s focal person for the polio program, reached out to Facebook and Twitter asking them to take down anti-polio vaccine campaign pages. He succeeded. Facebook agreed to limit videos concerning the anti-polio drive. Hundreds of pages and posts that shared false propaganda against the polio vaccine were taken down, including Orya Maqbool’s. “We also are in contact with WhatsApp about deleting anti-polio related videos,” Atta says.
But deleting some pages on social media can’t actually defeat the wild poliovirus. “It’s a battle which needs to be fought in houses, streets, and towns, not on social media,” believes Safdar.
Safdar and Ahmed both agree on this point. “We can’t eradicate polio by fighting them on social media,” Ahmed says. “There is no other way than community engagement and dialogue with conservative people or groups to end their misconceptions. We can only make Pakistan polio-free if we convince parents, communities, even radical people — all Pakistanis to end their misconceptions about the polio campaign.”
As an example of successful engagement, the late Maulana Sami ul Haq, a renowned Islamic scholar known as the “father of the Taliban” in Pakistan, gave a fatwa, a religious decree, in the favor of the polio campaign. His institute, Jamia Darul Uloom Haqqania, published this decree. Many experts say that it helped to convince people to vaccinate their children.
Both Safdar and Ahmed are seconded by Farhad Jarral, a social media expert and digital consultant. “The strategy of coordinating with Facebook and Twitter to take down the anti-polio campaign’s content is effective and appreciating. But that does not help with the increasing numbers of refusals and WPV [wild poliovirus] cases in Pakistan,” Jarral told The Diplomat.
“…The government is completely ignoring the offline-online connection. The focus right now is to project the polio workers in some of the cold areas in KP and the northern parts of Pakistan, and the hottest areas including Balochistan and Sindh. Meanwhile the community engagement and the reason behind so many refusals have not been focused on.”
Worryingly, the anti-polio campaign propaganda not only raise the number of vaccine refusals, but also prompted violence. Polio workers and police personnel guarding the polio campaigners have been killed.
“The program has become politicized under Babar Bin Atta and [the ruling] Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf” or PTI, says Safdar. “It seems that the program is of only for the PTI, not a collective effort. Before it was our ‘one team’ approach that proved to be a game changer. We took all political parties, religious groups and communities on board under one roof. It should be a collective approach.”
“I think that [in pursuit of] becoming the blue-eyed boy in Imran Khan’s eyes, and to get some political gains, Atta has damaged the entire campaign,” an official working with the polio team told The Diplomat, while requesting anonymity.
Jarral likewise believes that “the polio campaign is more focused on promoting the personal gains of Babar Bin Atta.”
Atta denies such claims. “I am doing everything for Pakistan and our upcoming generations,” he says.
“An overall revamp of polio program will be done and we will not rest until we eradicate polio. The UN and its foreign employees, not Pakistani officials, have been dealing with communication or leading it, so there have been communication gaps. We have requested the posting of Pakistani officials, who are working abroad, in leading the communications.
“I don’t have any political agenda or interests, as a focal person of the program I just plan to eradicate the polio virus.”
Atta seems determined to eradicate polio and he further says that he would resign if he fails in the task of making Pakistan polio-free. However, the polio official who requested anonymity contradicts Atta.
He says, “This is a game of a billion dollars. Atta is trying to bring the entire program and communication under the PTI government’s fold. The UN has made this program effective by its direct involvement.
“The focal person is trying for more changes in the program; if he succeeds [in bringing the polio program under the government’s fold] the country will see more cases, more corruption, and damage to the entire polio program.”
Beena Sarwar, a journalist and a documentary maker who has worked on polio issue, told The Diplomat,“Disgruntlement and suspicions about how the government is running the program aside, this issue is too important to fall prey to political differences. The concerned authorities must do everything in their power to bring all stakeholders on board and move forward together. The health and future of our children depends on it.”
زرداری کے انٹرویو پر پابندی:’کیا اسے جمہوری مارشل لا کہیں گے؟‘
جیو نیوز کے پروگرام ’کیپیٹل ٹاک‘ میں سابق صدر آصف علی زرداری کا انٹرویو روکے جانے پر صحافتی حلقوں میں چہ مگوئیاں جاری ہیں اور سوالات اٹھ رہے ہیں کہ کیا سب سیاستدانوں کے لیے صحافت کے پیمانے ایک جیسے ہیں؟
جیو نیوز کے پروگرام ’کیپیٹل ٹاک‘ میں گذشتہ روز سابق صدر آصف علی زرداری کا انٹرویو روکے جانے پر صحافتی حلقوں میں چہ مگوئیاں جاری ہیں۔ قیاس آرائیاں ہیں کہ زرداری چونکہ نیب کی تحویل میں ہیں اس لیے ان کا ٹی وی انٹرویو روکا گیا۔ یہاں سوال یہ اُٹھتا ہے کہ کیا زرداری وہ پہلے سیاسی ملزم ہیں، جن کا انٹرویو روکا گیا یا اس سے قبل بھی سیاسی ملزمان پر انٹرویو نہ دینے کی پابندیاں لگائی گئیں یا ان کے انٹرویوز روکے گئے؟ اور کیا سب سیاستدانوں کے لیے ایک جیسا معیار ہے؟
ان ہی سوالات کے جوابات جاننے کے لیے انڈپینڈنٹ اردو نے کچھ سینئیر صحافیوں سے بات کی اور پوچھا کہ پاکستان میں سیاسی ملزمان کے لیے صحافت کے پیمانے مختلف کیوں ہیں؟
سینیئر صحافی عاصمہ شیرازی نے بات کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ ’پیمانے مختلف اس لیے ہیں کہ کچھ سیاسی ملزمان سے انتقام لینا مقصود ہوتا ہے اور اُس کو سلیکٹو جسٹس کہتے ہیں۔ جب کہ کچھ سیاسی ملزمان کو سب کچھ بولنے کی آزادی ہوتی ہے، اسے ہم جمہوری مارشل لا کہہ سکتے ہیں۔‘
عاصمہ شیرازی نے کہا کہ ’ایسا پہلی بار نہیں ہوا بلکہ جب وہ نواز شریف اور مریم نواز کے ہمراہ لندن سے لاہور آ رہی تھیں تو دوران سفر ریکارڈ کیا گیا انٹرویو پرومو چلنے کے بعد نامعلوم احکامات کے بعد رکوا دیا گیا تھا۔‘
ساتھ ہی انہوں نے کہا کہ ’اگر ایسا ہی ہے تو پاکستان میں دہشت گردی میں ملوث مجرم احسان اللہ احسان کا انٹرویو کیوں نہیں روکا گیا؟ دہشت گردی میں ملوث ملزمہ نورین لغاری کا ویڈیو کلپ کیوں ہر ٹی وی چینل پر چلوایا گیا؟ سابق آرمی چیف جنرل (ر) پرویز مشرف نے دو بار آئین توڑا، وہ بینظیر قتل کیس میں نامزد ملزم تھے، پاکستان کی تاریخ میں پہلی بار چلنے والے آرٹیکل چھ کے مقدمے میں مجرم اور عدالت کی جانب سے اشتہاری ہیں لیکن اُن کے انٹرویوز بھی ٹی وی چینلز پر چلتے رہے ہیں، کیونکہ ان سب پر کوئی قانون لاگو نہیں ہوتا۔‘
پانامہ کیس کی کوریج کرنے والے صحافیوں نے انڈپینڈنٹ اردو سے بات کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ ’2014 کے دھرنے میں موجودہ وزیراعظم عمران خان، صدر عارف علوی اور کابینہ کے دیگر اراکین کے خلاف مختلف مقدمات درج تھے۔ عمران خان، عارف علوی، شاہ محمود قریشی اور اسد عمر پی ٹی وی حملہ کیس کے نامزد ملزمان تھے اور انسداد دہشت گردی کی عدالت کو مطلوب تھے لیکن اس کے باوجود وہ سب پانامہ کیس کی سماعت سننے سپریم کورٹ جاتے اور واپسی پر باہر میڈیا سے بات کرتے جو ہر ٹی وی چینل پر براہ راست نشر ہوتی تھی اور کبھی پیمرا یا نامعلوم حکام نے میڈیا
ٹاک بند کرنے کا حکم نہیں دیا۔‘
احتساب عدالت میں موجود صحافی کہتے ہیں کہ ’جب نندی پور کیس میں بابر اعوان کے خلاف مقدمہ چل رہا تھا تو بابر اعوان عدالت کی کینٹین میں میڈیا کو ناشتہ کرواتے اور اپنا بیان بھی جاری کرتے جو ہر ٹی وی چینل اور اخبار کی زینت بنتا تھا۔‘
دوسری جانب پارلیمانی امور کے صحافیوں کا کہنا ہے کہ ’سابق صدر آصف علی زرداری اگر ملزم ہیں تو پروڈکشن آرڈر کے دوران پارلیمنٹ کے چیمبر میں صحافیوں سے گفتگو کرتے رہے جو موبائل میں ریکارڈ ہوتی اور ٹی وی چینلز پر چلتی رہی، اُسے تو کسی نے نہیں روکا۔ اس کے علاوہ خواجہ سعد رفیق بھی سیاسی ملزم ہونے کے باوجود پارلیمنٹ میں میڈیا سے
گفتگو کرتے ہیں۔‘
دفاعی امور کے صحافیوں کا کہنا تھا کہ ’ہزاروں لوگوں اور فوج کے جری جوانوں کے قاتل احسان اللہ احسان کا انٹرویو تو تمام ٹی وی چینلز پر باجماعت چل سکتا ہے لیکن ملزم آصف علی زرداری کا نہیں، جن پر ابھی سب الزامات ہیں اور ثابت کچھ نہیں ہوا۔ تو کیا اس کو جمہوری مارشل لا کہیں گے؟‘
سینیئر صحافی مطیع اللہ جان نے انڈپینڈنٹ اردو سے بات کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ ’پوری دنیا میں سیاسی کرداروں کے لیے صحافت کی مختلف رائے ہو سکتی ہے۔ لیکن اب جو پاکستان میں ہو رہا ہے اُس کو ہم مثبت نہیں بلکہ منفی رپورٹنگ کہیں گے۔‘
سینیئر صحافی اعجاز احمد نے کہا کہ ’ایک بات یاد رکھیں جہاں آواز دبا دی جائے وہاں باتیں پھر سینہ گزٹ چلتی ہیں اور اس طرح ریاستیں کمزور ہوتی ہیں۔ اسی بات کا مجھے دکھ ہے کہ پاکستان تحریک انصاف کی حکومت اس بات کا احساس نہیں کر رہی۔‘
جہانگیر ترین کی نیوز کانفرنس پر بلاول کا ردعمل
جہانگیر ترین کی زرعی امور پر نیوز کانفرنس پر چیئرمین پیپلز پارٹی بلاول بھٹو زرداری کا ردعمل سامنے آگیا۔
بلاول بھٹو زرداری نے سماجی رابطے کی ویب سائٹ ٹوئٹر پر بیان میں کہا کہ عدالت سے سند یافتہ نااہل نائب وزیراعظم زرعی پالیسی پرخطاب کررہا ہے۔
انہوں نے سابق صدر سے متعلق کہا کہ آصف علی زرداری جو سزا یافتہ بھی نہیں ہیں،ان کا انٹرویو سینسرکردیا گیا ۔
انہوں نے حکومت پر تنقید کرتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ یہ ہے نیا پاکستان،منافقوں کا پاکستان۔
بلاول بھٹو نے وزیرِ اعظم عمران خان کے نظریے ’ دو نہیں ایک پاکستان‘ پر تنقید کرتے ہوئے کہا یہ ایک نہیں دو پاکستان ہیں۔